Zim Online
by Nqobizitha Khumalo Tuesday 26 February
2008
HARARE - Lawlessness and violence perpetrated by those
entrusted with
ensuring law and order are destroying Zimbabwe, a prominent
bishop told
church, civic and opposition leaders who gathered in Harare on
Monday to
pray for peaceful elections next month.
Zimbabweans choose
a new president, parliament and local councils on March
29 but observers say
a repressive environment marked by intimidation and
organised violence
against perceived government opponents renders the polls
unlikely to be free
and fair.
Acting Anglican Bishop of Harare Sebastian Bakare said chaos in
the run-up
to the polls was promoting anarchy in the country and called on
Zimbabweans
to pray for an end to the violence and lawlessness.
"We
are experiencing chaos in the country which is promoting anarchy. The
environment of lawlessness is destroying us," who was part of three-member
committee of senior bishops that met President Robert Mugabe and main
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai last year in a bid to broker dialogue
between the political rivals.
The clergymen have said they will step
up their bid to facilitate dialogue
especially in view of the evident
failure of South African President Thabo
Mbeki's bid to broker a lasting
solution to Zimbabwe's deepening political
and economic
crisis.
Bakare, who was among four individuals who received awards during
the prayer
meeting for championing justice and peace in the country, said
violence that
is prevalent in the country had undermined respect for human
rights.
He said: "The country has no respect for individuals. Those who
are supposed
to bring peace to the country are the ones perpetrating
violence . . . we as
Christians should pray for an end to all
this."
Others to receive awards from the Christian Alliance that convened
the
prayer meeting were Father Nigel Johnson of community radio station,
Radio
Dialogue, South African Women's Institute for Migration Affairs Joyce
Dube
and Bishop Paul Verryn of the Methodist Church in
Johannesburg.
Dube and Verryn have played a prominent role in helping
shelter and feed
thousands of homeless Zimbabwean immigrants in South
Africa.
Zimbabwe is in the grip of a debilitating economic crisis critics
blame on
misrule by Mugabe and that is seen in the world's highest inflation
rate of
more than 100 000 percent and shortages of foreign currency, food
and fuel.
Mugabe - in power since Zimbabwe's 1980 independence from
Britain and
seeking another five-year term that could take his rule to more
than three
decades - denies ruining the economy and has promised a landslide
victory in
March to prove he still enjoys the support of ordinary
Zimbabweans. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
by Chenai Maramba Tuesday 26 February
2008
KAROI - Two opposition election candidates were on
Monday being held by
police after their weekend arrest in Karoi town, more
than 200km north-west
of Harare, for allegedly meeting supporters without
permission from the
police.
The two, Godfrey Gumbo and Maireva Gudo
Nziramasanga, who belong to the
faction of the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) party led by
academic Arthur Mutambara, are expected
to appear in court today to answer
charges of violating the Public Order and
Security Act (POSA).
The tough Act prohibits Zimbabweans from meeting in
groups of more than
three to discuss politics without first seeking
permission from the police.
Police commander for Hurungwe district, under
which Karoi falls, Gilbert
Dube refused to discuss the arrest of the
candidates when contacted by
ZimOnline.
MDC spokesman Gabriel Chaibva
described as spurious the charges against
Gumbo and Nziramasanga, the
party's candidates for Hurungwe Central and
Hurungwe North constituencies
respectively.
"Our members are in police custody and the charges are
spurious as POSA is
being used against us," he said.
According to
eyewitnesses, armed police last Friday night stormed a house in
the small
town's Chikangwe low-income suburb where the two MDC politicians
were
meeting supporters to explain their party's policies ahead of elections
next
month.
"The two were arrested on Friday night as we had held a meeting at
a local
house in Chikangwe suburb. Police said we had an unsanctioned
political
meeting which is illegal under POSA," said a witness, who did not
want to be
named for fear of possible reprisals.
The arrest of the
MDC candidates comes as the Zimbabwe Human Rights
Association (ZimRights)
reported at the weekend that local police commanders
in some parts of the
country have imposed unofficial curfew in their areas,
illegally restricting
movement of people in the evenings.
ZimRights cited the suburbs of
Manyame Park, Zengeza and St Mary's in the
opposition stronghold Chitungwiza
city where it said it had received the
most reports of police imposing
unofficial curfew that it said were meant to
stop residents from using the
night to campaign for the opposition.
Zimbabwe holds local government,
parliamentary and presidential election on
March 29.
Analysts say an
unfair playing field coupled with political violence and
intimidation of
opponents guarantees President Robert Mugabe's government
victory at the
polls despite clear evidence it had failed to break a vicious
inflation
cycle that has left consumers impoverished and the economy in deep
crisis. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
by Own Correspondent Tuesday 26 February 2008
JOHANNESBURG -
Former Zimbabwe finance minister Simba Makoni on Monday ruled
out forming a
coalition with the opposition because it would alienate senior
ruling ZANU
PF party leaders who are backing him.
Makoni is challenging President
Robert Mugabe in the 29 March election that
will also feature Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan
Tsvangirai and a little-known
independent candidate Langton Towungana.
There has been speculation in
Zimbabwe that Makoni and Tsvangirai could
forge a formidable coalition to
take on Mugabe, who is seeking a fresh
five-year term next
month.
"There are a large number of people in ZANU-PF who share my proper
vision. I
don't want to alienate those people by forming a coalition with
one entity,"
said Makoni in an interview with South Africa's Talk Radio
702.
Makoni, who was fired from ZANU PF for challenging Mugabe about
three weeks
ago, says he has the backing of senior ruling party officials
who are fed up
with Mugabe's nearly 28-year rule.
The former finance
minister said there was no need for an alliance with the
MDC as he was
already in a "coalition with the people of Zimbabwe."
Tsvangirai had
already discounted joining up with Makoni who he dismissed as
"old wine in a
new bottle" whose agenda was to reform the governing ZANU PF
and ensure that
the same ruling elite retained power.
Analysts say Makoni's decision to
go it alone in the polls could split the
opposition vote and hand victory to
Mugabe on a silver platter.
The March polls is the most dangerous for
Mugabe coming as Zimbabwe grapples
with its worst ever economic crisis that
has manifested itself in the world's
highest inflation of over 100 000
percent, shortages of food and every basic
survival commodity. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
by Mutumwa Mawere Tuesday 26 February
2008
Part 1
JOHANNESBURG - Zimbabwe was born out of
the womb of a brutal, unjust and
unconstitutional colonial
system.
Regrettably, no serious foundational and construction issues of
the post
colonial state occupied the minds of not only the founding fathers
of
Zimbabwe but citizens in general to the extent that no serious attempt
has
been made to create a consensus on the kind of ideology, values and
morality
that should underpin the post-colonial state.
At 28, the
country has come of age and yet the political discourse even at
this
eleventh hour of change suggests that more effort needs to be exerted
to
locate the change agenda in broader context than the political actors
that
may be on stage.
Zimbabweans will make a choice about who should become
their president for
the next five years on 29 March 2008.
However, it
is evident that an investment is urgently required to improve
political
literacy of not only the registered voters but all interested
parties who
must and should play a part in helping shape the destiny of the
country.
Over the last eight years, the political landscape of
Zimbabwe has been
dominated by two major political groupings i.e. MDC and
ZANU-PF.
ZANU-PF inherited the colonial state and it is evident that the
members of
MDC would not be satisfied with any post-Mugabe construction in
which they
will play second fiddle to anyone.
At independence, the
attitude of ZANU-PF was not dissimilar to the attitude
of MDC and it is not
farfetched to suggest that if ZANU PF did not win the
1980 elections, the
liberation struggle was going to continue.
Although the liberation
struggle was prosecuted with the sole objective of
restoring sovereignty to
the people, it is instructive that only ZANU PF was
advanced as the only
authentic custodian of such sovereignty.
In such an environment,
elections do not really matter and yet Zimbabwe
finds itself in 2008 at the
crossroads and painful choices have to be made.
Fatigue is evident but hope
is missing in action.
When a new beginning is about to come, it is
normally evident as it was
after the Lancaster House constitutional talks
were successfully completed.
What is different about 2008 is that the two
political actors President
Mugabe and Tsvangirai who have dominated the
political scene for the last
eight years are not prepared to accept the
inevitable that Zimbabwe needs to
turn a new leaf.
The country's
future has regrettably now been reduced to the fate of these
two
individuals.
Rationality has now been subordinated to political
expediency. Mugabe cannot
imagine a day in which he would call Tsvangirai
his commander-in-chief and
at the same time, Tsvangirai regards Mugabe as
illegitimate.
The MDC has accepted that the outcome of the forthcoming
elections has been
predetermined and yet no consensus exists on how to
respond.
The polarisation of the Zimbabwean politics is largely a
reflection of the
architecture of the colonial state where no democratic
avenue existed for
change.
Mugabe has not accepted that there is no
better Zimbabwean than him to
preside over the state and equally Tsvangirai
has made the point that real
change must situate him in the State
House.
The Rhodesian economy is on its knees and Mugabe is not convinced
that he
may be a liability rather he genuinely believes that the future of
Zimbabwe
is brighter under his watch.
On the other hand, Tsvangirai
is convinced that he has paid his school fees
and the scars that have been
inflicted on his body must be rewarded with a
new address at State
House.
Whether the people of Zimbabwe are tired of this kind of political
bickering
is no longer an issue for the two opposition parties.
Until
recently, the two individuals were the only principal political actors
but
this has changed with the emergence of Simba Makoni as a candidate.
Many
have associated the worldview of Mugabe with his political party and
yet the
reality may suggest that ZANU-PF has failed to establish itself as a
party
of principles and a shared political morality.
Mugabe has dominated the
party for too long to the extent that his
personality has now become part of
what many people perceive to be ZANU-PF.
What Mugabe thinks usually becomes
the order of the day.
At independence, Zimbabweans adopted a Republican
constitution underpinned
by a shared desire to create a new society founded
on republican values.
Although the colonial state was founded on the
premise that it was
irresponsible to give natives civil rights, it is not
evident after 28 years
of independence that Zimbabweans notwithstanding the
election rituals are
any more free to shape and define their destinies than
at independence.
The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was expected to
introduce a new
culture in Zimbabwean politics and on the eve of the
forthcoming defining
elections it is significant that Roy Bennett, Treasurer
of the party, shared
his insights on the kind of Zimbabwe he and his party
wants to see.
Bennett was a beneficiary of the colonial system that
Mugabe fought against
and yet at independence, Mugabe was magnanimous enough
to embrace his former
adversaries.
Having carefully read Mr.
Bennett's interview with Ms. Violet Gonda of SW
Radio Africa, I thought it
is important to capture some of the significant
issues that he addressed so
as to enhance the quality of conversations that
are taking place among not
only Zimbabweans who have a direct interest in
the outcome of the elections
but friends of Zimbabwe who may have an
indirect or remote interest in the
future of the country.
Although the interview covered a whole range of
critical issues that help
define the kind of thinking that informs the MDC,
I thought it is important
to locate Bennett's thinking in a broader context
of key construction and
foundational principles that I feel were overlooked
by all concerned in the
enterprise of post colonial nation
building.
Article 28 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe provides as follows
in relation
to the qualification and election of the
President:
(1) A person shall be qualified for election as
President if-
(a)he is a citizen of Zimbabwe by birth or by
descent; and
(b)he has attained the age of forty years;
and
(c)he is ordinarily resident in Zimbabwe.
(2)The
President shall be elected by voters registered on the common
roll.
(Subsection as amended by s.2 of Act 15 of 1990 - Amdmt
No.10).
(3)An election to the office of President shall take place
within
ninety days-
(a)before the term of office of the
President expires in terms of
section 29; or
(b)after the
office of President becomes vacant by reason of his death
or his resignation
or removal from office in terms of this Constitution;
as the case may
be.
It is evident that there is nothing in the constitution of Zimbabwe
that
says that an interested citizen must belong to a political party for
him/her
to be eligible for the highest office in the land.
Any
democrat who believes in the supremacy of the constitution would find it
hard to criticise any Zimbabwean who registers and whose nomination is
accepted by the Court to run for the office of President.
However,
nomination of Simba Makoni has exposed not only ZANU-PF but MDC's
lip
service commitment to the constitutional order that ought to have
informed
the post colonial democratic regime.
Mugabe has already made his comments
about Makoni preferring to label him as
a prostitute only because he chose
to offer himself as an independent
candidate after being dismissed from the
party following his decision to
offer himself as available for nomination as
a candidate for the post of
President.
If America was Zimbabwe, it is
not difficult to imagine how Obama would have
been treated for imagining
that the Zimbabwean promise included satisfying
his aspiration to lead his
people to a new destination.
There is nothing that would have stopped
Makoni from being nominated as a
candidate for the state Presidency under
the ZANU-PF ticket because for
anyone to be eligible for the post, the
Nomination Court has the final say.
There is no provision in the
constitution that a candidate has to be the
President of a political party
to be eligible for nomination.
The involvement of political parties in
the nomination process has tended to
undermine the constitutional order in
that the process used has been fraught
with problems to the extent that in
the case of both MDC and ZANU-PF, there
is no consensus on the candidates
nominated.
It is unlikely that the test used for Makoni will be applied
to all the
parliamentary candidates who elected to challenge the parties and
proceeded
to get their names nominated as party candidates outside the party
list.
To the extent that President Mugabe purports to be a democrat, it
is ironic
that he would have a problem in Makoni exercising his democratic
right to
offer his name to be considered by the people.
The President
took an oath to respect and uphold the constitution of the
country and yet
he is the first person to criticise Makoni for doing what
the constitution
entitles him to do.
If the President's views are contrary to the
provisions of the constitution
as they appear to be, then surely he has
disqualified himself from being the
head of state.
.. Do not miss
Mutumwa Mawere's second instalment on the Zimbabwe
elections
tomorrow
The Scotsman
A
DESPERATE Robert Mugabe has asked China for a £25 billion loan to help
repair Zimbabwe's shattered economy.
The state-controlled Herald
newspaper said industry and trade minister Obert
Mpofu had confirmed the
request by the Zimbabwean government.
Mr Mpofu said the grant would help
the Zimbabwe authorities "to take care of
our immediate and future long-term
requirements".
It would also help stabilise the economy, he
said.
Analysts warn that the crippling economic crisis could prove Mr
Mugabe's
downfall in next month's polls. For the first time, the 84-year-old
president faces two tough challengers: Simba Makoni, the former finance
minister, and the main opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, who has already
indicated he will ask for international help to rebuild the economy if he
wins.
Zimbabwe's annual inflation rate reached 100,580.2 per cent
last month.
The full article contains 147 words and appears
in The Scotsman newspaper.
Last Updated: 25 February 2008 10:25 PM
VOA
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
25 February
2008
A severe shortage of the Zimbabwean staple maize
meal has obliged some
villagers in the provinces of Matabeleland North and
South to spend weeks
camping in queues at millers and supermarkets awaiting
a chance to buy a few
bags.
Villagers in the districts of Binga,
Lupane, Tsholotsho, Hwange and Mangwe
have been obliged to travel long
distances to find maize meal, local sources
said.
Villagers thronged
a Lupane miller which is under contract to the state
monopoly Grain
Marketing Board, but the miller was said to have been unable
to meet
demand.
Flooding in the wake of heavy rains in January cut off many parts
of
Matabeleland and the GMB has stated that it has not been able to deliver
in
certain areas.
Mangwe lawmaker Edward Mkhosi of the opposition
Movement for Democratic
Change formation led by Arthur Mutambara told
reporter Jonga Kandemiiri of
VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that maize hoarding
by ruling party officials
intending to use it to influence voters before
March 29 national elections
has made things worse.
Elsewhere, water
shortages in Gweru, the Midlands, worsened over the weekend
to the extent
that police had to be called in to restore order as residents
of the
high-density suburb of Mkoba fought over access to a water
borehole.
Gweru correspondent Taurai Shava filed a report.
OhMyNews
Campaigning has gone into top gear as politicians trade barbs
Ntungamili Nkomo
Published 2008-02-26 04:48 (KST)
Diplomats
and political commentators are urging calm and tolerance between
political
parties ahead of Zimbabwe's crucial general election as they fear
tensions
may spill into a Kenyan-style implosion, casting the troubled
nation into
turmoil.
Zimbabweans go to the polls on March 29 to elect their
president,
legislators, senators and councilors amid an unprecedented
economic crisis
blamed on skewed policies and corruption by the government.
Inflation is
officially at 100,000 percent, but independent analysts and the
International Monetary Fund estimate it at over 150,000
percent.
Essentials are in short supply and food shortages are
widespread. Anger is
mounting against President Robert Mugabe who is seeking
reelection, and
analysts fear the nation could slide into violence should
the veteran
politician manipulate the ballot in his favor.
The
opposition Movement for Democratic Change has already threatened
unspecified
action if Mugabe steals the ballot. On his part, Mugabe has
described as
"provocation" a move by his former ally, Simba Makoni, to
challenge him in
the presidential race. The former finance minister was
kicked out of the
ruling ZANU-PF after publicizing his bid two weeks ago.
"As things stand,
we fear there could be violence between government
loyalists and opposition
stalwarts if Mugabe is reelected, and it becomes
apparent he has stolen the
election. By the same vein, we believe he won't
accept defeat," commented a
Western diplomat stationed in Harare, the
capital.
"Kenya is
currently on fire sparked by a disputed election and really, we do
not want
to see that same situation obtaining here. We urge tolerance and
calm.
Political parties should shun violence. And this can only be achieved
if
government puts in place a mechanism ensuring a free and fair election,"
the
diplomat urged.
Traditionally calm, Kenya exploded into an orgy of ethnic
cleansing in
December after a general election won by President Mwai Kibaki.
Kibaki's
reelection riled followers of Raila Odinga, leader of the
opposition Orange
Democratic Movement, who accused Kibaki of rigging the
election.
Kibaki derives his support base from the dominant Kikuyu tribe
while Odinga
is backed by the Luo group. The two ethnic groups have engaged
in brutal
battles that have, to date, claimed more than 1,000
lives.
Zimbabwe, however, is ethnically stable, and people do not align
with
parties on tribal basis.
African diplomats are also worried
about Zimbabwe's forthcoming polls,
warning that the country had become a
"hot potato needing special handling,"
according to sources.
Civic
groups observe that intimidation and vote buying by ruling party
politicians
are on the increase as the nation trudges towards the polls,
which observers
say could be decided by a run-off.
Inter-party clashes would surge in the
next few weeks, observes political
scientist, Mandlenkosi
Gatsheni.
"There will definitely be violence as both the ruling party and
the
splintered MDC seek to dominate the political arena.
"Mugabe has
said that he will definitely win. He is very confident. The
opposition is
also banking on public discontent with ZANU-PF; and they are
also confident
of victory. They believe the state of the economy will win
them support. If
therefore, either party loses, there is bound to be
violence," but we urge
calm," Gatsheni says.
The campaign trail for Zimbabwe's polls gathered
momentum at the weekend
with barbs-trading politicians, crisscrossing the
country under the
sweltering summer heat rallying supporters.
Mugabe,
who kicked off his campaign at a lavish bash to mark his 84th
birthday at a
dusty football pitch in southern Zimbabwe, denigrated Makoni
as a hapless
frog and dismissed MDC faction leader Morgan Tsvangirai as a
puppet of the
West. Mugabe has also described Makoni as a political
prostitute.
Both Makoni and Tsvangirai promptly retaliated.
Addressing his party
faithful at a rally in Mutare, Tsvangirai said, "Robert
Mugabe is one of the
greatest tyrants of the 21st century.. All of Zimbabwe
is in the custody of
a dictatorship. We're all bleeding, but we're marching
on. We're weak with
hunger, but we're stronger with anger."
Makoni,
for his part, dubbed his former master a "cultist."
Zimbabwe has
experienced fierce politically motivated violence in previous
elections
resulting in the death of hundreds of opposition supporters and
ordinary
citizens who were suspected by ruling party militants of being
opposed to
their establishment.
Rights groups warn that violence could spiral out of
control as government
loyalists seek to retain power by any means
possible.
"We are a nation at a crossroads and many people are already
fearing for the
worst. But we urge tolerance and respect of the electoral
processes and
outcome by politicians," says blogger, Nation Sibanda.
VOA
By Patience Rusere
Washington
25 February
2008
A Zimbabwean human rights group says police in
Chitungwiza, a Harare
satellite town, have been restricting the free
movement of citizens,
especially young people, in certain areas through the
imposition of
unofficial curfews.
Information Officer Edwin Sakhala
of the Zimbabwe Human Rights Association
said the group has received reports
of police in Manyame Park, Zengeza and
Saint Mary's telling youths to go
home after 8 p.m. in the evening.
Sakhala told reporter Patience Rusere
of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that
the trend started in January and may be
related to the upcoming March 29
elections
VOA
By Carole Gombakomba
Washington
25 February
2008
Zimbabwe's state broadcasting establishment has
stopped airing radio and
television public service spots created by the
Zimbabwe Election Support
Network, a civil society group which deployed
thousands of election monitors
in the 2005 general elections.
The
move by Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings was said to have come at the
orders
of Ministry of Information Permanent Secretary George Charamba,
better known
as the principal spokesman for President Robert Mugabe, a
candidate for
re-election.
Sources cited a memorandum, subsequently leaked, from
Charamba to management
of the state broadcasting entity, ordering it to stop
running the public
service spots explaining procedures for national
elections to take place on
March 29.
Zimbabwe Election Support
Network Chairman Noel Kututwa told reporter Carole
Gombakomba that the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission has written to his group
to say it is
forbidden from airing such ads, considered to be a form of
voter education,
which the commission says it alone is allowed to carry out
under Zimbabwean
law.
Anglican
split deepens after Mugabe's security forces back renegade
clergyman
Chris McGreal in Harare
The Guardian,
Tuesday February 26 2008
The Rev Christopher Tapera laid his altar on
a wooden table outside the
granite walls of Harare's Anglican cathedral and
told the assembled
worshippers that if they wanted to find the devil they
only needed to look
toward the locked and barred church.
"The bishop
is the devil in disguise. He has been sent by the devil to
destroy the
church. The devil is living in the cathedral," said the priest.
The
worshippers locked out of the cathedral for Sunday's service generally
agreed that it was Satan's work. But the devil many had in mind was Robert
Mugabe, as a politically driven battle for control of Zimbabwe's Anglican
church mirrors the country's history with its own unilateral declaration of
independence, land grabs and a stolen election.
The Anglican church,
the second largest denomination in Zimbabwe, has split
after the bishop of
Harare, Nolbert Kunonga, declared an independent
diocese, ostensibly in a
stand against the tolerance of homosexuality by
Anglicans in Britain and the
US.
But the clash is more widely seen as a struggle over the church's
efforts to
rid itself of Kunonga, 58, who has called for the killing of
Mugabe's
opponents, taken over a white-owned farm and inaugurated
unqualified priests
and bishops who had led a campaign of violence against
dissenting
congregations.
Last month, the Church of the Province of
Central Africa dismissed Kunonga
as bishop. But the sacked clergyman refused
to relinquish control of the
cathedral or the accounts and has launched
flying attacks on services at
churches that refuse to recognise his
authority.
The new bishop of Harare, Sebastian Bakare, was installed at a
ceremony in a
sports centre because access to the cathedral was blocked by
heavily built
men who described themselves as Kunonga's bodyguards. The
police refused to
act on a high court order giving Bakare access to the
church.
"The same methods used to invade the farms is the method used by
Kunonga to
invade our cathedral," said Bakare.
"It's very much
politically driven. Political involvement is clear in the
way that Kunonga
promised to deliver the diocese to Zanu-PF [the ruling
party]. His
protection from arrest is telling, even though he is defying
high court
orders left and right."
In contrast, the police last week did arrest the
high court's deputy sheriff
as he arrived with bolt-cutters to enforce a
writ permitting Bakare to hold
a service in the cathedral. The police then
baton-charged and detained the
congregation.
The Archbishop of
Canterbury, the Right Rev Rowan Williams, waded into the
affair by calling
on Kunonga to "look into his soul" and condemning "the use
of state
machinery to intimidate opponents of the deposed bishop of Harare".
But
Kunonga defended his alignment with Mugabe by saying the Anglican
authorities were a colonial relic defending the interests of whites whose
farms were confiscated.
"The west should stop demonising Mr Mugabe.
He is a man who was
democratically elected and redistributed land which the
white man had taken
away," he said.
Kunonga was appointed bishop of
Harare seven years ago after a disputed
election saw him beat a popular
white critic of Mugabe's human rights
abuses. He promptly used his new
position to eulogise Zimbabwe's president
and purge the church of more than
half its trained priests, some of whom
were driven into exile in
England.
In their place he ordained men with little theological training,
including
Zanu-PF officials, two cabinet ministers and students expelled
from the
Roman Catholic seminary.
As hostility to Kunonga grew, he
became the first Anglican priest in Africa
for a century to be hauled before
a special ecclesiastical court to answer
accusations, almost all from black
parishioners, of inciting violence
against Mugabe's opponents, intimidating
critics and misusing church funds.
The court adjourned in disarray after
Kunonga's legal team lodged 17 pages
of technical complaints. A Malawian
supreme court judge hearing the case,
James Kalaile, resigned, saying: "I
have not in my years as a judge in
Malawi or elsewhere heard anything like
this dispute. I will contact the
archbishop and ask him to appoint another
judge." The court did not sit
again.
Kunonga was rewarded for his
loyalty with a sprawling white-owned farm near
Harare, from which he
promptly evicted 40 black workers and their families.
But realising that
a growing tide of hostility within the church threatened
his position,
Kunonga unilaterally declared the Harare diocese independent
and began
laying the ground for his elevation to archbishop of a breakaway
Anglican
church.
As the two Anglican factions battled for control of church
property, a high
court judge, Rita Makarau, last month ordered Kunonga to
give Bakare and the
majority of Anglicans who support him access to all
churches in Harare.
In her ruling she said the legal fight "gives the
impression that the church
has lost its focus, and instead of fighting the
good fight and seeking the
kingdom of God first, church members are fighting
each other and are seeking
earthly power and control of church
assets".
But Harare's chief police officer, Fortune Zengeni, sent a
letter to
Anglican churches ordering that only priests aligned with Kunonga
be
permitted to hold services. He said he did so on the orders of the
country's
police commissioner, Augustine Chihuri, a close ally of
Mugabe.
State security agents and riot police broke up services by
priests opposed
to Kunonga. In December, a group of Kunonga supporters,
including three
priests, descended on St Andrew's parish church, beat up
parishioners
holding a meeting, and told the priest, also a Kunonga backer,
he was no
longer wanted and confiscated the keys to the church residence and
car.
The divisions are starkly illustrated at St Luke's parish, where the
rector
and the curate, who support rival camps, both live within the church
grounds.
The Kunonga-supporting curate, Barnabas Machingauta, holds
Sunday services
attended only by his wife, children and maid. The rector,
Thomas Madeyi,
preaches two hours later to a full house.
Kunonga
attempted to take over St Luke's last month. As the service began he
threw
the religious artefacts from the altar to the floor, sat on a chair in
front
of it and harangued the congregation. Madeyi could not believe what he
saw.
"The police arrived and Kunonga told them to arrest me for
defying him as
bishop for refusing to hand over the church keys," he said.
"The police said
we had to stop everything. If you are not for Kunonga you
cannot pray in the
church. So we moved to the church hall and started
praying there.
"Kunonga called the police back and they arrested me for
disturbing the
peace because I wouldn't cooperate with
Kunonga."
Kunonga says the confrontations will end because he claims
total authority
over the churches no matter what the high court
says.
"After the several meetings that we had, the skirmishes will be a
thing of
the past," he said. "No unlicensed priest will go and conduct a
church
service at any parish. No parallel services will be allowed in the
parishes."
But with almost every congregation in Harare against him,
Kunonga installed
a clutch of new bishops at the weekend. They include
Morris Brown Gwedegwe,
whom Kunonga sacked several years ago for misusing
church funds, and Alfred
Munyani, a lay preacher who became a priest less
than two years ago.
Just a week earlier, Munyani had been one of those
accused of assaulting
worshippers who had tried to pray at the
cathedral.
Dear
Friends,
Harold Wilson once said that "a week is a long time in politics"
and it
certainly is. Since I last wrote to you in January there have been
dramatic
and unforeseen political events that have taken place in
Zimbabwe.
The gerrymandering of Bulawayo South
In the run up to
the elections Bulawayo South Constituency has been
completely changed in the
delimitation exercise. The old Bulawayo South
Constituency has been divided
up into 3 new House of Assembly constituencies
and is almost unrecognizable.
Wards 24, 25 and 26 - the high density working
class areas of Nketa and
Emgwanin - have been formed into a new constituency
called Nketa. Ward 6 -
Bellevue, Newton West, Barham Green and Belmont - has
been combined with
Ward 21 - the high density Sizinda/Tshabalala area of the
old neighbouring
Nkulumane constituency to form the new Bulawayo South
constituency. Finally
Ward 5 - Hillside, Hillcrest, Burnside, Four Winds -
has been combined with
Wards 1 and 2, the city centre and North End, to form
a new lone narrow
constituency called Bulawayo Central that stretches from
Burnside in the
south some 40 kilometers to the airport in the north! This
is truly Zanu PF
gerrymandering at its worst.
After winning the party vote in terms of the
MDC constitution to contest the
old Bulawayo South Constituency I was given
the right to choose which new
constituency to stand in. I chose to stand in
Nketa as that is where the
bulk of my project work has been done. Having
made that decision the
leadership of the MDC decided that I needed to move
to the Senate as we do
not have any lawyers there at present and in the new
Parliament we want to
bolster the work we do there. As a result I will be
standing in the new
Senatorial seat of Khumalo which is a massive
constituency covering more
than half the area of Bulawayo - it covers the
entire area east of the
Matopos Road, Lobengula Street in the city centre
and the Victoria Falls
Road. Like the Bulawayo Central House of Assembly
seat it stretches from the
southern boundary of Bulawayo to the airport in
the north. The decision of
the leadership was conveyed to the MDC Bulawayo
South District committee on
Friday the 8th February. I was
deeply
touched by the tears shed in that meeting as the people I have
worked with
during the last 8 years expressed their sorrow that we would no
longer be
working together. In response I have undertaken to form an Nketa
Development
Trust and will continue to work on developmental projects in the
Nketa House
of Assembly constituency.
Hugely energetic primary elections (for example
there were none less than 7
candidates who contested the primaries for the
new Nketa seat) conducted by
our structures have selected the following
superb team to represent the MDC
in the area formerly known as Bulawayo
South:
Nketa House of Assembly constituency/Emgwanin Senatorial
seat
Senator - Senator Rita Ndlovu - the incumbent Senator
MP - Stanlord
Ndlovu - a manager of CABS and the chairman of the old
Bulawayo South
District Committee
Councillor Ward 24 - Clr Litshe H. Keswa - the incumbent
councilor
Councillor Ward 25 - Robert Donga
Councillor Ward 26 - Benjamin
Moyo
Bulawayo South House of Assembly constituency/Mzilikazi
Senatorial seat
Senator - Senator Sibangalizwe Msipa - also an incumbent
Senator
MP - Jethro William Mpofu - a bright young man who has been heavily
involved
in civic work for over a decade
Councillor Ward 6 - Jennifer
Bent - a hard working member of the MDC for the
last 8 years
Bulawayo
Central House of Assembly constituency/Khumalo Senatorial seat
Senator -
David Coltart
MP - Japhet Gwanje Ndabeni Ncube - the feisty Mayor of Bulawayo
who stood up
to ZINWA
Councillor Ward 5 - Dr. Gary Ferguson - a well
known and much loved medical
practitioner.
We have a great team and I
urge you to all vote for each one of them all.
The collapse of the MDC
coalition talks with the MDC (Tsvangirai)
In my January newsletter I
wrote that I was "confident that agreement
(regarding a coalition) would be
reached shortly". My optimism was
misplaced and on Sunday the 3rd February
news broke that the talks had
broken down. My optimism was based on the hard
work we had done since August
2006 to reach agreement and the knowledge that
the two management committees
of both formations had reached agreement to
form a coalition by mid January
this year. A detailed written agreement was
drawn up and all that remained
was for National Councils of both formations
to ratify the agreement. Our
National Council ratified the agreement on the
2nd February. Tragically
Morgan Tsvangirai was unable to reign in power
hungry elements in his
formation, mostly from Matabeleland, and as a result
the original principles
agreed to were reneged upon by the MDC Tsvangirai
(MT) formation. The
leadership of the MDC (MT) had argued that they enjoyed
the overwhelming
support of the people of Matabeleland -
a claim already
undermined this past weekend with the failure of the MDC
(MT) to nominate
councillors in tens of wards throughout Matabeleland,
ironically including
Ward 6.
The news of the failure to form a coalition was deeply saddening.
I have
always believed that the best way to beat the Mugabe regime was
through a
united opposition. It was astonishing to hear that the collapse of
the talks
was greeted favourably by many in the leadership of the MDC (MT)
formation.
For example on the 4th February a prominent MDC (MT) National
Executive
member sent out an e mail stating, and I quote, "The decision was
received
favourably across the country." Another senior leader of the MDC
(MT) told
me that after the coalition agreement talks collapsed many of his
colleagues
were "euphoric". The same e mail mentioned above described the
depression
felt by us in the MDC - it said, and I quote, "There was a
profound sense of
gloom at the hotel where the Mutambara group was caucusing
yesterday in
Harare." There was indeed gloom because we understood along
with the rest
of the nation how irresponsible the actions of the MDC (MT)
were in failing
to agree to a un
ited opposition to confront the Mugabe
regime.
With the benefit of hindsight it appears that there was simply no
desire to
form a coalition with us amongst certain elements of the
leadership of the
MDC (MT), especially amongst its Matabeleland leadership.
That feeling is
reinforced by the recent revelation that the MDC (MT) has in
fact entered
into a pact with Jonathan Moyo in Tsholotsho North
Constituency. It is
ironic that they are happy to enter into a pact with the
former Zanu PF
cabinet Minister partly responsible for the destruction of
the Daily News
but not with erstwhile colleagues. It is also hypocritical in
the extreme
for them to criticise Simba Makoni's entry into opposition
politics when
they themselves are prepared to work with Jonathan Moyo.
Objectively
Jonathan Moyo did far more damage to the MDC whilst in Zanu PF
than Simba
Makoni ever did.
Simba Makoni
In a move that took
us all by surprise Simba Makoni announced on the 5th
February that he was
going to stand as an Independent candidate in the
Presidential election.
Although there had been much press speculation about
this many wondered
whether Simba Makoni would have sufficient courage to
take a stand against
Robert Mugabe. If the announcement came as a surprise,
so too did the
reaction of the people in Bulawayo and in many places
throughout the country
to the announcement. I never realised the level of
grassroots support for
Simba Makoni until the day after his announcement
when my phone started
ringing. Since then I have been told by many people
from all walks of life
that they believe Simba Makoni provides the best way
out of the mess that
Zimbabwe finds itself in today. Responding to these
developments the MDC
National Council met in Harare on Sunday the 10th
February and unanimously
agreed to mandate the management committee to enter
into coalition talks
with Simba Ma
koni.
That has now resulted in Arthur Mutambara standing
down from the
Presidential election in the national interest and in broad
agreement being
reached with Simba Makoni that we will not contest
Senatorial, House of
Assembly and Council seats against each other. In short
we have now agreed
to support Simba Makoni's candidacy for President.
Ironically what we had
hoped to achieve with the MDC (MT) - a coalition - we
have now achieved with
Simba Makoni. I should stress that we are standing as
a separate political
entity and those elected under the MDC will represent
the people in
Parliament as MDC members as they always have in the past. I
and my
colleagues, many of whom have long and consistent records of opposing
the
Mugabe regime, have no intention of changing course now at the eleventh
hour, fifty ninth second, of his rule. We believe that in the context of the
MDC (MT) formation refusing to form a coalition with us, and in the context
of the remarkable reaction from the votin
g public to Simba Makoni's
announcement, this provides the best chance the
nation has of ending the
Mugabe regime's rule.
We are reinforced in that belief by the events that
unfolded in nomination
courts countrywide which have revealed very serious
deficiencies and ongoing
divisions within the MDC (MT) formation. Aside from
the failure to field
councillors in many Wards throughout Matabeleland the
emergence of the
Kombayi/Matibenga faction within the MDC (MT), and the
nomination of its own
candidates in some 22 constituencies mainly in the
Midlands (but also in
Matabeleland North, Mashonaland West, Central and
East, Harare and Masvingo
Provinces) will seriously undermine Morgan
Tsvangirai's ability to attract
the same support he enjoyed in Matabeleland
and the Midlands in the 2002
Presidential elections. In 2002 Morgan
Tsvangirai won the Presidential
election narrowly by some 70000 votes
because he enjoyed overwhelming
support in urban areas and the rural areas
of Matabeleland and Midlands.
Unless he can maintain that support he will be
hard pressed to win. The
failure of the MDC coalition agre
ement and the
serious divisions within the MDC (MT) formation may seriously
undermine
Morgan Tsvangirai's support base. A successful campaign needs
electricity,
unity and optimism if it is to gather momentum and ultimately
win
countrywide; without that it will falter and lose.
Whilst most people I
have spoken to in the last two weeks are enthusiastic
about our decision
some have raised one of two questions - some fear this is
just another Zanu
PF "trick"; others argue that in any event Simba Makoni
does not deserve our
support because of his past association with Zanu PF.
I do not think this
is a trick. It is illogical for Mugabe to put forward a
candidate who will
take away much of his own vote. Mugabe must have known
about the provision
in the Electoral Act which states that a Presidential
candidate has to get
an absolute majority ( over 50%) to win the
Presidential election. All that
Simba Makoni has to do to deny Mugabe that
clear majority is to take away
just 10% of the vote Mugabe got from Zanu PF
supporters in 2002. If Mugabe
does not get a clear majority in the first
round he then will have to face
off again in rerun against the opposition
candidate who came second. That
rerun has to be within 21 days of the 29th
March and will be a straight
fight with no danger of the opposition vote
being divided - Mugabe's worst
nightmare. It would just be sheer lunacy for
Mugabe to have concocted a plan
that could backfire so badly in this way.
Also if it is a trick why did
Mugabe delay the nomination day and then
conduct a purge of all those he
th
ought were supporting Makoni? If it is a trick why is there such deep
consternation in Zanu PF about this development? If it is a trick why has
Mugabe in the last few days spewed out such venom against Makoni calling him
a prostitute and a frog?
But the most compelling argument why this is
not a trick is the following.
When the MDC coalition agreement collapsed on
the 3rd February Robert Mugabe
was presented with his best possible election
environment - a united (on the
surface at least) Zanu PF against a divided
MDC. Why possibly would Mugabe
destroy that by allowing his own party's
"unity" to be fragmented just two
days later when Makoni's bid was
announced? It is just absurd to think that
Mugabe would have consented to
such a thing.
I do not think that a person's past should automatically
bar him from a role
in government. I am more concerned about where he stands
NOW and in the
FUTURE. All of us have done things in the past we are not so
happy about.
Many of the current MDC leadership were members of Zanu PF
during the
Gukurahundi and did not speak out. There are others in the MDC
(MT)
leadership who are now critical of Simba Makoni who were given senior
appointments by Mugabe during the Gukurahundi period and never spoke out
publicly against what was happening. There are others who are now in senior
leadership positions in the opposition who were either members of Zanu PF or
who considered standing for Zanu PF right up to the 2000 referendum. But
that is all in the PAST and I do not believe that anyone should be
automatically disqualified because of positions they have held in the past.
If a person shows genuine repentance - a turning away from the past - that
person should be eligible for support.
The Bible - 2 Chronicles 7:14
- has some words of wisdom for the situation
we face in Zimbabwe
today:
"If my people, who are called by my name, will humble themselves
and pray
and seek my face and turn from their wicked ways, then will I hear
from
heaven and will forgive their sin and will heal their land."
I
think we can see in Simba Makoni a person who has turned from the past and
is prepared to turn his back on the evil perpetrated by Zanu PF. In all the
research I have done into Gukurahundi there is no evidence whatsoever to
show that he was in anyway involved in that crime against humanity. As far
back as the early 1990s he expressed deep concern about Zanu PF policy but
believed that he should work within to reform. Since then the factual record
shows that Simba Makoni had the guts to stand up to Mugabe in 2002, has
never taken a farm, has never been involved any corruption scandals and now
has shown exceptional bravery in challenging Mugabe in the Presidential
election. In the last year he has spoken out publicly and boldly against the
regime's abuses including the torture of opposition leaders last March. All
who know him personally, diplomats included, state that he is a man of
integrity. The respected Washington Post newspaper wrote on the 20th
February 2008 that "Simb
a Makoni is viewed by U.S. officials as a smart,
honest technocrat."
I have been greatly encouraged by his recent
statements and his policy
positions on a whole range of issues including the
need for a new democratic
constitution and genuine reconciliation. His
statement that he is more loyal
to his country than he is to his party is
noteworthy. In his manifesto Simba
Makoni states that he wants to "address
national issues that separate and
divide us as a nation" and to "institute a
process of national healing and
reconciliation". He also wants to "restore
Zimbabwe's standing within the
international community". These are
acknowledgments that all is not well in
our nation. But this is a national
responsibility - we all have to "humble
ourselves". We all have to
acknowledge mistakes that we have made. Now is
certainly the time for us to
reach out to moderates in Zanu PF who are more
loyal to their nation than
they are to their party. We must always remember
that just as Democratic
candidate Barack Obama in the United States knows
that he canno
t win the
Presidential election in the US without attracting Republican and
independent support, so too the opposition must recognise that it cannot win
our elections unless we attract substantial numbers of Zanu PF supporters to
vote for a new, democratic Zimbabwe.
As we go to vote, and if we want
to heal our nation, we should ask ourselves
the following 2
questions:
1. Who of Morgan Tsvangirai and Simba Makoni is most likely to
defeat Robert
Mugabe? We must always keep in mind that until Mugabe leaves
office there
will be no new dawn and healing in our land. That is the first
and most
important step we have to take. My view is that irrespective of
Morgan
Tsvangirai's great qualities of courage and perseverance he has not
managed
to unite his own party, never mind the nation and to that extent
will be
hard pressed to attract substantial support right across the
country. On the
contrary in the short time since announcing his candidacy
Simba Makoni has
excited the electorate right across the political spectrum
and will
undoubtedly, if supported enthusiastically by us all, attract
massive
support from all quarters. In short he stands the best chance of
beating
Mugabe.
2. Who, after winning an election, will be the most
competent to govern and
to stabilise and grow our economy? There is no doubt
in my mind that Morgan
Tsvangirai will go down in history as one of the most
important men who
broke Zanu PF's back; but that does not mean that he is
now the best person
to pull Zimbabwe out of its economic quagmire. Zimbabwe
is in such deep
trouble that it will take a collaborative effort from many
patriotic
Zimbabweans to restore her. Unfortunately Morgan Tsvangirai has
not managed
to build an effective and cohesive team during the 9 years he
has been in
leadership. In contrast a recent independent poll conducted in
Zimbabwe
found that most Zimbabweans view Simba Makoni as a level headed
person who
does have the skills to lead Zimbabwe out of its current mess. He
also
enjoys much respect in the diplomatic community.
Accordingly I
urge you to vote for Simba Makoni for President and for your
local MDC
candidates in the Senatorial, House of Assembly and Council
elections. I
sense that there is a remarkable new mood in the country and
despite the
fact that the Mugabe regime will try to rig the result it will
fail to do
so. That is because, firstly, there is a tidal wave of feeling
that it is
time for Mugabe to go and, secondly, because for the first time
ever those
responsible for rigging the elections in the past are not united
themselves.
That will make it well nigh impossible for those trying to rig
to get away
with their criminal behaviour.
We each have a role to play in restoring
pride to our land. The first and
most important step is to make the effort
to go and vote on the 29th March
2008 for leaders who have the desire, the
integrity and ability to transform
Zimbabwe. In closing, especially as this
will be last newsletter to you as
MP for Bulawayo South, thank you all for
the support you have given me as
your MP for the last 8 years.
Yours
sincerely,
The Hon. David Coltart MP