The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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ABC News online
Last Update: Friday, February 27, 2004. 8:00am (AEDT)

Zimbabwe opposition leader awaits treason ruling

The treason trial of Zimbabwe's opposition leader over an alleged plot to assassinate President Robert Mugabe has ended but a final ruling is not expected for months.

If convicted, Morgan Tsvangirai will face the death penalty.

The year-long trial in Harare has concluded with both the defence and state counsel wrapping up their arguments.

The state has relied on evidence from Canadian political consultant, Ari Ben Menashe who also supplied a grainy videotape of a secretly recorded meeting he held with Mr Tsvangirai.

Mr Tsvangirai denies state allegations he conspired to have President Mugabe murdered ahead of the March 2002 presidential elections which he lost to the long-time leader.


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Farmers Want Mutasa to Probe Coal Merchants


THE volume of tobacco going through the auction floors could plunge further owing to bottlenecks in the procurement of coal, as it emerged this week that farmers are planning to take up the issue with the newly established Anti-Corruption Ministry.

The new twist to the critical coal supply situation may deal a hammer blow to Zimbabwe's dwindling foreign currency reserves, which are heavily dependent on inflows from tobacco earnings. Tobacco is the country's single largest foreign currency earner.

Farmers, irked by the prohibitive cost of coal, not to mention the erratic supplies, said they want Didymus Mutasa's Anti-Corruption Ministry to thoroughly investigate the activities of coal merchants, who are currently at loggerheads with the sole supplier of the product in Zimbabwe, Wankie Colliery Company Limited (WCC).

Lovegot Tendengu, the executive director of the Farmers Development Trust (FDT) told The Financial Gazette this week that millions of kilogrammes of tobacco, which fetched US$318 million last year, were at risk because of collusion among coal merchants.

Only 80 million kg of flue cured tobacco went through the three auction floors in 2003, a far cry from the 240 million kg recorded before the chaotic land reform in 2000.

Expectations are that the crop could further plunge below 60 million kg this year due to the shortage of coal and the sticky after effects of the haphazard land reform.

"Coal merchants are charging ridiculous and absurd prices to the extent that a lot of our tobacco faces a very precarious position as regards curing," said Tendengu.

"They took advantage of the then unstable financial situation to totally exploit tobacco farmers. We are wholly dependent on coal to cure our tobacco."

The FDT executive director said farmers would be forced to use other options such as paraffin and wood to cure their tobacco.

"We are reluctant to use timber as this will send a wrong message to the environment-conscious community," he said.

Efforts to get a comment from the president of the Coal Merchants Association, Lovemore Kurotwi, were fruitless.

Kurotwi is, however, on record saying the issue of pricing was mutual as it involved individual merchants and their respective clients.

Despite massive cuts in coal prices, the merchants have taken advantage of the shortage of wagons from the National Railways of Zimbabwe (NRZ) and are charging about $800 000 per tonne.

WCC recently slashed the prices of dry coal, washed peas and washed coal by 15 percent. A tonne of coal now costs $166 272.75 down from $195 615, while washed coal was reduced by $31 299 to $177 357.

Washed peas were reduced from $222 264 to $188 924.

Coal merchants are pushing the NRZ to reduce transport costs for them to reduce the prices of coal.

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Funds needed to avert disaster for millions Southern African children - UN

26 February 2004 –
Millions of children across Southern Africa are at risk because of a lack of international funds and support, eight United Nations agencies warned today as they launched a mid-term review of their financial appeal for the region.
The agencies said the UN has so far received $324 million, or just over half of the $642 million it requested from international donors when it launched a bid last July to fund this year's relief efforts in Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
Only $24 million of the money received is for non-food activities - just 14 per cent of what the UN estimates is necessary to meet urgent needs in these countries.
The UN's Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said the triple threat of severe drought, the HIV/AIDS pandemic and weakened government capacity had left millions of people across the region extremely vulnerable.
The UN's Special Envoy for Humanitarian Affairs in Southern Africa, James T. Morris, said 3 million children in the region have already lost one or both parents. "We cannot stand idly by and see them lose their futures too," he said.
He warned that crucial projects across the region would have to be scaled back unless international donors provide additional funds. "After millions of children have been saved from starvation, it is tragic that their lives now remain at risk from a lack of clean water, adequate sanitation and proper health care," added Mr. Morris, who also heads the UN World Food Programme (WFP).
OCHA said orphaned children are particularly in jeopardy, with many lacking access to food and health care while being forced to drop out of school.
The eight agencies involved are: OCHA, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), UN Population Fund (UNFPA), UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), UN Development Programme (UNDP), Joint UN Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), World Health Organization (WHO) and WFP.
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Africa Zimbabwe Institute Hopes to Give Voice to New Policy Agenda
Challiss McDonough
26 Feb 2004, 16:52 UTC
A leading Zimbabwean political analyst has started a policy research institute in South Africa to give Zimbabweans a voice in shaping a new policy agenda. He says the country's political culture has become violent and coercive.
The founders of the Zimbabwe Institute say they are trying to create a research center that will help open the political debate in Zimbabwe, and act as a force for change.
Through workshops, conferences and research, they hope to "add a new dimension to the struggle for social liberation in Zimbabwe and the collective pursuit of social justice."
Political scientist Brian Raftopoulos will chair the institute. He says the current political environment in Zimbabwe is closed and repressive.
"Clearly, there is an urgent political solution needed in Zimbabwe," he said. "That is a solution that can only come out of a dialogue between the two major political parties. And, at the moment, the major force deciding the pace of that dialogue is President Mugabe himself. That does not mean that there is not room for other forms of engagement about a future process, about discussing alternative visions of what's necessary in Zimbabwe."
The institute will not say where its funding comes from, citing privacy agreements with some of its major donors. Its director, Isaac Maposa, says the initial budget will be between $200,000 and $300,000, mostly going toward research and consultants in Zimbabwe.
At the institute's launch in Johannesburg, Mr. Raftopoulos sat between two officials from Zimbabwe's main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change. He acknowledged that the institute's secret funding and its links to the opposition party could leave it vulnerable to criticism, particularly from the Zimbabwean government.
But Mr. Raftopoulos says he is not concerned about how the government might perceive the institute, and he thinks it would be painted as pro-MDC no matter what he says. But he insists that the Zimbabwe Institute will be independent and non-partisan.
"The institute emerged out of initial discussions with the MDC, but the idea is that it should not be an instrument of the MDC," Mr. Raftopoulos said. "It should also be critical of issues within the MDC. So, the idea is to try and get a broader debate within Zimbabwe, because at the moment there is real closure of debating space and political space in the country."
Although the Zimbabwe Institute aims to foster debate on policy matters within Zimbabwe, for the time being at least, it will actually not be located there. The institute's headquarters is in Cape Town. Mr. Raftopoulos says that is only temporary, because of what he calls operational problems in Zimbabwe.
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Mining News

Approval for Zimbabwe Diamond Mine

Feb 26, 2004, 7:41pm

 London-based Rio Tinto plc has approved a US$13.5 million loan package to Murowa Diamonds (Private) Ltd, owned 50:50 by Rio Tinto and its 56%-owned subsidiary Rio Tinto Zimbabwe Ltd.
The loan, which remains subject to the approval of Zimbabwe’s Reserve Bank, allows the board of Rio Tinto Zimbabwe to approve the development of the Murowa diamond project near Zvishavane. The project is based on three kimberlites, with a combined reserve currently estimated at 18.7 Mt, at an average grade of 0.9 ct/t. Site preparation at Murowa has been in progress for some months, and the resettlement of the local community was completed in December.
Production is scheduled to start in the September quarter of this year, with an initial throughput of 200,000 t/y of ore yielding 350,000 ct/y (implying an initial mining grade significantly higher than the average reserve grade). The capital cost of the project is around US$40 million, which includes all exploration and other sunk costs over a relatively long gestation period. Construction costs are estimated at US$11 million.
( More in this week's Mining Journal. )

© Copyright 2004 by Mining Communications Ltd
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Refugees use fake SA passports to live in Britain
February 26, 2004, 10:18 PM

Some citizens of African countries go to Britain with fraudulent South African passports posing as refugees and seek asylum in that country, the department of home affairs confirmed today. "We have handled cases where people from other African states come here, acquire fraudulent passports and go to Britain," Leslie Mashokwe, the home affairs department spokesperson, said. "These cases are not so prevalent and we have been able to attend to them appropriately."

Yesterday, The Guardian newspaper reported that Britain began talks with South Africa over local citizens claiming asylum in Britain posing as refugees from Zimbabwe. "We have spoken to South Africa and only had very preliminary discussions about co-operating on returning South Africans who may have falsely claimed asylum in Britain," a spokesperson for the British home office reportedly said.

The announcement came after Tony Blair, Britain's prime minister, said his government was holding talks with Tanzania to take Somali refugees who have been refused political asylum in Britain. Blair said negotiations with Tanzania were proceeding, but John Chiligati, the Tanzanian deputy minister for home affairs, said later the proposal had been rejected. "We reject this proposal because we don't see the reason or the logic for refugees to be sent to Tanzania before they are returned to their own country."

Mashokwe today said his department has not been approached by their British counterparts on the issue. "We discuss with the British home office a broad range of immigration issues but we have not touched this matter."

Mashokwe said the department was looking at certifying South African passports so as to curb corruption. "We are also intensifying our campaign of zero tolerance among our corrupt officials and those citizens who benefit from this exercise." - Sapa

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Fin Gaz
Mugabe eyes Telecel

Brian Mangwende
2/26/2004 11:21:37 AM (GMT +2)

BELEAGUERED businessman James Makamba’s chickens are flocking home to roost at the worst possible time as it emerged yesterday that while he languishes behind bars, President Robert Mugabe’s nephew, Leo Mugabe, is girding his loins to reclaim a long disputed significant stake in mobile cellular operator, Telecel Zimbabwe.

The invariably well-turned-out but now hapless Makamba is chairman and founder of Telecel in which Mugabe claims he should have a 10 percent stake, although he could not say how much the 10 percent is worth.

Impeccable sources yesterday said Mugabe recently met Telecel managing director, Anthony Carter, after the incarceration of Makamba, whose public profile ratcheted as a radio personality, to discuss the possibility of resolving the shareholding dispute.

They also said Mugabe has since lobbied officials in the Ministry of Transport and Communications to help shore up his interest in Telecel.

Mugabe, who had an inglorious exit from the chairmanship of the Zimbabwe Football Association, the country’s soccer governing body, confirmed this development.

Carter refused to comment on the developments. "I can’t confirm to you whether I met him or not. He (Mugabe) is not a shareholder. In any case I am not going to comment on matters relating to Telecel shareholders. I can’t tell you anything," said Carter, who has reportedly been questioned by police over Telecel’s financial transactions.

Mugabe, who could not say exactly how he had lost his shareholding in the first place, has engaged prominent Harare lawyers Gula Ndebele and Partners in a bid to retain his lost grip in Telecel, whose entry into the telecommunications industry in 1997 was mired in legal and political controversy.

Mugabe this week claimed that he owned 10 percent of Telecel through a vehicle called Integrated Engineering Group (IEG). Mugabe has 80 percent shareholding in IEG while his brother, Patrick Zhuwawo, owns the balance.

The development is the clearest sign yet of the deep alienation between Makamba and other members of Telecel’s founding consortium brought about by boardroom squabbles over the corporate and shareholding structure at the sprawling cellular operator.

The revelations about Mugabe’s behind-the-scenes aggressive push for a 10 percent equity holding in Telecel also came to light at a time when Makamba and fellow director Jane Mutasa are languishing in Harare’s remand prison on allegations of externalising foreign currency. This has raised questions as to why he is waking up to his shareholding in the company only now.

Makamba, a ZANU PF central committee member but whose political career is increasingly becoming perilous, was arrested under the government’s current blitz on corruption. In a rash of impatience with deep-seated corruption, President Mugabe has made radical changes to certain clauses of the constitution to win the war against the graft.

President Mugabe, who is widely believed to be seeing out his last term in office, has since vowed that no one would be spared despite warnings of a likely political backlash against the anti-graft crusade.

Mutasa, the president of the Indigenous Business Women’s Organisation (IBWO), is being accused of externalising US$2 000 while Makamba, whose corporate past is now set for scrutiny following his arrest, is facing 22 charges of siphoning foreign currency into offshore accounts. The Supreme Court has since deferred judgment on Makamba’s bail application to today.

"We have always had problems with the shareholding structure and as far as I am concerned, the issue of the shareholding structure is being handled by the lawyers. We approached the relevant minister about the issue and it is being dealt with. We want our differences to be resolved. So far, we are going in the right direction. We have been in this game for a long time," he said.

At inception, Telecel International owned 40 percent of Telecel Zimbabwe and the Empowerment Corporation (EC) 60 percent. Mugabe said he invested in EC through his company IEG. EC was a fusion of indigenous groups such as Makamba’s Kestrel Corporation (15 percent), IEG (10 percent), Affirmative Action Group (AAG), IBWO, the Zimbabwe Farmers Union, the Zimbabwe National Social Security Authority and the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association, all with nine percent each. The company was granted a licence to operate a cellular network under political consideration as government wanted to empower previously marginalised black Zimbabweans.

Cracks began to emerge within the consortium following differences over the shareholding structure. Makamba, who was at one time a business partner to former army commander, retired general Solomon Mujuru, was accused by his erstwhile colleagues of elbowing them out of the company. With strained relations, other partners’ instinct was to work against Makamba. The boardroom squabbles saw the acrimonious pull-out of Chiyangwa’s AAG. The pressure group, well-placed sources said, was paid $14 million for its interest in Telecel.

Giles Munyoro, secretary general of the EC, apparently bitter in the manner in which he believes Makamba elbowed them out of Telecel said: "That is a political licence we got through the Cabinet as the EC. It belongs to all of us. Makamba made some of his workers directors and we lost our shareholding. We need to reclaim our status. We have approached the government already to sort out the mess."

Asked whether the incarceration of Makamba, arrested on February 9, and Mutasa was not going to hinder progress in resolving the shareholding problems at Telecel, Mugabe said: "It’s unfortunate that they have been arrested, but they have not been convicted so that doesn’t hinder progress. Whether Makamba is in prison or not is basically neither here nor there. We are hoping the problems would be resolved soon."

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Fin Gaz
National Report
Whistle blowers keep cops busy

Thomas Madondoro
2/26/2004 11:22:53 AM (GMT +2)

WHISTLE blowers, encouraged by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe to come forward with worthy tips to help the ongoing anti-graft crusade, are keeping the police busy — thanks to the incentive dangled by the central bank in its fight against white-collar crime.

Police confirmed this week that the whistle blower fund established to reward people with quality information that may lead to the apprehension of criminals had opened the floodgates for members of the public with "hot tips".

The force has been overwhelmed by tips on economy-related crimes such as gold smuggling, money laundering and externalisation of foreign currency since the introduction of the fund in December 2003.

Police spokesman Assistant Commissioner Wayne Bvudzijena said: "The response is overwhelming. We have received reports of gold smuggling and other cases from all over the country."

In an effort to instill ethical behaviour and stability in the foreign exchange market, the central bank set up a whistle blower’s fund to pay for information that assists in exposing violations of standing exchange control regulations.

Payment is pegged at 10 percent of the recovered value and will be effected in foreign currency for use by the whistle blower(s) as they see fit.

It is estimated that the country has lost over US$350 million due to the externalisation of foreign currency in 2003 alone.

Mark Mathew Burden, who owns eight mines and is based in Kwekwe, was arrested in November last year after he was found in possession of about 3.3 kg of gold. He was brought before the courts where he is also facing charges of smuggling gold out of the country.

Four other gold dealers, Ian Hugh Macmillan, his son Ewan, Collen Rose and Lynn Burdett have been dragged before the courts after they allegedly tried to smuggle gold to neighbouring South Africa.

The clampdown on corruption, widely viewed by many as a campaign gimmick by the ruling ZANU PF party ahead of the 2005 parliamentary elections, started in January this year following the introduction of a tighter monetary policy, which led to the collapse of ENG Capital Asset Management.

Two directors of the financial institution, Nyasha Watyoka and Gilbert Muponda, who are battling to raise $1.4 billion bail, were arrested for allegedly prejudicing investors of about $61 billion.

Prominent businessman and legislator, Philip Chiyangwa, was implicated in the same case and arrested by police. He has since been released on bail.

Businessman James Makamba and another indigenous lobbyist, Jane Mutasa, are also languishing in remand prison on charges of externalising foreign currency.

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We’ve been vindicated!

2/26/2004 10:53:01 AM (GMT +2)

SEVEN months before the financial sector convulsions, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, the country’s financial regulator, which until recently continued tap-dancing around banks that exhibited operational and compliance weaknesses, had robustly denied our story of May 8 2003 which warned the nation over the health of some banking institutions.

The central bank’s denial, which is now haunting us, was most likely a result of arm-twisting by certain shaky banks, feeling the pinch of deposit flight, for the RBZ to issue a reassuring statement to assuage public fears.

The banking institutions, where a façade of stability belied classic warning signs of a liquidity crunch, also denied it with unaccustomed vehemence. The denials, obviously meant to reassure the market, might have secured the institutions a short-lived but vital breathing space. The question however is: did this expensive strategy make the situation any better? Hardly, because a few months down the line the bubble inevitably burst for these institutions which obviously need a crash course in crisis management so that they do not rush to trash authoritative media articles as damage control. In fact, it was a gross error of judgment particularly for the central bank and even those banks which we said were sitting on shifting sands to deny something they knew was true.

The result: they now have egg on their face and we have vindication on our hands. But at what cost?

We are only too aware of the crisis of confidence that could be sparked by any perceived negative story about any banking institution. This is a sensitive sector, which is less tolerant of even the slightest whiff of bad news.

Depositors, who normally feel the sharpest edge of the knife when banks twist in the air, are known to scurry for the nearest bunker for fear of burning their fingers. But there was a better way of handling the whole situation than denying that certain banks, as expressed in our story, could implode under their absurdities. It always pays to tell the truth no matter how ugly.

Far from being alarmist, our story just warned that all was not well in the banking sector. The story, based on a confidential report from the central bank, said that at least four banks could face a liquidity crunch that could trigger unprecedented financial tremors. Nowhere in our story did we say matter-of-factly that the concerned institutions had their needles well and truly stuck or that they had slipped into a full-blown liquidity crisis. But this triggered a denial frenzy.

Yet we had only said, as indeed had been stated by the central bank in its "Macroprudential Surveillance Report" for the six-month period to December 2002, that indeed the institutions could face liquidity and solvency problems in the inter-bank market as their adjusted liquidity ratios were low. The adjusted liquidity ratio reflects a situation where those assets that are likely to become illiquid in a system-wide crisis — such as deposits at other banks and liquid assets guaranteed by the government — are removed from liquid assets.

In other words the institutions had a high probability of facing liquidity problems. "Even though the institutions were not necessarily at the very deep end, they were moving towards it . . . sources said there were indications that there could be severe liquidity and solvency problems in the interbank market", read paragraph five of our article.

This, in our view, was a red flag which should not have been ignored either by the institutions concerned, the banking authorities or the investing public.

But obviously taking advantage of the fact that the generality of the public is deprived of enough financial details about them and would therefore have to depend on concerned financial institutions’ interpretations of their own results, the banking institutions put up spirited denials to the contrary.

In the process, they misled the public by painting a-rosier-than-real picture of the situation on the ground despite the fact that they have a fiduciary obligation to their stakeholders. This lulled the public into a false sense of security.

Their adverts denying our story, which ran for weeks to no end, not only provided an endurance test for television and radio audiences as well as newspaper readers but also proved our stiffest credibility test yet. Some of them even threatened to sue us out of existence. As it turned out, however, in the case of Trust Bank, the emperor had no clothes!

It is not our intention to underline any of our editorial comments with the we-told-you-so jibe. But the unfolding drama at Trust, which has put a screeching halt to its expansionary dream, has vindicated our story that indeed the telltale signs of a liquidity crunch were there.

The Trust saga, which has seen founding executives being shown the exit route, has a twist in the tale just like we predicted. The seismic disturbances from the banking house continue to rip through boardrooms across the corporate world. The banking sector, now steeled in a fresh round of consolidation as pressure to combine intensifies, is still struggling to shrug off the feel-bad factor.

This has put paid to misgivings about the veracity of our story. But that is beside the point. Most importantly, it has brought to the fore the need for corporate executives to stop behaving like politicians who are known walking contradictions and rid themselves of the culture of denial. They should own up and admit to a crisis. They should tell their stakeholders how they will deal with it instead of resorting to attacking the messenger because they cannot defend the message, as they did in our case. Not only that but it also underlines the need for transparency in corporate governance, which is so lacking in Zimbabwe where stakeholders have had to suffer the consequences of top management ineptitude and malfeasance on a grand scale.

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Fin Gaz
Cabinet Files
...and now to the Notebook

2/26/2004 7:09:04 AM (GMT +2)


Of all things on earth, the
last thing one would expect is for the opposition Movement for Democratic Change to fall apart as a result of serious disputes over basic issues of democracy.

But recent squabbles over who should represent the party in the Zengeza parliamentary by-election leave everyone wondering what could be happening to a party that most Zimbabweans have invested so much hope.

Someone in the higher echelons of the party thought it seemly to impose a candidate of their own choice without any scant regard to basic democratic tenets because they think that they are more important that the party itself.

And is this the type of democracy we should look forward to in the event that these same people assume public office?

Surely if a thoroughly discredited party like ZANU PF would have enough horse sense to hold primary elections — never mind their perfection — to choose a candidate to represent it in the by-election, one would take it for granted that the MDC, as its name implies, would do much better than this.

But lo and behold! A candidate had to be handpicked by one or two individuals over a glass of Chateau! And the individuals still think they are qualified to say ZANU PF is an undemocratic party!

Surely madness should have its own limits. Because what we are seeing in this country appears to be much more than just madness.

These "owners" of the MDC need not be reminded that hundreds of innocent Zimbabweans were killed and maimed for supporting their cause . . . a cause that most right-minded Zimbabweans will agree is a noble one.

If they cannot be democratic at such lowest levels, we wonder whether we should even trust them to be democratic in the event of assuming real power . . . we all know what power does!

If the John Howards, the Don McKinnons and such characters in the international community hear that a small issue like holding primaries is threatening to rend a party they have committed so much to prop up, we wonder what they will think and do.

All things being equal, some of the over-domineering MDC leaders would qualify for sanctions imposed on ZANU PF and government officials because the difference between them and their counterparts in the ruling party seems more imaginary than real. They are all diktats!

Maybe it’s time Zimbos stopped having illusions about having democratic systems. There is no way undemocratic means can bring about democracy.


The Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe has finally closed — technically! It’s a pity.

For a whole big company like that which had become the sole source of livelihood for thousands of families to just fold up because some people simply want to prove their manhood is really sad.

Although we know that some people are really celebrating their tails off, the truth is that everyone is a loser.

Zimbabwe is now much poorer without that tabloid called The Daily News that over the years had brought some degree of accountability in official circles.

Both the government and some individuals in management positions at the firm are equally to blame for this mess.

Even though it is not in dispute that the firm erred in refusing to register, we surely feel that on altruistic grounds, it should not have been treated this harshly!

But why would someone with the interest of the company at heart choose to disregard professional advice just for the fun and mischief of doing so?

We are told that most of the privately owned newspapers jointly sought legal advice from a veteran lawyer and it was agreed that AIPPA, ugly as it is, would rather be fought from within than from outside, but one big-headed individual thought the lawyer was a big-eared fool!

We should not forget that there was a pledge to keep the company intact "for as long as it takes".

Story thieves

Journalists in the coun try are getting more and more worried by the criminal act of some of their colleagues who think journalism is all about collecting online stories from other publications and loading them onto their own websites.

One such website is the one calling itself NEWZIMBABWE.

Basically, the website is made up of news stories looted from various publications in and around Zimbabwe.

What is infuriating most colleagues is that the so-called editor of the website, one Mduduzi Mathuthu, has the gall to attribute the stories to himself and his grandmother!

When recently confronted by a colleague over this, the London-based "editor" bragged about how much well-versed he was in law and this and that.

The "editor" had apparently uprooted a story from The Mirror and, for doing that, had rewarded himself with a byline. When the story appeared on his website, it was double bylined.

"There is no need for someone to scream illegality in such a straightforward matter. I know law, being it’s (sic) student, and I genuinely believe we satisfy (sic) copyright of the Zimbabwe Mirror, not Felix Njini . . . I don’t usually get frightened by threats, ask Jonathan Moyo."

Such is the attitude of this "editor". We wonder how Moyo got sucked into this noise. We also wonder when he, as a journalist, will start loading original stories onto his website.


Can someone please tell ZANU PF that it is unAfrican to have extravagant birthday parties when there is death in the neighbourhood?

Parties can always wait, but death cannot. Thank you!

 Other News

Don’t worry about my health Cdes
...and now to the Notebook
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