Zim Standard
BY CAIPHAS
CHIMHETE
ZIMBABWE’S much-ballyhooed "Mother of all seasons"
looks set to become
the "Mother of all poor harvests", agricultural experts
warned last week.
They warned, contrary to official predictions of
a bumper harvest, of
a "serious food crisis".
Their projection:
the harvest may only amount to 30 percent of the
total national maize
requirements.
The experts blame the crisis on poor agricultural
planning by the
government and the excessive rains which have been falling
since last
December.
Most farmers failed to plant on time
because they could not access
seed, fertilizer and fuel, among other vital
inputs.
They were repeatedly promised the inputs by the government,
but in the
end only a few managed to get them.
The situation
was exacerbated by the heavy rains which resulted in
water-logging, a
condition detrimental to crop growth.
The continuous rains made
even weeding virtually impossible, resulting
in maize competing with weeds
for sunlight and nutrients.
The experts estimate that Zimbabwe
would produce between 500 000 and
600 000 tonnes of maize against a national
requirement of two million
tonnes.
In the end, about 1, 5
million tonnes will have to be imported to feed
the population.
Already about 3. 5 million people are surviving on food aid, according
to
United Nations estimates.
An agricultural expert, who asked not to
be named, warned Zimbabwe
could face a food crisis of the magnitude of the
1991/2 season , during
which millions survived on food handouts. That
crisis, ironically, was
caused by drought.
The expert said
although the excessive rains were partly to blame for
the crisis, poor
planning by government was the major factor.
"It might be too early
to give an estimate but to be honest it is
doubtful that we are going to get
anything above 500 000 tonnes of maize
this year," he said.
His
estimate was corroborated by the MDC’s shadow minister of
agriculture,
Renson Gasela, himself an agricultural expert.
But Gasela’s
estimate for the maize harvest was 600 000 tonnes.
"We are going to
have a disastrous year because of the government’s
failure to plan," he
said. "Farmers failed to access seed, fertilizer or
fuel in time. We would
be lucky if we managed to get 600 000 tonnes of
maize."
Among
the areas seriously affected by water logging are Muzambani,
Middle Sabi in
Chipinge and parts of Masvingo province.
Floods washed away crops
near river banks in some areas.
Gasela, the former Grain Marketing
Board (GMB) boss, said the seed and
fertilizer industries failed to supply
the commodities because of the
unviable prices gazetted by the government,
shortage of foreign currency,
power outages and erratic supply of
coal.
Farmers who spoke to The Standard said they obtained
fertilizer when
the crop was already reaching maturity stage. Most of them
said they failed
to access loans under the Agriculture Sector Productive
Enhancement Facility
(ASPEF) in time to be of any use.
"The
whole thing was a hotchpotch," said Amos Mutingwende, a farmer
from Uzumba
in Murewa. "There was no seed, no fertilizer and no loans for
farmers,
except for the beneficiaries of the political patronage."
In some
areas, the tractors distributed to farmers by Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe were
turned into "minibuses" to ferry people in the rural areas or
hired to
transport Chibuku (opaque beer) to bottle stores. ."
Subsidised
diesel obtained by the farmers for what some called "a
song" was being sold
on the black market instead.
Agriculture minister Rugare Gumbo and
his deputy David Chapfika could
not be reached for comment last
week.
But two weeks ago, Gumbo was upbeat about the prospect of a
bumper
harvest, despite indications to the contrary.
The
government even dubbed this the "Mother of All Season."
Gumbo
encouraged farmers to plant maize although the season is edging
towards the
end and the RBZ is still distributing ploughs in the rural areas
under the
agricultural mechanization programme.
Some of the ploughs have been
used to buy votes.
But a Zimbabwe Commercial Farmers’ Union (ZCFU)
official said planting
maize now "is a waste of resources and effort" as the
crop would not mature.
"Maize requires heat unit (enough sunlight
and warm soil) which we don’t
have now. The maize will grow but will not
produce a quality crop," he said.
The expert said he was concerned
that farm acquisitions were
continuing although President Robert Mugabe last
year called for an end to
the takeovers.
Last week the
government gazetted over 30 commercial farms for
acquisition, sending a
chill down the spines of the remaining white
commercial
farmers.
Food shortages have plagued Zimbabwe for the past seven
years,
following the invasions of white-owned commercial farmers in
2000.
The invasions, spearheaded by war veterans, nearly decimated
the
agriculture sector, which once earned the country the accolade of the
breadbasket of southern Africa.
Zim Standard
BY
VUSUMUZI SIFILE
ON Monday last week, two senior government
employees — Attorney
General Sobusa Gula-Ndebele and Grain Marketing Board
(GMB) operations
director, Samuel Muvuti— appeared in court on corruption
charges.
That same day, a close ally of President Robert Mugabe,
Nicholas van
Hoogstraten, was charged with illegally dealing in foreign
currency.
Could this be the beginning of the end of the honeymoon
for corrupt
government officials and businesspeople? Is the Anti-Corruption
Commission
(ACC) beginning to get tough?
Could Muvuti become
the first top official to be prosecuted by the
commission — more than two
years after its establishment?
Two weeks ago, Vice President Joice
Mujuru said the nation was
suffering because of high level
corruption.
"When we appoint some of these people," said Mujuru at
a function at
Hupenyuhutsva Children’s Home. "we assume they are capable,
but I think to
some extent we have misjudged some people who hold important
positions.
"They are full of the individualistic feeling and
practice. We know
what happened during Operation Restore Order. This is what
we call
corruption; it is not good. Our society is no longer clean. It’s
like we are
developing crooks."
A month earlier, Reserve Bank
of Zimbabwe (RBZ) Governor, Gideon Gono,
said he knew many top officials
were engaged in corrupt activities.
Gono said corrupt officials
were responsible for the three-months-
long cash crunch, which forced him to
introduce six sets of high
denomination notes.
On two
occasions, Gono said he was prepared to name and shame the
officials. But he
seemed to develop cold feet, when he failed to turn up for
a meeting with
the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Budget and Finance.
Over
the past few weeks, The Standard has gathered information the RBZ
has taken
part in corrupt activities.
Even President Robert Mugabe has on
many occasions hinted that he is
aware most officials in his government are
corrupt. In one memorable speech
a few years ago, he spoke of top people
taking "ten percent" of the total
value of each government
contract.
But despite this acknowledgment of corruption, there
appears to be
little progress in stamping it out.
In its
Integrity Systems Report on Zimbabwe in 2007, international
corruption
watchdog, Transparency International (TI) said: "Corruption in
Zimbabwe is
fast becoming a way of life.
"The vice has become so deep-rooted
and institutionalized that some
people now accept it as their sole means of
survival due to a total collapse
of systems that offer checks and balances,"
said TI.
Zimbabwe is among the 12 countries ranked 150 in the
Corruption
Perceptions Index (CPI). This, said the TI, is despite the fact
that
Zimbabwe has a Ministry of Anti-Corruption, and the ACC.
The ACC was established in 2005, but up to now, its "effectiveness is
yet to
be fully realized". There is growing belief the ACC could actually
turn out
to be another white elephant, like The Ombudsman.
John Makumbe, a
respected political analyst, believes corruption is an
indication of the rot
in the entire governance system of the country.
Makumbe said there was no
way efforts to fight corruption could yield
anything when the "very people
who are supposed to fight it are leading the
corruption vicious
circle".
"When systems of government collapse," said Makumbe,
"people resort to
corrupt means of survival. At the moment, there is no
commitment whatsoever
to fight corruption. It is almost like there is no one
running the country."
Makumbe said during an election campaign,
like this year, the
situation was most likely to get worse.
"There is no political will to fight corruption, especially in an
election
time like this. The cost of fighting corruption is very high for
the
government. So they would rather leave things as they are. Look at what
we
have just witnessed: we have Gono being stopped from exposing cash
barons.
This was to avoid the possible political damage that would result."
The Commission’s deputy chairperson, Rutendo Faith Wutawunashe, said
it was
not only senior figures who were corrupt, "even small ones are so
serious".
"Some of them are so small, but they are the most
serious," said
Wutawunashe. "They move trillions of dollars. Some of these
small ones are
fronts for the big fish."
But Wutawunashe would
not reveal the names of the big fish fuelling
corruption.
She
referred this reporter to Bessie Fadzai Nhandara, who in turn
asked
questions to be sent to her.
Nhandara later claimed she had not
seen the questions, and then said
she was in a meeting.
Makumbe
said the corruption commissioners were dodging questions,
possibly because
some of them could be corrupt.
"What has the commission been doing,
if they cannot give us even one
major case of corruption?" he asked. "Why
has there not been an imprisonment
for a case handled by the commission?
They are part of the rot. If we are to
fight corruption, we have to get rid
of the commission and the regime that
put it in place?."
In
2006, the ACC received 147 cases but only four were completed
because of "a
number of challenges ranging from legal, operational,
financial, technical
and administrative".
Transparency International says there "is more
symbolic than
substantive political commitment to curtail corruption and
strengthen the
integrity system".
Attempts to contact the
Minister of Anti- Corruption and
Anti-Monopolies, Samuel Undenge were
futile.
An official at his office said Undenge was "running around"
preparing
for the forthcoming elections.
Government
spokesperson, Sikhanyiso Ndlovu said it was "unfounded" to
say the
government was not committed to fighting corruption.
"Whoever has
factual information about corrupt government officials
should just bring
factual information and see if they will not be
prosecuted," said
Ndlovu.
"When we have the facts, we can prosecute anyone whether he
or she is
in government or not. That is why one of them even fled to the UK
because he
knew no one is above the law. The people who say government is
shielding
corrupt officials have double standards."
Zim Standard
BY WALTER MARWIZI
FACTIONS of the MDC failed to announce a united front yesterday after
a
stalemate over the selection of candidates , sources revealed last
night.
By 9;00 PM, the top leadership of the two factions were
holed up at a
house in Milton Park, trying to find a way out of their
problem.
Journalists gathered at a Harare hotel where the MDC had
booked a big
hall for the announcement were told to leave as there would be
no press
conference.
They had been waiting since 3;30 PM when
the announcement was due to
be made in front of diplomats.
Although details remained sketchy last night, The Standard was
informed
there was deadlock over the selection of candidates.
The
disagreement centred on new parliamentary seats in Harare and
Matabeleland
that are considered safe by both formations. Under a
reunification agreement
signed by the parties, each formation should at
least have 30 percent of the
seats in the province.
But this agreement was a major sticking
point yesterday amid
indications the Tsvangirai faction was reneging on
it.
For example, The Standard was told that in the case of Harare,
which
is a stronghold of the MDC, the Tsvangirai faction wanted its
candidates to
take all the new constituencies while the Mutambara faction
had insisted
that one of these seats be reserved for the
Professor.
Insiders in the Tsvangirai camp said this caused concern
in their
camp. They said they were worried that Mutambara was positioning
himself to
be the leader of the opposition after the elections.
In the event that Tsvangirai was defeated in the Presidential
elections,
Mutambara who was set to become the leader of the opposition in
Parliament
could "eclipse" Tsvangirai. The Standard was told.
In the case of
Bulawayo where six safe seats have arisen, the
Mutambara faction was keen to
have them reserved for their own candidates.
On the other hand the
Tsvangirai faction wanted the seats.
There were indications that
the meeting would continue late into the
night.
Sources say,
both camps held separate national council meetings
yesterday.
They said the national executive of the Arthur Mutambara led faction
gave
its leadership the mandate to forge ahead with the united front.
Zim Standard
BY OUR
STAFF
FOR the third time inside a month, most parts of Zimbabwe
were
yesterday plunged into darkness after an electricity
blackout.
There was chaos in Harare and Mutare when traffic lights,
elevators
and industry ground to a halt because of the blackout. But some
areas of
Bulawayo had electricity.
The cause of yesterday’s
blackout was not immediately clear.
Fullard Gwasira, Zimbabwe
Electricty Supply Authority (Zesa)
spokesperson said: "I am not aware of the
extent of the power problem
although it is evident that a number of areas
are affected.
"However, ZESA is doing everything in its position to
ensure that
power is restored to affected area."
The blackout
came barely two weeks after a reaction task force was
created to identify
critical areas requiring power feeds in the event of a
power
crisis.
Power cuts have increased since last month after South
Africa switched
off the country because it also wanted to meet its local
demand. Apart from
that, Zimbabwe has not been able to import enough
electricity because of the
critical shortage of foreign currency to settle
arrears.
The country has been importing most of its power from
Mozambique and
the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) while South Africa’s
Eskom switched
off Zimbabwe to meet growing local demands.
Ironically ZESA is exporting 40MW to Namibia under an arrangement in
which
the Namibian power utility, NAMPOWER, provided US$40 million for the
refurbishment of units at Hwange power station.
Zim Standard
BY KHOLWANI
NYATHI
BULAWAYO — Zanu PF officials in Matabeleland North
allegedly tried to
shut out aspiring candidates from rival factions from the
ongoing primary
elections by hiding their curriculum vitaes,
(CV).
A candidate alleged to have benefited from this was the
Minister of
Industry and International Trade, Obert Mpofu of Umguza
constituency.
A fortnight ago, Mpofu was declared the unopposed
Zanu PF candidate
for his old constituency.
But it has emerged
that Mark Mzula Mbayiwa, a retired army major and
Zipra ex-combatant has
challenged that decision, accusing Mpofu of
"masterminding the
disappearance" of his application.
He has appealed to the
commissariat to review the case, described by
party insiders as "the
culmination of factional fighting".
Mbayiwa is reportedly being
supported by the former PF Zapu old guard
as part of their turf war with
Mpofu, allegedly a member of a faction linked
to Solomon Mujuru, husband of
Vice-President Joice Mujuru.
In a letter addressed to Zanu PF
national commissar, Elliot Manyika,
Mbayiwa claims he submitted his
curriculum vitae to the party’s Umguza
district coordinating committee
chairman on 7 January.
But he said he was "shocked to learn a week
later" that Mpofu had been
chosen unopposed as the Umguza constituency
candidate.
"I hereby launch a complaint that I submitted my CV to
the DCC
chairperson for Umguza who is housed at York House, which is owned
by the
current MP (Mpofu) on 7 January 2006," Mbayiwa said. "But when I went
to
Lupane for a meeting, I was told that my CV was not submitted. The only
CV
there was for the current MP."
He said "the grapevine has it
that the DCC chairperson went around the
constituency saying he would not
send the CV to Lupane" because of his
connection with Mpofu.
Dumisani Mpofu, the chief Agritex officer in Matabeleland North was
also
told that his CV was never considered for the Bubi parliamentary
constituency because it had gone missing.
It is understood the
CV has now been found but his case is yet to be
determined by the provincial
executive.
Mpofu was not available for comment yesterday as he was
attending the
African Union summit in Ethiopia.
Zanu PF
Matabeleland North chairman, Headman Moyo could not comment on
the matter as
he was said to be attending a meeting to address problems that
arose during
the primaries.
But the Zanu Umguza DCC chairman, Zwelitsha Masuku
denied they had
thrown out Mbayiwa’s CV, saying "it was not submitted
according to party
rules and procedures".
"He even admitted
that he did not hand over the CV to me," Masuku
said. "Instead he says he
sent his wife who gave it to a certain woman at
Pioneer House, but we have
failed to identify that woman."
But a Zanu PF provincial member
insisted "that there is a lot of
corruption in this process" because of
factionalism.
Zim Standard
BY KHOLWANI
NYATHI
BULAWAYO — The Zimbabwe National Water Authority (Zinwa)
has
temporarily suspended plans to take over the city’s water and sewer
system —
at least, until after the elections.
Sources said Zanu
PF feared a backlash against the party from voters
over the unpopular
takeover, which has rallied the residents behind the
council, which opposes
the move.
Last year, ZINWA began taking over water and sewer
systems in all
urban centres and growth points, after a controversial
Cabinet directive.
But the city council has resisted the change,
citing the parastatal’s
poor track record and the fact that the council’s
water account constituted
more than 40 percent of its annual
budget.
The takeover was resisted by residents and political
parties,
including the Zanu PF provincial executive, which rallied behind
the
MDC-dominated council.
Council sources said the committees
to prepare for the takeover have
not met this year, apparently on the advice
of the Ministry of Local
Government, Public Works and Urban Development not
to "hurry" the process.
The committees include representatives from
government departments and
the council.
The council has
budgeted for the water and sewer components in its
$26,7 trillion budget for
this year, which includes a new water levy.
Officials said this was
a major policy decision to "show that Zinwa is
not taking over
soon".
Under the new levy domestic consumers will, with immediate
effect, pay
$1,6 million a month and non-domestic consumers forking out
$24,9 million.
The levy would be adjusted from time to time, using
the official
month-on-month inflation figures.
"It will be
suicidal if we start talking about the takeover now," said
a Zanu PF
provincial executive member. "We have been assured there won’t be
any
discussion about the ZINWA takeover until after the elections."
Zanu PF has not won any major election in Bulawayo since the MDC
entered the
electoral scene in 2000.
The council’s spokesman, Pathisa Nyathi
said Zinwa had not contacted
the council this year on the
takeover.
He suggested the cash-strapped parastatal could have been
forced to
shelve its plans by the skyrocketing cost of chemicals for water
purification.
Announcing the introduction of the levy the
council said: "Whilst the
onset of the rainy season has brought relief to
residents of the city, the
cost of water treatment chemicals has, due to
inflationary trends, reached
levels that are not sustainable.
"Council can no longer rely on billing income, hence the need to levy
consumers for the costs of treating water."
Water and
Infrastructure Development minister, Munacho Mutezo was not
available for
comment as he was said to be out of town.
Zanu PF heavyweights in
Matabeleland, including Vice-President Joseph
Msika and politburo member,
Dumiso Dabengwa have publicly criticized the
ZINWA takeover.
Zim Standard
BY SANDRA
MANDIZVIDZA
"PLEASE expose this so-called commission running
the affairs of
Harare. I am lucky to be alive after I drove my car drove
into a pothole
last week.
"At the end I lost three of my tyres,
and the suspension of my car was
heavily damaged," fumed a Harare motorist
last week.
The motorist, Romeo Rusere, is now demanding the
commission replace
his rims and three tyres damaged when he drove into the
pothole.
In addition, he also wants the commission to pay the full
cost of
repairs to the suspension and other body parts damaged in the
crunching
encounter with the pothole.
Who is going to listen to
Rusere’s demands, as if he is the only one
affected by the pothole
nightmare?
Potholes have assumed the character of a national
disaster, as they
continue to widen, turning roads into death
traps.
Inevitably, one wag coined this adage: "If you saw
Zimbabwean
motoristdriving in a zigzag manner, they are not drunk they are
merely
dodging potholes in the roads."
A drive around the city
centre and other residential areas illustrates
the sorry state of the
dilapidated roads.
The problem has been excabertated by the end of
the lifespan of many
tarred roads, especially in the high-density areas,
most of them built by
the colonialists, cheaply and
overcrowded.
They need urgent repair.
"I don’t have a
car but I can just imagine the difficulties of driving
in our roads. The
potholes have become more like wells or fish ponds," said
Marjory Tafireyi
of Glen-view.
The effects of hitting a large pothole can be very
serious. The car
would sustain bent rims, tyres damaged and the suspension
ruined.
Innocent Bvunzawabaya, the marketing and public relations
assistant
manager at Mazda Motors said there had been an increase in the
number of
cars being brought for repairs to the company.
"There
has been a dramatic increase of cars, especially with damaged
wheels, and
wheel balancing and alignment. One in three of every four cars
coming here
for repairs are a result of the potholes," he said.
Replacing a new
tyre costs an average $800million, depending on the
car.
Repairing a bent rim at the garages ranges from $7 million upwards.
Many motorists complained this was far beyond their reach.
Potholes
are not only affecting vehicles, but even pedestrians are at
risk.
In high-density suburbs where children are constantly
playing in
roads, the potholes have become small dams, a dangerous hazard to
the kids.
One Kombi driver said if the potholes issue was not
addressed
immediately, the roads were continuing to
deteriorate.
"I think the only decent road left in this city is the
one to the
State House. Otherwise the whole city is affected," he
said.
Lovemore Madhuku, National Constitutional Assembly chairman,
said it
was legal for motorists to take the city council to court if their
cars were
damaged by potholes.
"I have heard people talking of
taking the city council to court
because of the potholes, and I think this
is constitutionally legal," he
said.
Harare police provincial
spokesperson Inspector James Sabau, said so
far he had received no reports
of accidents caused by potholes.
"I don’t have statistics of
accidents caused as a result of potholes,"
he said.
Drivers of
heavy duty trucks are also not spared.
Crispen Tambare, a long-
distance truck driver, said though their
vehicles were designed operate in
any awkward environment, they still
sustained damage from
potholes.
"The potholes are damaging our tyres and to buy new tyres
again and
again is expensive," he said.
The government has been
blaming the incessant rains as the cause of
potholes. But motorists believe
this is a result of the failure of the
government and the city council to
maintain the roads.
What were small holes in the road surface
before have developed into
large potholes.
"Where were they
before the rains started? They should have repaired
the roads a long time
ago," said Patricia Makombe of Kuwadzana.
In some high density
suburbs, unemployed youths have begun filling
potholes in their roads for a
fee — from motorists.
"We charge at least $500 000 a car because we
are working so hard to
help these motorists to save their tyres," said Peter
Nkomo of Budiriro
Meanwhile, Bulawayo city council issued the
following statement on
potholes in the Second City:
"Following
incessant and much welcomed rains in recent weeks,
unprecedented potholes
have developed on many of the city’s roads, making
them impassable and
dangerous.
"Unfortunately, repair of potholes cannot be
satisfactorily attended
to due to many constraints, mainly finances that are
badly eroded by
hyperinflation.
"In the meantime, stopgap
remedial measures can be undertaken. On this
note the City Of Bulawayo is
appealing to all stakeholders and residents to
assist in filling potholes on
their streets… Materials such as broken
bricks, rubble from building
operations or coal ash can be used…"
The executive mayor of
Bindura, Advocate Martin Dinha last month told
the city’s residents their
council would introduce a monthly road levy fee
for the repair the town’s
infrastructure.
Tendai Mahachi the chairperson of the commission
running Harare said
they were working tirelessly to fill the potholes and
invited The Standard
next week to see the work they were doing.
Zim Standard
By Nqobani
Ndlovu
BULAWAYO: Zanu PF’s attempts to "impose" Environment and
Tourism
Minister, Francis Nhema as its candidate for the Shurugwi North
House of
Assembly seat backfired last week when his rival won a High Court
appeal.
The Zanu PF Midlands provincial executive had approved
Nhema’s
candidature after discarding Fenet Mbengo’s application to stand in
the
party’s primary elections.
But Bulawayo High Court Judge,
Nicholas Ndou nullified the
declaration, giving Mbengo, suspended from Zanu
PF, the right to run in the
primaries.
This was after the
respondents in his urgent court application failed
to appear before the
court by 2 PM on Monday, having been served with the
summons on
Saturday.
The party’s provincial executive committee, its
disciplinary committee
and the presiding officer of the Zanu-PF Shurugwi
district election
directorate were cited as first, second and third
respondents respectively.
Mbengo applied through his lawyer,
Tinovonga Mapetsenyika of
Mapetsenyika and Associates in Gweru.
Ndou directed "the respondents to allow Dr Mbengu to campaign freely
during
the primary election period".
Mbengo, a councillor in Shurugwi’s
ward 10, challenged the provincial
executive’s decision to bar him from
contesting because he was suspended
from the party.
He is a
member of the Zanu-PF national consultative assembly but was
suspended on
January 5 on allegations of misconduct.
According to the letter of
suspension, signed by Jaison Machaya, the
provincial chairman, Mbengo was
suspended for "insubordination, calling and
presiding over an illegal
meeting on 4 November last year at Chacha".
Mbengo dismissed his
suspension as "illegal and unprocedural".
Nhema has been the MP for
Shurugwi since 2000.
The constituency has since been divided into
two.
Zanu-PF is currently holding primary elections to choose its
candidates for the harmonised elections on 29 March.
Zim Standard
Comment
THE temptation is irresistible to be melodramatic when
analysing the state
of our health delivery system. One reason is this
invariably concerns life
and death.
For a government to be found
culpable in the negligence of its citizens’
lives is an indictment of its
entire claim to being in power at all.
People facing illness are not the
victims of a natural disaster such as a
storm, floods or a raging inferno in
a forest. They are sick. With the
proper care and medication they can
recover.
If a government cannot guarantee its citizens’ health, what good
is it? Our
health delivery system has been in decline for a number of years,
chiefly
through a shortage of essential drugs and a shortage of key
personnel.
Recent details of the state of affairs at Harare and
Parirenyatwa hospitals
provide disturbing levels of irresponsible conduct by
the government. In a
number of democracies, there would have been calls for
the minister to
resign.
Others would take the extreme view that the
government must resign. In a
quasi-one party dictatorship such as Zimbabwe,
that would be tantamount to
whistling in the wind.
But if newly-born
babies’ chances of survival are reduced to near-zero, as
they are at Harare
hospital’s neonatal unit, how can a government claim it
is performing its
bounden duty to protect its citizens, among them helpless,
newly-born
babies?
And if surgeons at Parirenyatwa hospital threaten not to perform
surgery,
unless the facilities are improved, there can be no sensible
reaction other
than to call for those responsible to resign or be
fired.
Nobody doubts that, notwithstanding the positive noises from
certain
quarters, the state of our economy is extremely parlous. It can’t be
anything else, what with wild inflation and an anaemic currency tottering
towards an abyss of worthlessness?
The damage to our health delivery
system is a result of a topsy-turvy choice
of priorities: defence gets a
lion’s share while health receives almost a
pittance.
Politics plays
a huge role in these choices, probably because Zanu PF is so
obsessed with
clinging to power it would do anything to please its
constituency, even if
in doing so it endangers the health of the people.
In fact, it would not
be far-fetched to surmise that most of our economic
woes can be traced to a
preoccupation with politics.
The exodus of doctors, nurses and
specialists to other countries results
from low pay and primitive working
conditions. Then there is the pathetic
state of the medical institutions,
from the rural health centres to the big,
metropolitan
hospitals.
Again, it is the government’s bull-headed political choices
which have led
us into this cul-de-sac of helplessness, not only in the
health delivery
system but in other fields as well. It would be inaccurate
to say we have
become friendless, but the number of countries ready to come
to our aid is
no longer as varied as before 2000.
The policy of
"going it alone" has lost us many former allies. The
likelihood of the
number of those disenchanted with Zanu PF’s politics
rising is very real, if
the harmonised elections next month are conducted
with the same questionable
integrity as others before them.
There are many countries out there
waiting to come to the aid of a country
once seen as having the potential to
be one of the gems of Africa.
Now, with children "dying like flies" in a
government hospital, it has been
reduced to a basket case – and all because
of mule-headed political choices.
Zim Standard
Sunday Opinion by Bill
Saidi
IN its modern political history — after Hannibal The Great,
Cypio
Africanus, Sundiata of Mali, Tshaka Zulu and the Munhumutapa empire —
Africa
has thrown up a rogues' gallery of rulers.
From 1957,
leaders emerged who seemed obsessed with either subduing
their people with
brute force, or consigning them into early graves, if they
resisted.
Idi Amin and Mobutu Sese Seko, responsible for many
atrocities, must
have had the victims' relatives' hearts broken at not being
able to witness
the Final Judgment of the dictators..
Both men
died in miserable, inglorious exile. In each case, it was
observed,
cynically, they died in relative peace and dignity, which they had
denied
their victims.
Dwelling on these atrocities has been criticised by
some African
intellectuals. Their quaint reasoning: it’s a display of
self-hate, joining
the West in an attack on the race.
There was
a display of this in the final hours of Charles Taylor's
freedom before he
was hauled off to answer for his sins during the Sierra
Leone bloodshed, led
by Foday Sankoh, Taylor’s comrade-in-diamonds.
Olusegun Obasanjo
was finally persuaded to let the man face the music
of his deadly
masterpiece of atrocities.
The Nigerian made noises of this being
an "African" thing, to be dealt
with by Africans.
Wiser counsel
prevailed and the Liberian delinquent was put on trial.
The
impunity with which he aided Sankoh was typical of men of his ilk,
who have
given Africa the reputation of a bloodthirsty leadership.
Africans
are not peculiar in this regard. Every continent has been
contaminated by
similar savages.
It's a ghoulish absurdity for us to accept as a
consolation that we
are no different from other races. That excuse can be an
impediment to
advancement.
Recently, a human rights
organisation warned, gently, the two
combatants in the Kenyan imbroglio:
they might do well to consider how they
might have to answer to a court of
human rights.
How did they allow their citizens to butcher each
other after the 27
December election which, it now seems clear, Mwai Kibaki
stole from Raila
Odinga?
Kofi Annan's talents as a diplomat
were applied diligently immediately
he set foot in Nairobi last month. The
two men shook hands and spoke to each
other – apparently for the first time
in months.
Soon, it seemed they would pronounce a cessation of
hostilities.
At the time of writing, it was unclear whether Annan
had succeeded
where another Ghanaian, John Kufuor had failed. Annan
predicted it would be
weeks before the senseless blood-letting
ceased.
Meanwhile, in Addis Ababa, the African Union heads of
state met in
their summit.
One factor of the Kenyan conflict
was crystallized by a non-Kikuyu man
interviewed on an international radio
station: "We are not going to be
dominated by the Kikuyu
again."
The Luo were joined by the smaller Kalenjin in what they
see as a
campaign against Kikuyu domination. Daniel arap Moi, Mzee Jomo
Kenyatta's
anointed successor, is a Kalenjin and ran the country for
decades, as a
virtual one-party state dictatorship.
The Kikuyu
dominated that government, which, according to all the
evidence, spawned
another Kikuyu political hegemony. The corruption among
the powerful
snowballed until Kibaki was forced to probe it officially.
What was
exposed was so damning it threatened to tear the government
apart. There
appeared to be so much anger against the man who led the probe,
there were
reports his life was in danger.
So, he fled the
country.
How Kibaki and Odinga will eventually come to terms with
what they
have done to their once-beautiful country might depend on how much
both are
willing to give up. It's the old question of two bulls in a herd:
one of
them has to give up.
What must concern many Africans who
believe we have outgrown the
antiquated method of settling arguments with
spears, machetes and
knobkerries is the lightning speed with which blood was
spilled in the
aftermath of the election.
Certainly, it must be
time for all Africans to demand an unequivocal
accounting from their
leaders. Charles Taylor could have got away,
literally, with murder, if his
fate had been left to people like Obasanjo.
On Taylor's fate might
hinge the future of the quality of African
governance. No leader, freedom
fighter or not, should be allowed to trample
on the people's rights with
Charles Taylor's and Fode Sankoh's impunity.
There has been
breath-taking impunity in Zimbabwe too, for which the
people know someone
has to answer, however long it takes.
The soft-hearted among us
tend to hesitate, believing there is virtue
in forgiveness. But there is
danger is setting precedents. People who commit
crimes against humanity must
be ready to do the time – and pay the ultimate
price for their
impunity.
* saidib@standard.co.zw
Zim Standard
reflections with Dr
Alex T Magaisa
If holding elections
were the single most important indicator of
democracy, then Zimbabwe would
probably claim a spot at the top of the
league tables.
Since
the February 2000 Constitutional Referendum, Zimbabweans have
participated
in national elections at least five times: add municipal and
by-elections,
and you hit double figures.
Next month, they queue to vote for the
sixth time in eight years.
Still, nothing is likely to change. Many will
wait for their turn with an
exasperating sense of déjà vu.
It
won’t be because Zanu PF and its president have done great things.
On the
contrary, they are a people the 21st century seems to have forgotten.
Their
vote is unlikely to change anything: real power resides in a structure
over
which they have no control: the Security Structure. The opposition is
yet to
crack that final source of power from which Zanu PF now draws most of
its
strength. Ordinary Zimbabweans have a way of putting it — Zanu PF always
wins by ginya or zvemhasuru — brute strength.
Zanu PF has
traditionally drawn its power from, at least, five
sources — security,
production, finance, knowledge and welfare.
The control arising
from these structures has been a crucial factor in
its 28 year reign. But
two of these structures — production and finance —
have become less
relevant. If anything, they collectively represent Zanu PF’s
Achilles Heel
because of the breakdown of the economy.
The decline in agriculture
and manufacturing means there is very
little production of relevance. The
residual power rests on the threats
against the remaining industrialists,
productive farmers and cherry-picked
but insecure landowners.
A
similar fate has befallen the finance structure. Although it tries
regularly, through the medium of the hapless Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ)
and its myriad of "operations" and "sunrises", to create credit facilities
and haunt perceived enemies allegedly derailing a phantom turnaround, this
is no longer a strong source of power for Zanu PF.
In fact,
those in the finance structure have even abandoned its
control mechanisms,
relying instead on the security structure by threatening
to withdraw and in
some cases, actually withdrawing the security of targeted
individuals.
The banking crisis, long deceptively clothed in
the apparel of a mere
"cash crisis" is the biggest indication the finance
structure faces imminent
collapse.
The feeble threats to close
down or take over banks are an indication
of the party’s growing insecurity
from the breakdown of the finance
structure.
The fear is the
banking crisis is being engineered to enable opponents
to draw power which
is being used against Zanu PF. The reality, of course,
is the banking crisis
is a monster created by its ineptitude, returning to
bite it.
When it is said the economy is Zanu PF’s No. 1 enemy, it is because it
has
reduced severely Zanu PF’s power from the production and finance
structures.
This leaves three structures. The knowledge
structure basically
encompasses Zanu PF’s control over information, through
the media – the type
of information disseminated, how it is disseminated,
who disseminates it and
when it is disseminated.
Control over
information provides control over beliefs, especially
where there are no
alternative voices. This is particularly relevant in the
rural communities
where sources of information are limited to government
outlets.
The media laws, including AIPPA were designed to strengthen control
over the
knowledge structure. While the legal changes that have been
introduced via
the SADC-brokered inter-party talks are useful, they are only
of nominal
value for the forthcoming election as there is little time to set
up an
effective structure to neutralise or counter the dominant Zanu
PF-controlled
machine. So the legal changes will do little to alter the
election
outcome.
Now that there is very minimal power to be drawn from
the key
production and finance structures, Zanu PF has turned more towards
the
security structure. achieving this by a simple, almost primitive, system
of
patronage.
It is characterised first, by instilling loyalty
to the party over the
state among the top echelons of the security apparatus
and second, by
packing the civil service and key state institutions with
personnel from the
security structure.
The leadership structure
of virtually every state or quasi-state
institution includes a retired
so-and-so from the security apparatus. Much
of this has created a mentality
within the key centres of state power that
the party is supreme to the
state. There is thus the great challenge for any
opposition that winning an
election may not be enough. There is a tough
institutional barrier that
cannot be overcome through an election.
The dependence on the
security structure as a source of power is
heavily pronounced whenever there
is a public show of disaffection. The
security laws, such as the Public
Order and Security Act (POSA) were created
as part of the security
structure, to provide legitimacy to this use of the
security
apparatus.
For the opposition, half the job of beating Zanu PF has
been done by
the declining economy: the party’s power in production and
finance has been
reduced.
But even this pales into
insignificance in the face of Zanu PF’s power
from the security structure.
This is why there has always been an argument
for the opposition to find
ways of drawing some power from the security
structure through strategic
alliances and coalitions with those who have
influence within the security
apparatus.
To be fair, they have probably tried, but perhaps
because the methods
were amateurish and ill-considered, they have backfired
spectacularly: the
reported attempt to woo Perence Shiri, the head of the
Airforce of Zimbabwe,
is an example.
Surely, it should have
been clear that Tafadzwa Musekiwa and Job
Sikhala, honourable young men
though they may have been, did not carry the
clout to impress
Shiri.
A key point is that those in the security apparatus also
harbour their
own fears of withdrawal of security in a post-Mugabe
regime.
The opposition’s challenge is to be able to show
seriously that
security will not be withdrawn and to demonstrate that
self-preservation is
best guaranteed outside of a sinking ship.
Building relationships and confidence is part of the strategy to
achieve the
larger purpose.
What is clear is that Zanu PF knows that elections
do not decide the
question of power. That has already been done by the
system of patronage
ensuring that it will always have its way, by ginya if
necessary. It is
sobering to note that the head of the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission, retired
from the army with the rank of Brigadier General in
2001. An honourable,
learned man he may be, but it won’t escape notice that
he hails from the
security structure – Zanu PF’s key source of
power.
* Dr Magaisa is based at Kent Law School and can be
contacted at
a.t.magaisa@kent.ac.uk or wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk.
Zim Standard
Sunday View By
Freeman Chari
NOW that President Robert Mugabe
is adamant that elections be held on
29 March and that MDC is contemplating
not participating, what is the way
forward for Zimbabwe? Should people force
Mugabe to postpone the poll to a
later date or should people simply boycott
the exercise? Or should people
participate reasoning that maybe democracy
has sometimes to be sustained by
non-democratic means.
The
institutions of power — the army, police and intelligence are in
the hands
of Zanu PF. The democratic facets of power — parliament, senate,
cabinet,
judiciary and even the Electoral Supervisory Commission are in the
hands of
Zanu PF.
The basics of human livelihood — water, food and money are
in the
hands of Zanu PF; so are the defined personal freedoms like speech,
expression, movement and association. What then does it entail to an
ordinary citizen of the country? Are we all just slaves of Zanu
PF?
Now, if one is a slave he or she is expected to toil, sweat and
die
for his master. Is this basically what we are expected to do? There is
no
place in the world where a slave just walked up to his master and begged
him
to set him free and he (the master) let him free just like that. A slave
must stand up and dismantle all the chains that tie him to his master. If
this fails the slave should exert a force that makes it uncomfortable for
his master to continue holding on to the leashes.
Elections are
not a form of transformation, they are just a simple way
of passing reigns
from one kinsman to another with the world ululating. They
only become
revolutionary if the change is necessitated by an imminent force
which is so
blatant that the world cannot ignore. That is what happened in
1980 in
Zimbabwe, it happened in Kenya in 2002, in Zambia and in
Madagascar.
So instead, MDC should know that as long as it has not
created a
strength other than that which comes with numbers there can never
be change
in Zimbabwe.
Does Morgan honestly think that he can
one day just wake up the
president and walk royally into the corridors of
Munhumutapa building to
inspect Mugabe packing the boxes of his 28 year
legacy simply because the
majority of the people voted for him? That is a
dream.
In USA, approximately half of the people in the army, police
and
intelligence are Democrats whilst Republicans make up the other half.
Power
vacillates between these two because they have nearly the same control
of
the important machinery of the state. Check the Labour and Conservatives
in
United Kingdom. Yet we call these democracies!
Morgan
Tsvangirai should never in his life play a game in which he has
supporters
on the terraces only. Rather he should have the referee, if he
fails then he
should at least rope in the two linesmen or if he fails again
then he should
be the one who sponsors the game. If he decides to play the
game anyway,
then definitely he would end up like Raila Odinga who won the
elections but
lost the race to the state house! Do I hear someone say it
happened in 2002?
Who was the referee — Tobaiwa Mudede? Who was the
sponsor — ZanuPF? Who won
— Morgan? Who is president — Mugabe?
The constitution which
many are crying for is just a piece of paper in
the face of Zanu PF. When
you control the army and police there is no reason
why that piece of paper
cannot be pierced. Zanu PF has been doing so. It has
a long history of not
only violating the constitution but also disregarding
other binding
international protocols. So why cry for a new constitution now
in country
like this. Instead there shouldn’t be elections as long as the
current
government is still in power.
All pro-democratic forces should
unite in pressuring the current
government out of office. It is the civil
responsibility of every Zimbabwean
to arise in times like these but it
remains the utmost duty of
pro-democratic political leaders to recruit,
enlist and coalesce with other
forces to strengthen their
cause.
Noting the above, people like Morgan Tsvangirai should
realize that at
one point in time everyone of us was once Zanu PF or at
least subservient to
its ideas. We all should then take responsibility of
what we let upon
ourselves and sincerely seek to correct our sins. Thus; no
progressive
solution will ever be found unless the opposition starts to
appreciate the
importance of those level-headed people still within Zanu
PF.
These are the people who bring with them not only political
clout but
also military and tactical strength. That is why Zanu PF welcomed
with a
warm hand General Rex Nhongo when he defected from ZAPU in 1972. What
is
needed now is to create a sense of security within the state machinery.
To
remove the fears of retribution or redundancy come the moment of
change.
So what the opposition should be doing now is to enter into
coercive
engagement with level-headed or disgruntled people within ZANU PF.
Alliances
are made for specific purposes within the course of any revolution
that is
why ANC chose to align with SACP when even Mandela was skeptical of
communism and guess what, it was not Thabo Mbeki or Nelson Mandela or Jacob
Zuma who led the struggle; it was Joe Slovo and Chris Hani who were both
communists. Had ANC not embraced the SACP right now South Africa could still
be under apartheid rule.
If the opposition manages to gain
enough political and martial support
then that’s when the can start to
engage Zanu PF as equals. It would have
the right voice to call for an
interim government which would then draw a
new constitution and be mandated
to run free and fair elections. So YES,
Tsvangirai should boycott elections
but he should with immediate effect
swallow his pride and engage other
political players with an idea of
creating a bigger, gallant and well-oiled
force.
Our responsibility as common Zimbabweans and not political
leaders is
to put pressure on the current government, to mobilize against it
and ensure
that a favourable candidate wins come elections. The diaspora
should not
only hold demonstrations at embassies but should seek to make its
economic
power be felt by Zanu PF by withholding foreign currency. Those
still within
the country should work to educate and reassure fellow
Zimbabweans that
their children in the diaspora have not forgotten them but
that the action
is for a purpose.
I for one will be the first
to jump if at all a serious call comes. So
I urge Morgan not to be like
Mugabe — initiate dialogue, initiate action,
initiate
sense.
Freeman Forward Chari
Secretary
General
Zimbabwe Youth Movement
freemanchari@gmail.com
Hell no, not that Jonathan Moyo! I consider myself a progressive human
being
and a good citizen. I grew up going to church. Although I may not
necessarily be labelled a "good Christian", I do believe in the value of
some moral and Christian standards.
In that way, I believe in
forgiveness; we all do wrong and need to be
forgiven at some point, but we
should never lose the lesson in the process.
This concerns one
Zimbabwean citizen, Jonathan Moyo, a distinguished
professor of political
science recently turned politician.
I see the opposition is trying
to bring together all anti-Mugabe
people under a united front for election
purposes.
Please do, because it is all very necessary, but I write
to cry that
please don’t include Jonathan Moyo. Hell, No!
I
have nothing personal against him as a person, but I can’t forget
what he
did to us. Who could have known that in Zimbabwe, state media could
become
so polarised, so filled with so much propaganda it rivals the former
Soviet
Union’s Pravda?
It’s such a laughing stock that our grade school
kids know that the
government papers lie.
Who could have
thought that ZTV could be so anti-people, so pro-ruling
party and so
predictably monotonous?
Zanu PF is not a democratic party, never
was. But they had some
elementary pretence at democracy to the extent that
they even let state
papers expose government scandals — until Jonathan Moyo
came onto the scene.
Here is a man who showed Mugabe how to control what
citizens hear, think or
see. A man who hated democracy to the extent of
hating a newspaper so much
that he had The Daily News banned.
Then he tried to close all independent papers, introduced Aippa and
brought
Mahoso and company into a phony organisation called MIC.
Now he
wants to join hands with everyone to see Zanu PF out of power?
Excuse
me!
Jonathan Moyo does not disagree with Zanu PF in any way. He
just
failed to get what he wanted from it. For him to be given another
chance
through the opposition is like forgiving a bank robber, then
employing him
as a teller in the same bank, because he knows "financial
issues", no matter
from what different angle.
He tried to
decimate the opposition when he was in power, now he wants
not only
forgiveness, but a platform from which to resuscitate his political
fortunes.
He was the brains behind Mugabe’s 2002 controversial
win, so let him
go back there. If he is not wanted there, it is not the
MDC’s responsibility
to bail him out.
We may have forgiven him,
but we will never forget. The guy is not as
bad as you think — he is far
worse. The opposition should be careful who it
invites to this coalition,
because they may lose a lot of public confidence.
Do they want to
challenge Mugabe on principle, or are they just
another power- hungry gang
who want to use any avenue available to get into
power?
It
becomes difficult to trust such people. Look at what Kibaki has
just
done.
Davy Tariro Saruchera,
Nyanga
------------
Executive mayors' exit, a political
strategy
THE chief secretary to the Office of the President and
Cabinet, Dr
Misheck Sibanda on recently announced in the Government Gazette
that
President Mugabe had signed into law the Local Government Laws
Amendment Act
which sailed through Parliament this month.
The
amendments effectively reduces the post of executive mayor to a
ceremonial
one.
The post was created in 1995 following a repeal of the Act
that
established the Urban Council Act 29:15.
The Combined
Harare Residents’ Association (CHRA) deplores the move by
the government.
CHRA views it as baseless political strategy targeted at
entrenching the
power of the regime in local authorities.
The opposition has over
the years been controlling or winning mayoral
seats in most urban areas.
They have failed to perform largely due to
continued interference from the
Local Government ministry. The Minister of
Local government, Public works
and urban development, Dr Ignatious Chombo
has even fired some of these
Mayors on alleged charges of incompetence.
The continued
interference from the central government has made it
difficult for local
authorities to operate independently. They did not have
the liberty of
borrowing powers and were not positively supported by the
Local government
ministry.
The removal of the post of Executive Mayor will not
improve the
collapsed social services delivery. CHRA makes the following
recommendations:
* Reform of the Urban Councils Act, as
opposed to piecemeal amendments
which do not improve local governance
systems in Zimbabwe. The act in its
current form is subject to manipulation
for party political interests
* Free and fair local governance
elections that will usher in a
leadership chosen by the people, accountable
to the people and sensitive to
their needs.
* Government
must provide direct and indirect funding to local
authorities to help them
provide quality municipal services. In South Africa
local authorities
receive grants from the national budget.
* CHRA also urges the
constitutionalisation of local governance.
CHRA has been
training and capacitating residents to demand their
rights. CHRA also
distributes information on the goings-on in local
governance
issues.
Farai Barnabas Mangodza 2
Chief Executive
Officer
Harare
-------------
THIS is a little
lesson for the MDC — Mobilizing For Mass Action.
Firstly, a number of
people are appointed for each high density suburb. This
number should be
between 500 and 1000 — the higher the number the better.
These people in
each suburb are alerted that mass action is to take place.
They then start
at one side of the suburb, between 12.00am and 1.00am. They
go to each house
and wake up all the adult occupants, except for one (one
adult is left at
each house to look after the children).
The adults are instructed to
bring a piece of cloth to cover their faces for
identification reasons, as
well as to help filter tear gas.
The people tasked to wake up others
should operate in pairs and must not
leave each house until the occupants
have dressed and have left.
As the people move through the suburb, they
will gather more and more
people. All these people will then make their way
into town, to a given
meeting point. i.e. Africa Unity Square.
The
idea of this exercise is to get as many people as possible into town. If
they start making their way into town in the early hours of the morning,
most of the journey will be undertaken in darkness.
This will help
them to evade roadblocks and will make it very difficult for
the police and
soldiers to stop hundreds of thousands of people coming from
all directions
into the city.
A target of at least 500 000 people should be the aim for
the first
operation. This will give people confidence and will help to pave
the way
for other protests.
People will understand that they are less
vulnerable in very large groups.
The first protest should only last until
about 10 AM. and should not go on
for too long.
Zulu
2,
UK
The Sunday Times
February 3, 2008
Dean Nelson
FRIENDS of Simon Mann, the Old Etonian former SAS
officer who was jailed for
his part in a failed African coup, last night
urged him to betray the
financiers behind the plot after he was deported to
Equatorial Guinea.
Mann is believed to be in the notorious Black Beach
jail in Equatorial
Guinea’s capital, Malabo, where he is expected to face a
show trial for
plotting a coup against Teodoro Obiang Nguema, dictator of
the oil-rich
state.
Mann was deported after completing a four-year
sentence at Chikurubi jail in
Zimbabwe, where the coup plot was discovered.
He was arrested along with 67
mainly South African mercenaries in a Boeing
as they waited to collect
weapons for their mission.
One close friend
and former business partner said the Equatorial Guinea
government had
indicated that it was prepared to do a deal to free Mann if
he confessed to
his role and gave a detailed account of what had been
planned and who had
supported it.
He said Mann no longer owed his backers any allegiance and
he hoped he would
now give the Equatorial Guineans what they wanted. “I
don’t understand why
he’s been holding out,” he said. “If it can buy him his
freedom, why not? It’s
not as if they’ve stood by him. He has a child he has
never seen. He has a
son he last saw when he was four and who misses him
terribly.”
If convicted in Equatorial Guinea he faces a minimum 30-year
jail term.
Last night the Equatorial Guinea government’s lawyer in the
case,
Paris-based Henry Page, said: “If he cooperates he could expect to be
treated better than if he does not.”
The affair became known as “the
wonga coup” after Mann smuggled a note to
friends urging them to contact the
plot’s backers and persuade them to pay a
large “splodge of wonga” to get
him out of jail. They included Lady Thatcher’s
son Mark, who later pleaded
guilty in South Africa to helping to finance the
plot.
In the first part of our investigation into cricket inside Zimbabwe, a look at what's happening in the schools
Steven Price
February 3, 2008
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Finding out what is happening in any walk of life inside Zimbabwe is getting harder by the day, and cricket is no exception. Foreign journalists are rarely permitted to enter the country, and few local reporters are still working - those that remain write for outlets vigorously policed by the state.
The only exposure cricket gets is when the national side plays. Outside that, the government-controlled Herald newspaper covers some local matches, but more often than not its reports are provided by Zimbabwe Cricket (ZC).
In the aftermath of the World Cup, it was well publicised that Zimbabwe received approximately US$ 11 million from the ICC, and questions were inevitably raised as to how that sum was being spent, given the relatively few matches played by the team - they remain in self-imposed suspension from Test cricket - and the small number of players inside the country.
The board, and Peter Chingoka, its chairman, countered the queries with bullish rhetoric about the state of school and club cricket and the investment being made in those areas. But for all the confident talk there remained rumours all was not well, and so I decided to find out for myself.
I started at the bottom, schools cricket. Historically, private schools have provided the core of Zimbabwe's provincial and national players - Chingoka himself was educated at the prestigious St George's College - and given the money they have been able to spend on basics such as grounds and equipment, that was not surprising.
The story in many of the schools was surprisingly good. "All the traditional junior and high schools are still playing cricket and the structures still seem to be there," one administrator told me. "All the age groups are still running." There was also good news among the government schools in high-density areas, where some were lucky enough to have ZC-funded coaches and many were still playing competitive cricket.
But there were claims that the distribution was not necessarily even. "Many school grounds are not being used due to the high cost of maintaining the facilities," one local player/coach admitted. "Only a few selected schools who are prepared to toe the line get funding from ZC for tractors and mowers to cut the outfields."
The increasing lack of good coaches is a growing problem, and one that is affecting even the private schools. "The current teachers require a second income to survive and can't afford the time to coach in the afternoons," said one former Test cricketer who helps out when he can. "It's been a pleasure coaching a young side that is so keen, but without an experienced coach who has played the game at some level, how is any sport going to grow in this country?"
The other big difference between government and private schools is equipment, which has always been scarce but now, as the economic crisis worsens, has become almost impossible to get hold of without foreign currency. Kit is shared between players - sides often have only one or two bats between them - and there are also growing issues with maintaining anything approaching reasonable surfaces for them to play on.
Parents desire to have their children involved in the game, but then with the spiralling cost of basics such as food, transport, and school fees, cricket isn't one of the priorities | |||
To its credit, ZC has a scholarship programme that enables talented players at junior schools to be sent to traditional cricket-playing private schools, such as Prince Edward School, Churchill Boys High School, and Milton High School. Exact numbers are hard to obtain but one master reckoned that at any one time there were around 25 boys on the scheme. Several of the current national side - for example, Tatenda Taibu, Hamilton Masakadza, Stuart Matsikenyeri, Chamu Chibhabha, Elton Chigumbura and Vusi Sibanda - have benefited from this programme.
The downside is that the Zimbabwe Academy, which Chingoka recently claimed was operational and which takes in "youngsters between the ages of 17 and 23", does not appear to have had an intake for at least two years. The buildings were burned down in late 2006, though the practice facilities remain.
Outside Harare the picture is gloomier, and the lack of players means that many schoolboys are fast-tracked into senior sides, purely to keep the clubs functioning. In Manicaland it is estimated that as many as three quarters of those playing for clubs are still at school.
"There's just a little bit going on as there are only two schools that had a cricket culture on the school curriculum," a local player said. Although he said there were attempts to spread the game, it was failing through a lack of investment. "Equipment for those taking up the game should be made available free, which isn't happening," he said. "The parents desire to have their children involved in the game, but then with the spiralling cost of basics such as food, transport, and school fees, cricket isn't one of the priorities."
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In Matabeleland, the private schools, such as Falcon College outside Bulawayo, still function. "The standard of play at school level is good ... it's really competitive," one local said. "I know at High School they play two-day cricket, which is good in preparing the boys for the longer version of the game." But outside the elite institutions things are not as rosy, and the coaching is a problem. "The board has got coaches at some of the schools in Bulawayo ... but not all of them because many of them have left for South Africa. The private schools do have their own full-time coaches who are qualified enough."
What is of concern, and an observation that kept cropping up, is the perception that standards have fallen markedly in the last five years, a natural knock-on of deteriorating facilities, and as one headmaster told me, of the fact that for an increasing number of Zimbabweans survival is the priority and not sport. And only this week the United Nations reported that an increasing number of teachers are deserting their schools as they have not been paid.
"Once they leave school they are on their own to fend for themselves. After school one has to get a job immediately to cope with inflation," a coach said. "Half of them end up working and can't afford the time to play cricket."
The falling standards in the schools and the drop in the numbers of those who continue to play the game is having an impact. One source close to the Under-19 side warned that man for man, the current side is weaker than the one that did so well at the 2006 U-19 World Cup, and that is also reflected across the age groups. Given that many of the current full side have come from the U-19s in the last two or three years, that more than anything should concern the administrators.
Clearly, there is little ZC can do about the general malaise, but it does seem to be offering support where it can. There is a suspicion that Harare is much better catered for than some of the other centres; ZC would counter that the bulk of cricket is played there. It's a chicken-and-egg situation.
What is heartening is that despite all the hardships, cricket in schools is surviving, and that offers some hope for the future. The worry is that maintaining the structures gets harder with every passing day.
Next week: Club cricket in Zimbabwe
Steven Price is a freelance journalist based in Harare
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