By ANGUS SHAW
The
Associated Press
Friday, February 4, 2011; 11:52 AM
HARARE, Zimbabwe
-- Britain has sent a formal diplomatic complaint to
Zimbabwean authorities
protesting harassment of a diplomat and attempts by
ruling party supporters
to disrupt the handover of a British aid project,
officials said
Friday.
In a statement, the British embassy said Mugabe's party bussed
protesters to
a mission hospital in eastern Zimbabwe where the diplomat,
second secretary
Sarah Bennett, handed over British-funded hospital
equipment.
Demonstrators mobbed local officials and visiting dignitaries,
demanding the
lifting of Western economic sanctions targeted at Mugabe and
his ruling
elite. It was "deeply depressing" the project was subjected to
party
propaganda, the statement said.
No violence was reported, but
the incident came amid rising political
tensions and a new upsurge in
political violence across Zimbabwe ahead of
elections proposed later this
year.
Bennett was in the remote Mutasa rural district Wednesday to donate
mortuary
equipment the area had long lacked.
Rowdy demonstrators
carried placards describing Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai, the former
opposition leader in a fragile two-year power sharing
coalition with Mugabe,
as a "puppet" of the West.
British Ambassador Mark Canning said in
Friday's statement that Britain
spent more than $100 million in aid for
local communities last year.
He dismissed claims that visa, business and
banking sanctions on Mugabe and
his ZANU-PF party by Britain and European
Union hurt Zimbabweans as a whole.
"Only 1 in 70,000 Zimbabweans are
affected by the EU's restrictive
measures - because they are targeted at
those responsible for human rights
abuses and behavior which undermines
democracy and good governance," he
said.
On Sunday, human rights
activists reported that political tensions and
violence rose markedly in
January ahead of proposed elections this year even
though a date for the
vote has not been scheduled yet.
Mob attacks, threats, assaults,
questionable arrests by police and at least
one shooting were reported in
clashes between rival party supporters in
Harare and its
suburbs.
Zimbabwe's state-run radio has accused the prime minister of
trying to spark
anti-government uprisings similar to those seen in Tunisia
and Egypt.
An independent doctors' group said Thursday it had evidence
from witness
accounts that at least 70 Mugabe militants were brought by
truck to the
western Mbare township, the center of new clashes this week
that left nine
people injured, three of them hospitalized.
Calm
returned to downtown Harare after mobs chanting slogans of Mugabe's
party
besieged downtown offices of the Tsvangirai-led City Council on
Wednesday.
Tsvangirai entered a coalition with Mugabe after
violence-plagued elections
in 2008. Mugabe has called for national elections
later in 2011 to bring an
end to bitter disputes over power sharing in the
coalition.
http://www.radiovop.com
04/02/2011
17:31:00
Harare,February 04, 2011 - The British embassy in Zimbabwe
has condemned the
demonstration by Zanu (PF) supporters at a hand over
ceremony of a mortuary
constructed by the consulate at a cost of U$$10 000
in the Mutasa area near
Mutare.
Radio VOP reported this week that
dozens of Zanu (PF) supporters waving
placards calling for the removal of
sanctions disrupted the mortuary
handover ceremony attended by British
embassy second secretary, Sarah Bennet
in Mutasa. The youths demonstrated
saying Zimbabwe's former colonial master,
Britain must remove sanctions
imposed on the country.
"It is deeply depressing that Zanu (PF) should
seek to exploit such an
occasion for crude propaganda purposes. The local
dignitaries present
expressed their embarassment at such behaviour," said an
embassy official,
Keith Scott in a statement on Friday.
"On 2
February, the people of Mutasa celebrated the opening of a newly
refurbished
mortuary at St Barbara's mission hospital courtesy of a grant of
$ 10,000
from the British Embassy. However, the handover was marred by a
demonstration against so called sanctions by a small group of protestors
bussed in by Zanu (PF)."
" The Embassy has also sent a formal
complaint to the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs about the harassment directed
at its Second Secretary, Dr Sarah
Bennett, at the event and expressed its
extreme disappointment that handover
ceremonies of the sort that Dr Bennett
attended on
Wednesday should deliberately be disrupted in this manner," Scott
said.
British ambassador to Zimbabwe, Mark Canning said it is
'nonsense' for
anyone to say the British imposed sanctions on Zimbabwe but
said the
sanctions were imposed on President Robert Mugabe and his
sychophants.
"The UK is proud to have been delivering projects such
as this for many
years. Whether providing new school buildings or textbooks,
or refurbishing
clinics or providing medicines for all , we are getting real
assistance to
the people of Zimbabwe. Our substantial aid programme - over
100 million
dollars last year has benefited local communities throughout the
country,"
Canning said.
"Unfortunately , we still hear from some
quarters the nonsense that the UK
and others are hurting Zimbabwe through
"sanctions." Only 1 in every 70 000
Zimbabweans are affected by the EU's
restrictive measures because they are
targetted at those responsible for
Human Rights abuses and behaviour which
undermines democracy and good
governance."
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Own Correspondent Friday 04 February
2011
HARARE – Zimbabwe’s foreign debt stood at more than $6.9 billion
at the end
of 2010 while the country has fallen behind on its payments to
external
creditors to the tune of $4.8 billion, according to latest data
from the
central bank.
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor Gideon
Gono said the southern
African country’s total external debt stock amounted
to US$6,929 million as
at 31 December 2010, representing 103 percent of
GDP.
This is way above the international debt sustainability benchmark of
60
percent.
“The bulk of the country’s external debt is owed to
multilateral creditors
which account for 36 percent of the country’s total
debt,” Gono said.
Bilateral and commercial creditors are owed 33 percent
and 31 percent,
respectively.
Central government was the largest
debtor at 57 percent while parastatals
and the private sector owed 35
percent and 8 percent, respectively.
The ballooning arrears on the
external debt have prevented multilateral
creditors such as the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank from
extending new loans to
Zimbabwe, demanding that the country clears the
outstanding balances first
before becoming eligible for further financial
support.
Harare owes
close to US$1 billion in arrears to the IMF, World Bank and
African
Development Bank.
Economists and the IMF have contended that the only way
Harare could pull
itself out of its current debt trap is through
international debt
forgiveness.
An IMF staff paper published last
July said Zimbabwe was in debt distress
and warned that neither the right
economic policies nor its mineral wealth
could immediately resolve the
country’s large debt problem.
IMF staff estimate that Zimbabwe’s foreign
debt is projected to reach 151
percent of GDP by 2015, with 104 percent of
GDP in arrears.
To win debt relief Zimbabwe would need to improve ties
with the
international community and qualify for a global scheme for heavily
indebted
poor countries that would lead to debt cancellation after a
two-year
economic programme.
Zimbabwe has struggled to win donor
support despite the formation of a
coalition government last year while
private capital inflows have fallen
over concerns about a government plan to
force foreign-owned firms to sell
majority shares to locals.
http://www.radiovop.com
04/02/2011
08:57:00
Bulawayo, February 04 2011 - A ZIPRA War Veterans Trust
deputy chair has
accused the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) soldiers of
embarking on
unprecedented political violence in Mwenezi area in Masvingo
province
targetted at Movement of Democratic Change (MDC)
supporters.
Retired col Bester Magwizi accused two former ZIPRA and ZNA
soldiers,
captain Solomon Ndlovu and col Tshudina Moyo for leading a terror
campaign
against MDC supporters in the Maranda area of Mwenezi.
Zipra
is a former military wing of the old Zapu which fought for the
liberation of
Zimbabwe.
“We were in Mwenezi recently on our community healing programme
and campaign
towards a non violent election. We were really shocked to learn
that some of
our former colleagues during the liberation struggle are being
used by Zanu
(PF) to intimidate, murder and torture defenseless civilians,”
Magwizi told
Radio VOP.
Magwizi cited the MDC‘s organising secretary
in the area, one Hove whom he
said was severely tortured and left for dead
by captain Ndlovu.
“I confronted these soldiers about their nefarious
activities in the area
because I am really disappointed since I am the one
who recruited these
people in the liberation struggle while I was the
Southern Front 3 commander
in ZIPRA. When I confronted them about what they
are doing, they said they
were taking orders from Col Exvia Hungwe. After
that I got in touch with
Hungwe and he told me not to interfere with the
business of his boys,” said
Magwizi.
Magwizi vowed that the trust
will continue with its community healing
programme as well as exposing war
veterans who are terrorising civilians on
behalf of Zanu (PF).
“We
fought to free this country from all forms of oppression. What our
colleagues are doing is against what the sons and daughters of Zimbabwe died
for."
Radio VOP was not able to obtain a comment from the accused ZNA
top
officials on the alleged cases of violence although the Defence Minister
Emmerson Mnangagwa has repeatedly denied the soldiers'involvement in
politics.
The ZIPRA national healing programme is aimed at forcing
perpetrators of
violence to confess and apologise to the community for
engaging in violent
activities.
The programme has so far been
conducted in some parts of Midlands, Harare,
Matabeleland North and South.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona
sibanda
4 February 2011
Co-Home Affairs Minister Theresa Makone on
Friday said if Robert Mugabe gave
instructions to the police to act
decisively on violence ‘it will end
instantaneously.’
‘If the Head of
State was to address the nation following such serious
political
disturbances and order the police to arrest the perpetrators, all
this evil
will come to an end without a doubt,’ Makone said.
She told SW Radio
Africa that the reason why it seems she is unable to deal
with the violence
is because of a legislation that prevents her and Kembo
Mohadi from being
involved in the day to day operations of the police force.
Mohadi is co-Home
Affairs from ZANU PF. According to the Police Act, it is
only the President
who can give instructions direct to the police.
‘I’m a minister merely in
charge of policies. My situation then becomes very
difficult to become
answerable for someone to who you cannot give a direct
command. The
Commissioner-General is answerable to the President. If I have
to ask him to
do something I have to put it in writing and this process
becomes
cumbersome. Most times you write letters but nothing happens.
‘So you
wonder really if he gets these letters. A good example is today, I
left
Commissioner-General a letter with instructions from what we discussed
with
the President and the Prime Minister yesterday (Thursday). I left the
letter
at 8am but by 4pm he said he hadn’t seen it,’ Makone added.
Minister
Makone declined to go into the letters details, merely saying;
‘There were
instructions of what needs to be done, to stop the violence as
agreed with
the President and Prime Minister.’
The Minister said she spent an hour
briefing the two principals what was
happening in as far as violence is
concerned in Harare from Budiriro to
recent events in Mbare
‘I told
them in no uncertain terms who was responsible and the fear and
reluctance
by the police to get involved. The police are as guilty as the
perpetrators
of violence for standing by while the citizens of this country
are being
butchered. This increases the violence.
‘What we have in the police force
is a certain amount of fear from some
officers to act against ZANU PF. Then
there seems to be another faction that
actively encourages and participates
in attacks on citizens. This is the
reason why the ZRP gets the blame for
failing to contain violence,’ she
said.
The Minister said following
her meeting with the two principals it was
agreed steps had to be taken to
ensure peace is restored in Harare, to allow
citizens to go about their
normal business without any fear of attacks.
But all members of the
country’s military Junta, known as the Joint
Operations Command (JOC),
report directly to Mugabe. Until he decides to end
the violence, nothing
will happen.
http://www.radiovop.com/
04/02/2011
09:01:00
Mbare, Harare, February 04, 2011 - Zanu (PF) youth popularly
known as
Chipangano are visiting vendors in Mbare demanding President
Mugabe's
birthday donations and voter registration receipts for the
forthcoming
referendum to choose a new constitution for
Zimbabwe.
Radio VOP on Thursday witnessed the rowdy Zanu (PF) Mbare
youths visiting
each vendor at Mbare vegetable market demanding U$ 1
donations for Mugabe's
87th birthday celebrations known as the 21st February
movement.
Zimbabweans were last year consulted, amid chaos and violence,
for their
views on the new constitution by an outreach programme spearheaded
by a
parliamentary committee.
“What we were told is to produce $1
plus the voter registration receipt.
They are saying that the $1 is for the
21st February movement celebrations
due on 26 this month here in Harare,”a
vendor told Radio VOP.
Zanu (PF) has in the past threatened vendors at
both Mupedzanhamo market and
Mbare vegetable market with eviction if they
fail to support the party and
Mugabe.
Meanwhile a Mbare Magistrate
Rebecca Kaviya on Thursday freed on bail
Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) Mbare Ward 3 councillor Paul Gorekore
and six other supporters, who
were arrested on Monday for allegedly
assaulting some Zanu (PF)
supporters.
The seven, who will return to court on February 17, were
accused of throwing
stones at Zanu (PF) supporters who were passing outside
the MDC offices in
Mbare. The supporters, who are Mbare residents, were
allegedly clearing some
debris from their party’s shattered offices, which
were demolished by some
Zanu (PF) youths last week.
The incident has
since sparked political violence in one of the oldest
townships of Harare
which has seen most people injured and hospitalised in
the past few
weeks.
Magistrate Kaviya granted free bail to the seven Mbare residents
after the
residents’ lawyers Tawanda Zhuwarara and Jeremiah Bamu of Zimbabwe
Lawyers
for Human Rights (ZLHR) applied for their release on
bail.
The State had opposed bail and had led evidence from the
investigating
officer, Detective Assistant Inspector Lazarus Jonasi Majonga.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tererai
Karimakwenda
04 February, 2011
Taxi drivers and commuter omnibus crews
were recently ordered to play ZANU
PF songs in their vehicles and to always
display the Zimbabwe flag. SW Radio
Africa correspondent Simon Muchemwa said
members of the Commuter Omnibus
Association and taxi drivers were ordered to
attend a meeting in Harare that
was addressed by ‘rank marshals’ who manage
traffic at bus terminals.
They were told that it is now mandatory to play
music praising ZANU PF and
to display a Zimbabwean flag in their vehicles,
if they want to pick up
passengers at the bus terminals.
Muchemwa
said specific songs were recommended, including the new ZANU PF
album
produced by Sani Makalima. Music by the “Born Free Crew”, played
continuously on the state run ZBC radio and ZTV, was especially
recommended.
“It appears ZANU PF is trying to appeal to the youth in
urban areas who
traditionally vote for the MDC, by speaking their language
through music,”
said Muchemwa.
The Harare based correspondent has
also been monitoring the wave of violence
that has engulfed Mbare
high-density suburb in the last few weeks. Muchemwa
spoke to Mbare residents
who said the recent attacks were orchestrated by
the notorious Chipangano
gang of ZANU PF youths.
The locals, who chose not to be identified, said
Chipangano is being used to
assault, intimidate, torture or evict any Mbare
residents suspected of being
MDC supporters or activists.
The members
are well known to locals and to the police, who are under orders
not to
interfere with their activities. Muchemwa said the top gang leaders
receive
special favours from ZANU PF officials. But lower ranks take
advantage of
their immunity by looting and confiscating products from
innocent street
vendors.
Mbare residents also reported that unfamiliar characters from
outside Harare
are being bussed in to assist Chipangano members. A group of
about 200 thugs
took part in attacks at the MDC Mbare office and at the home
of councillor
Paul Gorekore on Monday.
“You could tell from
everything about them, even from their skin, that they
were not from
Harare,” said Muchemwa.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Lance Guma
04
February 2011
Almost 4 months after appearing to trivialize MDC-T
complaints about the
appointments of Johannes Tomana, Gideon Gono and Roy
Bennett in the
coalition government, Professor Welshman Ncube finds himself
possibly having
to eat his own words, after becoming another outstanding
issue.
Last month Ncube declared himself Deputy Prime Minister after
toppling
Arthur Mutambara as leader of the smaller MDC faction. But Robert
Mugabe has
snubbed his elevation and refused to swear him in as deputy
premier claiming
it would create legal problems for the government. Mugabe
even suggested
that it would require Mutambara to resign his post to clear
the way for
Ncube.
This week commentators were digging up old quotes
from Ncube on contentious
GPA issues. In October 2010 Ncube told his twitter
followers, “to us it is
not about positions but rather about what we can do
to improve the lives of
ordinary people. We are frustrated that our partners
have slowed the full
GPA implementation over issues, including the
appointment of Gono, Tomana
and Bennett.”
Political commentator
Sanderson Makombe also wrote an article quoting Ncube
as saying, ‘we don’t
see why the important business of the State should be
interrupted by such
trivial matters such as how this one should be in this
position and that one
should not be in that position.’ The position of the
party was further
highlighted by Mutambara who claimed Mugabe had the right
to make the
appointments.
“How ironic then that when the next round of negotiations
on the full
implementation of the GPA commences, Welshman Ncube’s name will
appear
alongside Roy Bennett, Johannes Tomana and Gideon Gono as an
outstanding
issue. Trivial is it professor?” Makombe wrote. It has also been
confirmed
that Ncube has requested a meeting with Mugabe to resolve the new
dispute.
Makombe meanwhile believes, “The debacle over Ncube’s ascendancy
and
subsequent request to be sworn in as Deputy Prime Minister exposes how
shoddy the drafters of the GPA and Constitutional Amendment Number 19 were,
in not anticipating such arising challenges. These documents provide ample
academic discourse on how not to write a constitution,” he said.
The
MDC-N meanwhile released a statement on Sunday saying Mugabe “has no
power
or right to appoint any person into the cabinet without the approval
of
(their) party through (its) leadership. Equally clear, is the right of
each
party to reshuffle, reassign or recall any of its representatives, the
President being required only to formally make the appointments as requested
by the parties.”
Makombe however said attempts by Ncube’s party to
compare their current
redeployment of Mutambara with the cabinet reshuffle
by Tsvangirai last
year, were misplaced. “The appointment, deployment and
reshuffling of
ministers is expressly provided for in the constitution by
amendment No 19.”
While in the case of the President, Prime Minister and
their deputies; “Such
vacancy shall be filled by a nominee of the Party
which held that position
prior to the vacancy arising.” The problem is even
though ‘they are free to
choose whoever they want to fill that vacancy. The
debate is whether the
same office is currently vacant?”
With Mutambara
not having resigned, it means there is no vacancy legally.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
04 February
2011
The World Diamond Council (WDC) on Friday insisted that Zimbabwe’s
diamond
future is still under discussion, dismissing reports that the
country has
the go ahead to start exporting its controversial Chiadzwa
stones.
Members of the diamond trade watchdog, the Kimberley Process
(KP), last
month voted in favour of an amendment to an agreement that was
proposed last
November in Jerusalem, and turned down by the Zimbabwean
authorities.
Zimbabwe was suspended from exporting its diamonds in 2009
because of rights
abuses at the Chiadzwa diamond fields, including violence
and smuggling. The
country’s Mines Ministry insists that such abuses have
stopped, and have
threatened to sell the diamonds without KP
approval.
State media groups have since reported that Zimbabwe has the
“green light”
to resume exports. But the WDC said in a statement on Friday
that before
exports can resume, the Zimbabwean authorities “need to complete
a series of
consultations with Mr. Mathieu Yamba, the Chair of the Kimberley
Process,
representing the Democratic Republic of Congo.”
“We believe
these consultations are sensitive and ongoing. Mr. Yamba has
called for
understanding and patience as efforts are made, in good faith, on
all sides
to reach a conclusion,” the WDC said.
The group added that it would
continue to advise members of the diamond
industry that, until a conclusion
is reached, exports of Chiadzwa diamonds
do not carry the approval of the
KP.
The amended agreement is being viewed as a last ditch attempt by the
KP to
reach a consensus on certifying Chiadzwa stones, with critics arguing
that
the KP is being forced into a corner by Zimbabwe’s threat to export
without
approval. Commentators have expressed concerned that this new
agreement
doesn’t make the issue of human rights a priority.
Of
particular concern is the amendment to a ‘violence clause’ that will make
it
harder for those who allege human rights abuses at Chiadzwa to seek a
formal
investigation by the KP. Under the amendment, it will now take three,
rather
than two member countries to endorse a call for monitoring by the
KP.
http://www.bloomberg.com
By Brian Latham
- Feb 4, 2011 9:12 PM GMT+1000
Zimbabwe must demonstrate how it will
prevent diamonds from its Marange
fields being smuggled over the border to
Mozambique if it wants to freely
export gems from the deposit, which it
mines minister says is the biggest
diamond discovery in a
century.
Zimbabwe must “provide a credible anti-smuggling enforcement
plan” that
includes cooperation with the government of neighboring
Mozambique, the
Kimberley Process said in documents sent to Zimbabwe on Dec.
29 that were
obtained by Bloomberg.
The documents were confirmed as
genuine by Mathieu Yamba, current chairman
of the Kimberley Process, in an
interview today from Kinshasa, Democratic
Republic of Congo. Zimbabwe has
yet to respond, he said, declining to
comment further. The Kimberley Process
is an organization that includes
governments and diamond industry companies
and is designed to reduce the
trade of diamonds used to finance
conflicts.
The deposits in eastern Zimbabwe could generate $2 billion in
annual export
income, the state-controlled Herald newspaper cited mines
minister Obert
Mpofu as saying in October. Zimbabwe, a member of the
Process, isn’t
certified to exports the gems from the field because it has
not met a
standard to demonstrate that proceeds from sales aren’t financing
conflict.
Mpofu declined to comment when called today.
Zimbabwe’s
government must also give the Kimberley Process and the Kimberley
Process
Local Focal Point, a coalition of Zimbabwean civil rights
organizations,
“unfettered access” to the Marange diamond fields, the
Process states in the
documents.
Diamond Smuggling
“If abuses or smuggling continue,
then we would expect the self-cessation
mechanism in the KP agreement to
come into play and for Zimbabwe to
immediately stop exports,” Human Rights
Watch Africa Researcher Tiseke
Kasambala said in an e-mailed statement from
Johannesburg today.
Human Rights Watch, based in New York, and
Partnership Africa Canada have
said that proceeds from diamond smuggling are
helping to enrich allies of
President Robert Mugabe and could finance a
violent election campaign by his
Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic
Front party. Zanu-PF has denied
benefiting from gem smuggling.
Any
violation reported to the Kimberley Process Work Monitoring Group must
put a
stop to the export of diamonds within seven days, the Process states
in the
documents.
Zimbabwe must also provide a clear time line during which
control of the
Marange fields will be handed from the military to the
police, the agreement
says.
The World Diamond Council yesterday said
in a statement that Zimbabwe will
be able to export gems from Marange, which
is also known as Chiadzwa, if an
agreement can be reached with the Kimberley
Process. Talks between Yamba and
Zimbabwe are currently being held, the
council said, giving no further
details.
http://af.reuters.com/
Fri Feb 4, 2011 2:55pm
GMT
By Alfonce Mbizwo
HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe has licensed
five independent power producers
whose projects are aimed at helping a
struggling power sector by doubling
current electricity output to 4,450
megawatts, a government minister said on
Friday.
Power shortages have
hurt mining and industry in the southern African state
slowly recovering
from hyperinflation that crushed the economy about two
years
ago.
Energy and Power Development Minister Elton Mangoma told Reuters
that
Zimbabwe had also secured $30 million from the African Development Bank
(ADB) to fund maintenance at the states's main Hwange Power
Station.
"They said they would make $30 million available, which will be
channelled
mostly to Hwange," he said.
Hwange's six generating units
have a capacity to produce 950 megawatts but
the whole station is currently
producing only about 40 percent of that.
"We still have to sit with ADB
to decide other areas where the money will
have the greatest impact, but as
I see it, there is a critical shortage of
skills and we need more money for
spares," Mangoma said.
Mangoma, a minister from Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai's Movement for
Democratic Change party, said Zimbabwe wanted to
bolster its power grid and
transmission systems.
"We have also
licensed a number of independent power producers in the last
few months that
will come on stream in the next three to four years," he
said.
The
new plants will have a collective capacity of 4,540 MW, more than double
the
current 2,000 MW capacity.
Zimbabwe, whose mining firms are major power
consumers, now needs about
2,700 MW and imports an average of 300 MW from
neighbouring countries.
Its other major energy plant, Kariba Hydro Power
Station, has a capacity of
750 MW but is undergoing maintenance that has
reduced its capacity by half.
A unity government formed between Mugabe
and Tsvangirai in 2009 brought
stability to the economy, which contracted
most of the past decade due to
what analysts see as gross mismanagement by
Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF.
"We have one of the most advanced legislations
on the continent on power
management but our political and economic
situation was such that it was
hard to attract any investment," said the
minister.
http://www.radiovop.com
04/02/2011 14:55:00
Masvingo,
February 04, 2011 - A closed door meeting which was attended by
Zimbabwean
Vice President John Nkomo is believed to have given a green light
for the
complete takeover of sugar conglomerates Hippo Valley and Triangle
and
parcel out the land to indigenous black farmers who are Zanu (PF)
supporters.
According to a source who was privy to information that
was discussed at the
meeting,Nkomo had given orders that the move be carried
out "with immediate
effect".
The meeting was also attended by
Masvingo Governor and Resident Minister,
Titus Maluleke, Lands and Rural
Resettlement Minister Herbert Murerwa and
Higher and Tertiary Education
Minister Stan Mudenge, among other Zanu (PF)
politicians.
The move
comes soon after the take over by Zanu (PF) supporters of Mkwasine
Estates
in the Lowveld two weeks ago.
It also comes after the Provincial Lands
Officer, Lovemore Moyo, was sacked
for refusing to give the sugar growing
industry to the blacks.
Sources who attended the meeting at Benjamin
Burombo Building which houses
the governor’s office said Nkomo said that
there was no going back with
taking the land as once threatened by President
Mugabe last year at the
party's congress held in Mutare.
“He said
that the government is no longer sparing Hippo Valley or Triangle
as had
been planned. What is being left for the sugar conglomereates is just
the
milling of the cane. All growing will go to Zanu (PF) supporters,” said
a
source.
The source added; “He instructed the Governor to be given the
list of all
beneficiaries who are going to benefit.”
Radio VOP was
unable to get a comment from Nkomo but Masvingo Governor,
Titus Maluleke
said:
“It was a closed door meeting that is why we chased journalists away.
For
you to ask me what we said is foolish, go and write what you think we
said.”
http://af.reuters.com
Fri Feb 4, 2011 1:07pm
GMT
HARARE (Reuters) - China has offered Zimbabwe $3 billion for
vast platinum
reserves, a local private newspaper reported on Friday but
said the deal was
likely to be rejected by the government over its
terms.
Zimbabwe, with an estimated $6 billion yearly economy, has the
world's
second largest platinum reserves after South Africa. It has relied
heavily
on Chinese investment to prop up a staggering economy largely
shunned by the
West over President Robert Mugabe's suspected human rights
abuses.
Quoting sources in Zimbabwe's unity government, the weekly
Zimbabwe
Independent said the master-loan-facility from the Export-Import
Bank of
China would give the southern African country money to revive an
economy
wrecked by what many see as chronic mismanagement by Mugabe's
ZANU-PF party.
"Sources said the deal has been received with scepticism
in government
circles because it has stringent conditions," it said, citing
these as
"mortgaging platinum reserves, ceding Chiadzwa (state) diamond
revenues and
tollgate fees."
Finance Minister Tendai Biti reportedly
told the Independent talks were
going on with the Chinese, but declined to
discuss details.
Biti and Mines Minister Obert Mpofu were unavailable for
comment. Chinese
officials were also not available for comment.
On
Monday, Economic Planning and Development Minister Tapiwa Mashakada told
Reuters the state-run China Development Bank could fund up to $10 billion in
Chinese investment in Zimbabwe's mining and agriculture sector.
The
announcement could be aimed at trying to prod Western investors to sink
more
money into Zimbabwe out of fear they will lose ground to China,
analysts
said.
Western investors, already cautious of doing business with Zimbabwe
due it
its precarious political position, are also worried about a law that
says 51
percent of firms worth over $500,000 should be owned by black
Zimbabweans.
Resource-hungry China, which has strong ties with Mugabe's
ZANU-PF party
from the 1970s, has been steadily increasing its investments.
Its Foreign
Minister Yang Jiechi is due to visit Zimbabwe next week to
explore business
opportunities in the mineral-rich country.
A unity
government formed by Mugabe and rival Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai in
2009 has brought stability to an economy crushed by
hyperinflation about two
years ago.
http://www.radiovop.com
04/02/2011
08:54:00
Masvingo, February 04, 2011 - A Masvingo Magistrate who
labelled the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) as a party of 'puppets"
was recently
forced to recuse himself from a case in which MDC Nyanga North
legislator
Douglas Mwonzora is being tried for alleged fraud.
Oliver
Mudzongachiso, who in December convicted another MDC MP and Deputy
Minister
of Youth, Indigenisation and Empowerment, Tongai Matutu for
assaulting Chief
Serima, reluctantly opted out of the case after complaints
from Mwonzora’s
lawyers.
Mwonzora’s legal team had complained to Chief Magistrate Hlekani
Mwayers
that they would not get a fair trial after the magistrate's anti-MDC
utterances at a Masvingo hotel.
The Masvingo magistrate is reported
to have told patrons during a beer binge
at Masvingo’s Chevron Hotel that he
was going to convict MDC “puppets.”
On Thursday Mwonzora, who is a lawyer
by profession, confirmed to Radio VOP:
“The magistrate recused himself from
the case on Tuesday after we had
complained of his conduct which was likely
to influence the case. He
announced his decision at the court in Masvingo
because he was clearly not
suitable.”
Mwonzora represented Matutu in
his assault case which was presided over by
Mudzongachiso who convicted him
and fined him U$ 100.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Alex Bell
04 February
2011
South Africa’s President Jacob Zuma on Thursday warmly welcomed the
disputed
Zimbabwe ambassador unilaterally appointed by Robert Mugabe, in a
move that
analysts say further undermines his efforts to mediate in
Zimbabwe’s
political crisis.
Ambassador Phelekezela Mphoko was among
a group of ten officials who
presented their credentials to Zuma on
Thursday, despite warnings that
Mphoko’s appointment was unconstitutional.
Zuma appeared to pay no mind to
this, warmly greeting the new envoy. Zuma
said that it was important that
the situation in Zimbabwe be speedily
resolved and hoped that Mphoko would
provide greater insight into the
challenges in his country.
Mphoko in turn said he was appreciative of
South Africa's mediation efforts,
and said the country had proved to be an
"all weather friend" to Zimbabwe.
He also echoed ZANU PF’s sentiment about
targeted sanctions placed on the
Mugabe regime by the West, praising Zuma
for refusing to support the
"illegal sanctions.”
Mphoko, who used to
be Zimbabwe’s Ambassador to Russia, is a known Mugabe
loyalist and said to
have close links to Zimbabwe’s intelligence services.
He also
controversially dismissed the Gukurahundi atrocities as a ‘Western
conspiracy’ during a panel discussion on Zimbabwe in 2009. At the same
discussion he openly jeered other participants, who included human rights
attorney Beatrice Mtetwa, calling them “sell-outs”, accusing them of
misrepresenting the situation in Zimbabwe.
The MDC in South Africa
has since slammed South Africa’s acceptance of
Mphoko, saying the move will
“weaken” Zuma’s mediation efforts in Zimbabwe.
The MDC’s Chairman in South
Africa, Austin Moyo, told SW Radio Africa that
Zuma is undermining the
Global Political Agreement (GPA) that, as mediator
in Zimbabwe’s political
crisis, he is meant to be supporting.
Mugabe’s unilateral appointment of
ambassadors is a serious bone of
contention in the unity government as,
under the GPA, Mugabe is meant to
consult Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
on all new appointments.
“Zuma is actually supporting a unilateral
decision taken by ZANU PF,” Moyo
said, adding: “We think that, as a
mediator, he is not acting fairly.”
Prime Minister Tsvangirai has asked
the United Nations, the EU, South Africa
and other counties not to recognise
ambassadors appointed by Mugabe, because
their appointment was done without
any consultation with his partners in the
shaky coalition
government.
But political commentator Professor John Makumbe on Friday
told SW Radio
Africa that the latest developments are “a clear indication of
which side of
the Zimbabwe crisis Jacob Zuma and South Africa are
on.”
“This sends a strong message to the MDC-T that they should stop
being so
dependent on SADC and the African Union, without themselves being
active and
leading activism in Zimbabwe,” Makumbe said.
He continued
that the MDC’s lack of activity on the ground in Zimbabwe is
worrying,
saying the party should be leading the people in driving change.
“We are
seeing more of ZANU PF that the MDC on the ground. The MDC is not
even
reacting to ZANU PF. They should be actively pushing for change, not
waiting
for others to give it to them,” Makumbe said.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
04 February
2011
South African based refugee rights group, PASSOP, has accused the
Zimbabwean
government of robbing its citizens in South Africa, where more
than a
hundred thousand Zim nationals are still waiting for
passports.
Zimbabweans who have applied for permits to remain in South
Africa legally
are still waiting for their government to issue them
passports so they can
get the permits. But the Zim authorities have not made
good on their
promises to roll out the documents, even shunning meetings
with civil
society to explain the delay.
The crisis means South
Africa’s Home Affairs Minister, Nkosazana
Dlamini-Zuma, has arranged to
travel to Zimbabwe in search of political
intervention. PASSOP’s Anthony
Muteti told SW Radio Africa on Friday that
Dlamini-Zuma is planning to visit
her Zimbabwean counterparts, co-Ministers
Kembo Mohadi and Theresa Makone in
the next two weeks, in an attempt to get
the political “buy-in” needed to
get out of the current deadlock.
“We think it is insulting that a South
African Minister should be required
to go to Zimbabwe to encourage the
Zimbabwean government to do their job and
deliver on their promises,” Muteti
said.
Muteti explained that Zim nationals are feeling angry and
frustrated that no
information has been made available about when they get
their passports,
after paying R750 for the documents. He added that many
people are also
afraid for their futures, because thousands of Zim nationals
had to apply
for South African permits without their passports.
“It
is more worrying for people whose fate is dependent now on getting these
documents, because this will determine if they can stay in South Africa or
not,” Muteti said.
South Africa has extended its moratorium on
Zimbabwean deportations until
later this year, in order to process the
estimated 270 000 applications for
permits made last year. The documentation
process was launched last
September, as a special amnesty period for Zim
nationals to regularise their
stay in the country.
The process has
been hampered by Zimbabwe’s failure to produce enough
passports for its
citizens, amid suspicions that the delays are politically
motivated.
Commentators have said that ZANU PF could be behind the delay,
because they
are trying to prevent the Diaspora vote in the coming
elections.
Muteti agreed that people are suspicious saying that: “It
is obvious that if
people go back home they are not going to vote for ZANU
PF.”
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
By Reagan Mashavave
Friday, 04 February 2011
16:52
HARARE - Churches in Zimbabwe have called on political parties
to end
country-wide violence and said any future election must be held
after the
full implementation of key reforms in accordance with the Global
Political
Agreement (GPA).
In a statement, the Heads of Christian
Denominations in Zimbabwe comprising
the Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC),
the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops
Conference (ZCBC) and the Evangelical
Fellowship of Zimbabwe (EFZ) said they
are concerned about the “revival of
the structures that perpetrated violence
in the run-up to the 2008
presidential elections.'”
The church leaders urged the Southern African
Development Community (SADC)
which is the guarantor of the unity pact that
formed the unity government of
rivals President Robert Mugabe and Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai to
ensure that the GPA is fully implemented by
its signatories.
The clergy said they are ready to assist the parties in
the GPA to dialogue
and resolve sticking issues yet to be
resolved.
"All aspects of the Global Political Agreement should be fully
implemented
before an election is held," the church leaders said.
"We
also call on the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the
guarantors of the GPA, to ensure that the agreement is fully implemented
accountably and timeously. The church is ready and willing to facilitate and
support dialogue between the Principals and political parties to ensure the
resolution of the outstanding issues."
Political violence has been
rising in the country since the announcement by
Mugabe last month at his
Zanu PF's party conference that he will call for an
early election even
before key reforms have been implemented by the unity
government.
Violence erupted in Mbare, Budiriro and at Town House in
Harare in the past
weeks between supporters of Zanu PF and Movement for
Democratic Change
(MDC). The MDC has complained that the police have been
partisan, arresting
mainly their supporters leaving Zanu PF
supporters.
The churches appealed for political parties to call for peace
and said they
would organise prayer vigils under the '”Campaign for Peace”
programme,
aimed at encouraging peace in the country. The churches said a
comprehensive
national healing exercise is needed in the country to avoid
violence
repercussions in the future.
"We implore our political
leaders in the coalition government to reflect
deeply on the timing of
elections bearing in mind the unhealed state of the
nation and the fragile
state of the economy. However, whenever elections
come, it is essential for
government to implement the SADC guidelines in
full if they are to be
credible," the church leaders said.
"The Organ for National Healing,
Reconciliation and Integration should also
facilitate a comprehensive and
inclusive process of crafting the national
healing framework that will deal
with issues of truth telling,
acknowledgement of the past wrongs,
reconciliation, restorative and
transitional justice issues."
The
church leaders appealed to the police and the army to play a
non-partisan
role in ensuring that there is peace in the country.
"The church calls on
the security forces to maintain peace and security for
all citizens. They
should exercise their duties in a non-partisan manner to
fulfil their
constitutional mandate" said the church leaders.
They also called on
journalists to adhere to professional ethics and
“exercise justice and
fairness in their reporting.”
Parties in the unity government have been
haggling over the resolution of
outstanding issues in the GPA since the
formation of the unity government
almost two years ago.
Outstanding
issues in the GPA include appointments of senior government
officials,
media, electoral and security sector reforms, removal of targeted
sanctions
on Mugabe and his associates.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
04/02/2011 00:00:00
by
Lunga Sibanda
ZIMBABWE on Friday inked a US$28 million deal which saw the
Mauritian firm,
Essar Africa, assume control of the Zimbabwe Iron and Steel
Company
(Ziscosteel).
Essar Africa acquired 54 percent shareholding in
the company from the
Zimbabwe government.
After the signing ceremony,
Industry and Commerce Minister Welshman Ncube
said: “The work begins now to
restore Ziscosteel to the giant that it was
before it was bled to the ground
by corruption and mismanagement. We believe
we have signed the best deal for
the company, and the country.”
The deal at one time hit a snag when Dutch
bank, ING, demanded that the
US$28 million Essar was due to pay to the
government be used to settle a
US$28 million debt the bank was owed by the
state-run fixed telephone line
company, TelOne.
The government guaranteed
the loan agreement between TelOne and the Dutch
bank in the early
1980s.
Ncube said TelOne had since reached an agreement with ING,
allowing the
Essar deal to be signed.
Essar Africa came ahead of
several other international companies which were
angling for Ziscosteel,
including Jindhal Steel and Power of India, Arcelor
Mittal of South Africa,
Reclamation and Murray and Roberts (SA),
Sino-Zimbabwe and the Gateway
Consortium and Steel Makers Zimbabwe.
At its peak Ziscosteel used to
produce close to a million tonnes of steel a
year, but operations have
virtually ground to a halt and most of its 4,000
strong workforce
retrenched.
Essar Africa is planning to increase production at Ziscosteel up
to 14
million tonnes a year.
The resumption of production at
Ziscosteel will breathe life into Redcliff
town as it was built around the
company. Ziscosteel, as a result, used to
provide the bulk of Redcliff
Municipality’s revenue and the suspension of
production at the company
adversely affected the council’s revenue inflow.
The council has for some
time now been failing to meet basic service
provision and pay its staff.
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Tobias Manyuchi Friday 04 February
2011
HARARE -- Zimbabwean authorities say they are working to
harmonise with
national laws recommendations by special committees appointed
last year to
help the government set the percentage of shareholding
foreign-owned
companies in different sectors of the economy must transfer to
locals.
The decision to set varying empowerment thresholds for each
sector was a
major shift by President Robert Mugabe and hardliners in his
ZANU PF party
who had pushed for adoption of a harsher version of the
controversial
indigenisdation law that required foreign firms to cede 51
percent stake to
local blacks.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
opposed the law.
Indigenisation Minister Saviour Kasukuwere said work was
underway to
synchronise the recommendations with the country’s laws and in
line with
recommendations by Cabinet.
“Work is in progress to align
sector committee reports with the various
sector legal instruments, policies
and also regional best practices in order
achieve the objectives of
indigenisation and economic empowerment act,”
Kasukuwere said in a
statement.
The empowerment committees that are dominated by top Mugabe
allies and
supporters looked at the financial services, mining, agriculture,
energy,
transport and motor industry, telecommunications and information
communication technology, trading, engineering and construction.
The
committees also looked at tourism and hospitality, arts, entertainment
and
culture, education and sport, services, and manufacturing
sectors.
Kasukuwere said work was also underway to finalise by end of
this month,
consultations on the mining sector that Mugabe has said should
be the first
to be brought under black control.
According to the
government locals should own 51 percent of all mining firms
while those
exploiting the country’s rich alluvial diamond deposits should
be 100
percent black owned.
Kasukuwere has previously said that he was in
consultations with Finance
Minister Tendai Biti over how to raise money for
an empowerment fund that
shall warehouse shares for future transfer to
blacks.
But analysts say neither the cash-strapped government nor
impoverished
blacks will be able to raise money to buy shares in large
foreign-owned
mines or factories.
Among the large multinational
corporations targeted by Zimbabwe’s
empowerment laws are cigarette
manufacturer BAT Zimbabwe, which is 80
percent British-owned; UK-controlled
financial institutions Barclays Bank
and Standard Chartered Bank, food group
Nestlé Zimbabwe, mining giants Rio
Tinto and Zimplats, and AON Insurance. –
ZimOnline.
http://www.voanews.com
The Zimbabwe
National Chamber of Commerce, the Confederation of Zimbabwe
Industries and
small business representatives said banks administering the
loan facility
have not adequately responded to questions about the slow
implementation
Gibbs Dube | Washington 03 February
2011
Inflows of foreign direct investment have been scant since the
national
unity government was launched in February 2009, due to political
instability
and the indigenization program Harare has been
pursuing
Zimbabwean business leaders have expressed concern over the
failure by local
banks to disburse US$70 million in loans under the Zimbabwe
Economic and
Trade Revival Facility set up by the government and the African
Export-Import Bank.
The Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce, the
Confederation of Zimbabwe
Industries and small business representatives said
banks administering the
loan facility have not adequately responded to
questions about the slow
implementation.
ZNCC President Trust
Chikohora said business people who applied for loans
expected to start
receiving funds soon after the facility was set up last
August.
Chikohora said his understanding is that banks are working on
legal
documents that will ensure businesses receiving commercial credits
will pay
back the loans. VOA was not able to confirm this explanation with
the
Bankers Association of Zimbabwe.
Chikohora said some applicants
are panicking for fear the delay in
disbursing the money could be fatal to
their firms. “We need loans urgently
so that businesses do not shut down due
to lack of capital,” the Chamber of
Commerce chief said.
Businessman
and Mzilikazi Senator Matson Hlalo commented it is unfortunate
that such
credit facilities always benefit the same companies based in
Harare.
The African Export-Import Bank contributed US$50 million
towards the credit
facility while the Harare government pledged US$20
million. Inflows of
foreign direct investment have been scant since the
national unity
government was launched in February 2009, due to political
instability and
the indigenization program Harare has been pursuing.
Click here to read an article from The Farmers Weekly
Solidarity Peace Trust Reflections on Human Rights Discourse and
Emancipation in Africa in the Twenty-first Century By Professor Mike Neocosmos - Centre for Humanities Research UWC, South Africa We invite you to participate in discussion stimulated by this article by following this link and submitting comments on this or other essays included in the section on our website known as the Zimbabwe Review. You may also respond via email: please send your comments to discussion@solidaritypeacetrust.org. Please note that some comments may be selected for publication on our website alongside the article to further stimulate debate.
Whoever is engaged in popular struggles for democratic emancipation in Africa today is confronted with an immediate problem concerning human rights. While on the one hand a discourse of rights is seemingly necessary for thinking democratisation given that the state regularly flouts these, on the other human rights seem to refer to a discourse mainly propounded by neo-liberal interests whether local or foreign. Several repressive regimes in Africa and elsewhere (Zimbabwe, Sudan, maybe Cote D’Ivoire, Iran) oppose a discourse of nationalism to one on human rights. As an activist, one finds oneself in a seemingly irresolvable discursive contradiction between human (predominantly individual) rights and national (or group or identity) rights. At times this contradiction is central to government itself. For exampling in Thabo Mbeki’s South African government, a central contradiction appeared in the form of a commitment to neo-liberal conceptions of rights on the one hand along with a sensitivity to national and racial oppression in Africa on the other. This was reflected in government reactions to a number of different issues including Zimbabwe. In fact this contradiction is arguably constitutive of the subjectivity of the new South African bourgeoisie itself. On the one hand their private accumulation is premised on an adherence to neo-liberal precepts including human rights, on the other a sensitivity to racism and to a lesser extent to Western hegemony in African affairs is also evident. The manner in which the vagaries of this contradiction were navigated explains much regarding Mbeki’s presidency (Neocosmos, 2002). But this contradiction is not one which an emancipatory vision should accept, in South Africa, Zimbabwe or anywhere else. I will argue here that this is a contradiction which emanates fundamentally from within state ways of thinking politics, and that to transcend it one should situate oneself outside state thinking. In fact both sides of this debate deploy forms of politics which are ultimately depoliticising. What I mean should become clearer as I proceed with the argument. I propose to do this through a discussion of Human Rights Discourse (HRD). The nationalist discourse deployed by the ZANU-PF regime is evidently a state form of nationalism: it is both selectively anti-imperialist (after all economic connections with multi-nationals are not resisted) and not so in a way which proposes a popular democratic way of addressing what used to be called ‘the national question’. Nationalist rhetoric is therefore combined with the systematic oppression of the people. In fact arguably nationalist discourse is deployed purely opportunistically in order to acquire short term support. Raftopoulos states quite clearly how nationalism as expressed in the ‘land question’ and the oppression of the people are combined in Zimbabwe: “the ‘sobering fact’ that needs to be kept in mind about the period… from the late 1990’s to 2008, is not just the massive changes on the land, but the widespread state attack on the citizenry of the country that has been the modality of the politics of land.” (Raftopoulos, 2009:58). The form of nationalism deployed here conforms clearly to state nationalism, not a popular liberatory nationalism of a Fanonian type for example. Civil society struggles in Africa today are said to operate within a discourse of human rights linked to a linear conception of history: (e.g. authoritarianàdemocraticàradical democratic) whereby popular forces push in one direction and the state pushes in another within a more or less agreed understanding of what politics consists of. But if the concern is emancipation, there can be no conception of emancipation which does not break fundamentally with the state’s way of conceiving and engaging in politics. For example, in emancipatory politics, political principle must be consistently opposed to corruption; in particular it must be understood that corruption is not simply about individual politicians stealing money, but much more fundamentally about not distinguishing state from market and capital; in this sense there is no fundamental difference between the Zimbabwean state and the subjectivity of empire, despite the fact that the state in Zimbabwe may in other ways be out of sync with global hegemonic politics. In democracies the right to rights is only available to certain groups of the population; others – usually the weakest and poorest – do not possess the right to rights and are regularly subjected to state violence. As The French philosopher Jacques Rancière (2006) insists, the idea of a ‘democratic state’ is an oxymoron. All states can only be oligarchic. It is just that some states are forced to adhere to the rule of law and to respect rights to a greater or lesser extent due to a history of popular struggles. The point must be to think popular politics as human emancipation, not to be limited by a subjectivity which focuses on adhering to a supposed Western ideal. We should never ever forget that given that in Africa the state acquires its legitimacy primarily from the West and only very much secondarily from its people, the conflict as a result of which people are experiencing the destruction of their livelihoods and increased repression is at bottom one between state and empire. This should be apparent from the fact that the African state – which has been singularly unable to genuinely represent the nation since independence – owes its survival primarily to whether it conforms to Western precepts. Today this means whether it is labelled ‘democratic’ or not by the West, i.e. whether it fulfils a number of measurable criteria and not by whether democracy is rooted among the people. After all during the period of the so-called ‘Cold War’, ‘democracy’ and its attendant notion of ‘human rights’ was never the main criterion for judging African states; arguably the centrality of human rights in the assessment of African states only became central after 1975. It has been argued that this emphasis was the result of an explicit strategy by the United States in its attempt to respond to the USSR’s popularity on the continent (Mamdani, 1991), but it can also be shown that this emphasis became dominant after the end of ‘Third Worldism’ in Europe; i.e. after the end of the view of Africans as agents of their own liberation and hence the apparent end of their contribution to forging alternatives in world history (in particular with the end of the Vietnam war). The disillusionment of student radicals in particular with the post-colonial state led to the replacement of the idea of Africans as subjects of history by the notion of Africans as victims of history, incapable of exercising agency: victims of natural disasters, of pandemics, of oppressive states, and ultimately of their own supposedly authoritarian cultures. The Kenyan intellectual Wa Mutua has outlined this point extremely clearly. For him we can understand the politics of human rights in Africa through a metaphor of savage-victim-saviour. Indeed Wa Mutua shows that the ‘victims’ of the ‘savagery’ of the African state (which it is assumed has its roots in African culture as the state is supposedly ‘neo-patrimonial’, ‘prebendal’, ‘venal’, etc) require their ‘saviours’ from the West. As Wa Mutua explains, “although the human rights movement arose in Europe, with the express purpose of containing European savagery, it is today a civilizing crusade aimed primarily at the Third World… Rarely is the victim conceived as white” (2002: 19, 30). The metaphor of a ‘civilising crusade’ is particularly apt as a formalistic conception of democracy, disconnected from any popular roots in African culture and simply grafted onto a largely untransformed colonial state, is at the heart of the West’s current relations with Africa and Africans, in the same way as a ‘development mission’ had been at the core of these relations post-independence and a ‘civilising mission’ during the colonial period itself. The contemporary context of empire has been identified by the Indian scholar Partha Chatterjee as a ‘democratic empire’. Chatterjee (2004) has stressed the role of international NGOs in spreading human rights discourse which, he argues, forms one of the main pillars of imperialism today. It is important to emphasise this point here as these NGOs are constitutive of the currently hegemonic conception of democracy and human rights. It should also be recognised that in the new form of imperialism it is not simply that the power of governments to make decisions on their own economies is undermined; even perhaps more importantly, national sovereignty is being undermined by human rights discourse. This takes a number of forms including the trial of gross violators by the International Human Rights Court in the Hague and the propagating by international NGOs (Amnesty International, Oxfam, MSF, etc) of Western conceptions of human rights. The connection between empire and human rights is explained very clearly by Chatterjee as follows:
Of course, if the responsibility of Western democracies extends to ensuring that democracy and the rule of human rights is to be accepted throughout the world and if there is any (obviously misguided) resistance to such acceptance, then democracy and human rights must be imposed by force if necessary as in Iraq and Afganistan. Chatterjee (2004:100) continues:
However this is not all, while supra-national courts such as the International Court of Justice in the Hague – which undermine the ability of nations to construct a culture of accountability of politicians to the people – are set up by agreement between states in multinational fora such as the UN, there is also another much more subversive and insidious aspect to the establishing of the hegemony of HRD: the operations of ‘international civil society’ so-called.
Not surprisingly then, donors and NGOs (domestic or foreign) are playing the politics of human rights along with the United States. In this context then, allowing one’s politics to be guided by HRD is to construct a vision founded on the power of empire. This is the opposite of thinking an emancipatory future. But given that the authoritarian state stresses a state nationalism, how are we to think a way out of the contradiction in order to make emancipatory politics possible? In order to answer this question we need to understand that HRD depoliticises politics. This is most clearly the case as HRD does not consider people as political agents but rather insists on producing juridical agents. Appealing to the law in order to claim one’s rights not only individualises, but it shifts the domain of struggle from politics to the state’s law and transforms people with agency into passive victims so that their wrongs can only be redressed by a trustee. Human rights discourse undermines rights as it undermines people’s capacity to engage in independent politics as the thought of politics is weakened: people no longer think politics but think the law. The question of the use of the law vs the use of the street to achieve one’s ends is simply a tactical question and not one regarding the thinking of politics. Thinking HRD leaves the state as the ultimate legitimator and arbiter of one’s choices. The politics of human rights is ultimately a form of state politics. It is not possible to think emancipation in this manner for the state cannot emancipate anyone. Rather a politics of emancipation should be using categories such as justice, equality and freedom in which an Idea of equality is constructed, not as a future goal but as a practice in the present. HRD is an impoverished understanding of justice and equality: in the words of Arundhati Roy (2010), ‘justice, that grand, beautiful idea has been whittled down to mean human rights’. The dominance of HRD is also an indication of the weakness of the popular forces not of their strength; it is rather an indicator of the dominance of state politics in thought and increasingly of imperial political solutions in practice. When we talk HRD we are in fact demanding a new relation between citizens and state; but we need to transcend both the thought of citizens – to talk in terms of people in general (including say foreigners and all ‘non-citizens’ or ‘lesser citizens’ which the state – any state – regularly excludes on and off from citizenship rights) – and the thought of the state itself in order to talk of justice, freedom and equality between people. In emancipatory politics the notion of the citizen must be transcended and replaced by people who think, i.e. people who combine agency with an Idea so that the reference point of such politics is not the state but the Idea in practice (e.g. the idea of equality). Citizenship, from an emancipatory perspective, is not about subjects bearing rights conferred by the state as in human rights discourse, but rather about people who think (an Idea) exercising political agency through their engagement in politics as militants/activists and not as politicians; in this manner, citizenship which implies a relationship between citizens and state is itself transcended (Neocosmos, 2006). The starting point of any emancipatory project in Africa – anti-imperialism founded in popular democratic struggles – is quite simply unthinkable through HRD. Democracy and rights can therefore never be defined by the state without being compromised. In this context it is interesting to reflect on the political causes of the ongoing xenophobic violence in South Africa for example. If we are not to reduce such forms of violent discrimination to economics (poverty, inequality etc), a procedure which removes any notion of agency from thought, we have to begin to account for how Africans are systematically ‘othered’ in that country, and how state discourses and politics of ‘othering’ have not been challenged by alternatives (political or intellectual). The main obstacle to the development of political alternatives to xenophobic exclusion has been precisely a state conception of citizenship which excludes people on the basis of a certain understanding of indigeneity, and the dominance of a politics of human rights which had the effect of demobilising people by insisting on the state as the only resolver of political contradictions, through the juridical system in particular. In that country it has been the absence of alternative politics to state thinking which has produced an inability to conceive a different way of thinking rights as political agency. ‘Human’ rights discourse shifts the emphasis from rights as popular agency to rights as state delivery to passive recipients of state largesse. The state then sees itself as representing interests, in this case the assumed interests of passive citizens. Whether passive citizens in the eyes of the state, or victims in the eyes of the international NGOs of empire, the people of Africa are denied their agency by HRD. Rather we should always bear in mind that emancipatory ‘politics begins when one decides not to represent victims… but to be faithful to those events during which victims politically assert themselves’ (Badiou, 1985:75, my translation). Full references to all sources cited in this paper are available on
our website.
For further information, please contact Selvan Chetty - Deputy
Director, Solidarity Peace Trust Email: selvan@solidaritypeacetrust.org Tel: +27 (39) 682 5869 Address: Suite 4 |
http://www.huffingtonpost.com
Ann
Cotton
Founder and Executive Director of Camfed International
Posted:
February 4, 2011 12:20 PM
If you drive
south of Harare, the capital city of Zimbabwe, for 90 minutes,
you will
arrive in Wedza. Turn right onto the dirt road and you will see a
village in
the near distance silhouetted against the vast landscape. At the
gum tree
plot, take the left branch and at the end of the track you will
arrive in an
immaculate swept yard with two small red brick dwellings, one
thatched and
one galvanized. And here you will find Plaxedes, the village
seamstress.
With a wide smile, Plaxedes will invite you into her
home. She will lean her
crutches against the bricks, crawl up the two
polished steps and over the
door's threshold, take up one of the floor
cushions and arrange her
paralyzed leg with a relieved sigh. And she will
tell you how the sewing
machine beside her enables her to give a home to
five orphan children, to
feed and clothe them and send them to school. "And
so", she says, "I thank
God for this little machine."
As a child,
Plaxedes contracted polio. Walking is slow but this does not
stop her
attending events in her district that help her to help others. This
was how
I met Plaxedes, at a secondary school meeting called to share
information on
new resources to increase girls' access to education.
Plaxedes is an
inspiration to me and yet, she would be the first to say she
is by no means
unique in the extent of her compassion and her giving in her
community. The
village is stitched together by the thousands of kindnesses
enacted every
day by its members: subsistence farmers who reserve a portion
of their
harvest for schoolchildren who would otherwise go hungry; fledgling
entrepreneurs who use their small profits to buy school books for siblings
and cousins.
The culture of philanthropy is alive and very well in
Africa. International
aid strengthens and extends it, but in the communities
where I have spent
time, it is all-pervasive.
The organization I
founded in 1993, Camfed (the Campaign for Female
Education) was in large
part inspired by the generosity shown to me by a
community in a village in
Zimbabwe. During my visit to Mola to research
girls' exclusion from
education, the people of Mola fed me, shaded me,
walked and talked with me
for hours each day, to the extent that I
understood the possibilities of our
partnership for education -- and
especially for girls.
Seventeen
years later, Camfed has changed the lives of over one million
children. And
right now, women high school graduates across five countries
in Africa are
attending college, running small businesses, and working as
teachers, IT
specialists and accountants.
Their advancement could very well have taken
them away from their
communities. Instead, Camfed graduates are active in
their villages using
their skills and resources to improve as many lives as
possible. They are
teaching financial literacy to marginalized women and
bringing vital health
care information to rural schoolchildren. Through
example, they are
demonstrating the power of philanthropy: Camfed graduates
are supporting the
education of 118,384 children out of their own
pockets.
These young women have lived the reality of exclusion. As
children, their
families were too poor to send them to school. Today, many
of them have
earned university degrees -- but they have not forgotten how it
feels to
yearn for an opportunity to go to school or to agonize about their
future.
Their philanthropy is driven by those memories and by a sense of
obligation
to share their good fortune.
I recall an 18-year-old girl
named Rachel in Zambia who was given a grant to
start a business of her
choosing. She decided to breed goats, so she could
sell the meat and the
milk, and donate the kids to orphan children. She
herself was an orphan,
stepping into young adulthood with no resources and
it was her first
opportunity to earn her own money. I asked why she chose to
use her grant to
help others when she herself was struggling. Her answer was
unequivocal.
"If someone gives you a gift, you cannot keep it to
yourself. You must pass
it on."
BILL WATCH SPECIAL
[4th February 2011]
Parliamentary Public Hearing on Fuel Crisis: Monday 7th
February
The Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Mines and Energy will be
conducting a public hearing on Monday on the fuel
crisis that has resurfaced in the country in the past few weeks. Members of the
public are invited to attend the hearing to express their views.
Details of the hearing are as follows:
Monday
7th February
Time:
10.30 am
Venue:
Senate Chamber, Parliament Building, Harare
Chairperson: Hon.
Chindori-Chininga Clerk: Mr Manhivi
The main objective of the hearing is to hear public views on what
should be done to address the current fuel crisis. Key stakeholders in the fuel
sector, such as NOCZIM, fuel service providers and Ministry of Energy and Power
Development officials, have also been invited to attend.
If you want to make an oral submission at the hearing, signify this
to the Committee Clerk before the hearing begins so that he can notify the
chairperson to call on you. An oral submission is more effective if it is
followed up in writing. If you have a written submission, it is advisable to
take as many copies as possible with you for circulation at the meeting. If you
are able to take a copy to Parliament before the meeting and give it to the
Committee Clerk, he will duplicate copies for the members of the
Committee.
If you
cannot attend the hearing, written submissions and correspondence are also
welcome and should be addressed to:
The
Clerk of Parliament
Attention:
Portfolio Committee on Mines and Energy
P. O Box
CY 298
Causeway,
Harare
or
emailed to clerk@parlzim.gov.zw or manhivis@parlzim.gov.zw
If attending, please use the Kwame Nkrumah Ave entrance to
Parliament. IDs must be produced. As there are sometimes last-minute changes
to committee programmes, it is recommended that you avoid possible
disappointment by checking with the committee clerk [Mr Manhivi] that the
hearing is still on. Parliament’s telephone numbers are Harare 700181 or
252936-55. Mr Manhivi’s mobile number is 0772
247 864.
Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot
take legal responsibility for information
supplied.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Pauline Henson
Friday, 04 February
2011 15:39
Here in the UK diaspora we have seen little else on our tv
screens but
images of Egypt erupting into near anarchy over the past ten
days. I wonder
whether ZTV has carried similar images of the disturbances.
It would hardly
be in the interest of Zimbabwe’s propaganda media to show
the near collapse
of another dictatorial regime – and in Africa too – but
urban Zimbabweans
with their satellite dishes will I suspect be fully in the
picture; whether
they make the connection with their own situation is quite
another matter.
The BBC has made much of the fact that this revolt is in the
‘Arab world’ as
if Egypt is not also on the African continent. The
demonstrators themselves
have pointed out that this is not an Islamist
revolt; it was not the Moslem
Brotherhood who initiated or led the uprising,
it was ordinary Egyptian
citizens tired of thirty years of Mubarak’s
dictatorial rule.
By Thursday, having announced on national television that
he would stand
down but not until September when the next elections are due,
Mubarak
unleashed his thugs: paid supporters and released prisoners onto the
streets
and the bloody battle for control of Cairo’s central Tahrir Square
began in
earnest. Mubarak is quoted as remarking that he has a Ph.D in
obstinacy and
I was reminded of Robert Mugabe’s comment that ‘he had degrees
in violence’.
Wherever they are in the world, dictators operate in the same
way, through
physical violence against their own people. By releasing his
supporters onto
the streets, Mubarak has succeeded in turning Egyptians
against each other,
another tactic that Zimbabweans will recognise from
their own dictator’s
behaviour. No one can predict how the situation in
Egypt will be resolved.
The problem is complicated by Mubarak’s alliance
with Israel which is also
supported by massive aid from the US. Earlier
predictions that the whole
Middle East might go up in flames might still
become a dangerous reality.
While all of this may seem very far removed from
the situation in Zimbabwe,
it should be remembered that in both situations
the core of the matter is
the presence of a long-time dictator who no longer
has the support of the
people. In Zimbabwe, the ongoing violence against
opposition supporters in
Mbare and the continuing land seizures with white
farmers locked out of
their own homes tell us very clearly that Zanu PF is
in election mode. The
news this week of some 70.000 youths being trained at
Inkomo army barracks
outside Harare, specifically to fight the MDC in
forthcoming elections
further supports that view. Mugabe’s declaration that
he is entitled under
the constitution to hold elections any time he chooses
shows his contempt
for democracy and the GPA which he signed two years ago.
Unfortunately,
there appears to be no one to exert pressure on him as the US
has on
Mubarak; certainly not the South Africans or the Brits who are
content to
believe the lie that all is now well in Zimbabwe with its
government of
national unity.
Today, Friday is being called the Day of
Departure by the demonstrators in
Tahrir Square. Mubarak has apparently told
Egyptian radio that he is ‘fed up’
but fears that if he goes Egypt will
disintegrate and chaos will ensue. That’s
a very familiar line from
dictators: the argument that only they have
brought stability and order to
their countries and without them the whole
structure will fall apart. Mugabe
makes exactly the same point but after
three decades in power, his own ‘day
of departure’ might not be so far off.
Whether the demonstrators in Egypt
will succeed in ousting Mubarak is not
clear but what is clear is that they
have proved to the undemocratic
‘leaders’ of the world that people power
cannot be ignored, the support of
the masses can no longer be taken for
granted. The message for oppressed
people all over the world is that it is
possible to overcome fear in pursuit
of a greater goal than personal safety.
Will Zimbabweans hear the message
and will they understand its relevance for
them?
Yours in the (continuing) struggle PH. aka Pauline Henson author of
Sami’s
Story, an account of Murambatsvina seen through the eyes of one young
boy,
available on Lulu.com