The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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The Times


Thousands in desperate flight from Zimbabwe


BARELY a month before Zimbabwe’s presidential election, Clever Tarindwa, 24,
a poor farm worker from Chipinge near the Mozambican border, voted with his
feet to seek a new life in South Africa.
Driven into penury by two years of political turmoil that has brought
Zimbabwe’s once prosperous economy to its knees, he jumped on a bus heading
for the border township of Beitbridge.

There he was met by the guma-guma men, a group of extortionists who take
people across the swirling waters of the Limpopo at night for the hefty sum
of 100 rand (£6.50).

Mr Tarindwa, unlike some of his countrymen, who get swept away or eaten by
crocodiles, made it to the other side. Within hours he was picked up by a
South African National Defence Force (SANDF) patrol and handed to the police
in the nearby town of Messina for immediate deportation.

“I left home because there is no work and no food,” he said. “I came here in
search of a job. Everyone says that life in South Africa is good. It used to
be good in Zimbabwe, but that’s all gone now.”

Sibongile Moyo, 22, who was picked up after leaving her village near
Bulawayo, told the same story. “Work is hard to get in Zimbabwe,” she said.
“There is not enough food. It is expensive and we don’t have enough money to
buy. The people are frightened. They get beaten.”

Mr Tarindwa and Miss Moyo are two of thousands of black Zimbabweans fleeing
President Mugabe’s attempts to cling to power.

Every hour a police lorry leaves Messina with 30 to 40 “undocumented
migrants” for the ten-mile trip back to the border, where they are then
dumped on the other side. Most are picked up while trying to hitch a lift on
the main road to Johannesburg. Others are caught while trying to make their
way through local game or hunting grounds, or are turned in by people who
fear that migrants will take their jobs and their women.

Hundreds of South African soldiers patrol the three razor-wire fences along
the border with Zimbabwe that were erected during the apartheid era to keep
out African National Congress guerrillas.

“They wrap themselves in blankets and crawl under the fence,” Godfrey
Mathabatha, a private on one of the border patrols, said. “When we catch
them, their clothes are torn. They are tired and thirsty and have gone for a
week without something to eat.”

An old army base at Artonvilla, on the banks of the Limpopo, has been
earmarked by the Pretoria Government as a reception centre for migrants,
should the situation in Zimbabwe “reach meltdown”. It can hold up to 1,000
people, who would be taken back to the border in convoy as fast as they were

Colonel Tol Synman, the officer in charge of the regional SANDF, said. “We
arrest up to 2,500 a month. But we have no idea how many get through.” Some
estimates put the figure as high as 500 a day.

“We are getting more and more undocumented migrants now because of the
shortage of food in Zimbabwe,” Colonel Synman said.

“They cross the river even when the water is chest high. Our troops have
reported some of them being swept away or eaten by crocodiles.”

He said that unless the illegal migrants were granted refugee status, “our
job will remain to hold the line”.

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Saturday 16 February 2002 – 08h00-16h00

Rosebank Union Church

Cnr William Nicol and Sandton Drive, Hurlingham (Sandton)


Everyone is invited to come along - for 5 minutes or 8 hours - for a joyful celebration! We will pray and sing and give thanks for peace in Zimbabwe, for that beautiful country and it's great people. Special prayers will be offered up for God to build strong ties between South Africa and Zimbabwe and to connect our hearts in prayer.  Zimbabweans who will be returning home to vote in the presidential election will be lifted up in prayer. Please bring sandwiches, rolls, biscuits and refreshments for a shared lunch.


AGENDA (to be used as a guideline only)


08h00 - 08h30     Assemble (tea/coffee)

08h30 - 09h00     Praise and Worship

09h00 - 10h00     Pray for peace within Zimbabwe - especially prior, during and after elections

10h00 - 10h30     Tea/Coffee break

10h30 - 11h30     Pray for specifics - friends, family, children, workers, farmers - all people of Zimbabwe

- and for those who are returning home to campaign and vote

11h30 - 12h30     Pray that Government of Zimbabwe will find direction and cease the carnage and intimidation

12h30 - 13h00     Bring and share lunch

13h00 - 14h00     Pray for the economy of Zimbabwe - currency, businesses, tourism, agriculture, inflation,

investment etc

14h00 - 15h00     Pray for South Africa - economy, investment, exports, violence, rape, murder, police force,

unemployment, schools etc

15h00 - 16h00     Prayers, praise and thanksgiving


We are looking for volunteers… pastors, speakers, music groups etc… to participate in the activities of the day. Please pray about it and contact us if you feel you need to be involved (Sue – 082 885 0771).





We have all been waiting for the Commonwealth, the EU, SADC, the States... someone - ANYONE(?!)... to solve the problems in Zimbabwe. The truth is that there is only one way to turn... that is to God! Isn’t it time we did just that? The Lord showed us the miracle in prayer prior to the 1994 South African elections. Africa needs many miracles. Let's begin with our neighbours and ourselves! Here is the challenge (with details following)...


1.       Attend the Zimbabwe Day of Prayer and Thanksgiving on Saturday 16 February 2002 in Johannesburg (or the National Day of Prayer on Sunday 17 February in Zimbabwe) - or organise one in your community. Please ask your church to announce this on Sunday 10 February.


2.       Encourage your church (and others) to participate in the 40 days of prayer and fasting that is already running in Zimbabwe. Let the organisers know when you will be joining them in prayer (wherever you are in the world) to encourage them. Let's make sure that there is prayer 24-7, throughout the world, until the elections are over.


3.       Commit Zimbabwe to God in prayer - daily... and ask others to do the same.


4.       Sign up for the 48 hour Prayer Vigil so that we can pray Zimbabwe through the presidential election on Saturday 09 and Sunday 10 March.


Please forward this email / notice to churches worldwide, and everyone you know. Make copies and hand them out, and fax it, to people who don’t have access to email.






Greetings and best wishes to you, your family and church!


We had a pastor’s meeting here in Harare and it was proposed that we commit ourselves as churches to prayer and fasting 40 days prior to the presidential election. With several churches involved, we can cover the 40 days with a particular church covering certain days and other churches covering other days.


What this would entail is that a different church commits to mobilising their members to fast (either a complete, water, liquids or partial fast) and gather to pray for at least one hour on at least one of the 40 days, crying out to God for the nation. We really need to see God intervene and work out His will at this time.


The 40 days would start 30 January and run thorough to 10 March. Each church is encouraged to cover as many days as they would wish. If ten churches covered an average of 4 days each we cover the 40 days. Some churches may wish to do this with their cells covering certain days. Would your church wish to participate in this fast? Are there certain days you would wish to do so?


God Bless

Mark Roser



DAILY PRAYER (an example)


Heavenly Father, thank You that You are the Eternal Creator of the universe and You know and love all people in this world… and You know and love me. Lord, I believe that You have great plans for Zimbabwe and pray that peace and freedom will be restored so that the people of Zimbabwe can begin to rebuild, in unity, that wonderful land. Build strong ties between South Africa and Zimbabwe Lord, and connect our hearts in prayer.


I pray for protection, strength, wisdom, courage and comfort for all people in Zimbabwe during these difficult times. Lord, open the eyes of those who are committing the terrible atrocities that they may repent and seek You. I pray for all the leaders, that they turn to You in everything they do.


Thank You Father that You answer the prayers of Your people, and for the great future You have planned for Zimbabwe. I pray that the world will see Your hand in this situation, and that everyone will give You the praise and glory. These things I pray, according to Your will, in the name of Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen





Please complete this and return it to or fax (+2711) 803 2422 – or call 082 885 0771 (+2782 885 0771 from outside SA).


I commit an hour of my time to pray for Zimbabwe and it's people during the presidential elections on Saturday 09 and Sunday 10 March 2002. (You can also, obviously, do this as a church.)


Name :


City and Country :


Date/s I will pray :


Time/s I will pray :






This comes from a little book called 'From Faith to Faith' by Kenneth and Gloria Copeland (published by Harrison House)...




"If my people, who are called by my name, will humble themselves and pray and seek my face and turn from their wicked ways, then will I hear from heaven and will forgive their sin and will heal their land."

2 Chronicles 7:14


You may be thinking, "Can a few people like us actually change a whole nation?" Let me ask you this: Can one demonic person change a nation for the worse? Definitely. Hitler did it for Germany, didn't he?


If the devil's power resting on a man can change a nation for the worse, you can be sure that a group of men and women with God's power resting on them can change a nation for the better. No nation is so far gone that God can't change it. Israel proved that. Why, even when it didn't exist, the devil couldn't destroy it. God raised it back up before his very eyes.


I want you to notice something in this scripture. It says, "If MY people, which are called by MY name...". God didn't say it would take everybody in the nation to get things turned around. He said, "If MY people...". Notice also that He didn't say, "If my people will get out there and sign petitions and drum up a majority vote...". He said, "Pray". In other words, we're going to have to quit trying to work this thing out by ourselves. God Himself will do the healing in the land. Our job is to pray, to believe and to seek His face. Seek Him today.





Do you not know? Have you not heard? The Lord is the everlasting God, the Creator of the ends of the earth. He will not grow tired or weary, and his understanding no-one can fathom. He gives strength to the weary and increases the power of the weak.  Even youths grow tired and weary, and young men stumble and fall; but those who hope in the Lord will renew their strength. They will soar on wings like eagles; they will run and not grow weary, they will walk and not be faint.

Isaiah 40:28-31


The lions may grow weak and hungry, but those who seek the Lord lack no good thing.

Psalm 34:10





Together, through prayer, we will make a difference!






Contact :

Sue – 082 885 0771


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Press Gazette

Peta vows to stay in Zimbabwe

By Jean Morgan

Posted 07 February 2002 00:00 GMT

Even after his “lucky escape” from brief imprisonment this week by President
Mugabe’s Government, Independent correspondent Basildon Peta is determined
to stay in Zimbabwe.

He was released when his lawyer successfully argued the stupidity of the
decision to arrest Peta under the new Public Order and Security Act because
he had failed to notify the authorities of a demonstration by the
journalists’ union. The law does not require permission for professional
bodies to have demonstrations and Peta did not organise the demonstration.

Independent foreign editor Leonard Doyle called it a lucky escape for Peta.
“We feel he has got off on a technicality this time. But he has been told by
police that they are after him. They wrecked his house at the weekend and
then called and told him they had been told from the highest level to bring
him in,” he said.

Doyle felt the newspaper’s splash on Peta’s arrest on Tuesday morning had
engendered media interest globally and is helping to support the journalist.

“He has told us in no uncertain terms he is going to stay in Zimbabwe and
sit out the elections. He has had plenty of opportunities to leave. We are
concerned for his safety but he’s a mature journalist so we believe it is
the best decision.”

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Thursday, 7 February, 2002, 18:35 GMT
Britain 'frozen out' of Zimbabwe elections
Simba Makoni
The BBC's Tim Sebastian met Simba Makoni
A senior member of Robert Mugabe's cabinet has said that British representatives would not be allowed to monitor the forthcoming presidential elections in Zimbabwe because they could not be trusted to be fair and impartial.

Zimbabwe's Finance Minister Simba Makoni, a perceived moderate within the ruling party, said that Mr Mugabe had indicated that he does not expect British representatives to be among the Commonwealth and EU observers overseeing the elections, which are scheduled to take place in March.

The UK Government in different forms and at different times has indicated that it would like to see Mr Mugabe out of office.

Simba Makoni
"I think that there is a clear case of a determined position on the part of the UK Government as to what outcome it would like to see in this election," he told Tim Sebastian for the BBC's HARDtalk programme.

"And we wouldn't find that explicit position supportive of a free and fair election observation."

Mr Makoni went on to say that he believes other EU observers will be "invited" to monitor the proceedings, but that Britain had taken too strong a line against Mr Mugabe in the past.

"The UK Government in different forms and at different times has indicated that it would like to see Mr Mugabe out of office," he said.

Zimbabwe's President, Robert Mugabe, has encountered fierce opposition following the proposal of a ban on foreign and non-governmental monitors at Zimbabwe's presidential elections.


Mr Makoni denied reports that he has ambitions to become the future president, claiming that he just wants to "serve my country as best I can".

Robert Mugabe
President Mugabe will be 78 at the time of the elections in March
He maintained that if Mr Mugabe was voted out of office, Zimbabwe would simply rally around a new leader.

"Zimbabwe's life would go on, a new president would take office and the new president would lead Zimbabwe in the way that he will have been mandated by the people of Zimbabwe," he said.

"I will accept the will of the people of Zimbabwe."


Mr Makoni also reacted to criticism from the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group who have expressed deep concern over the use of violence and intimidation in the run up to the presidential election.

He claimed that the Zimbabwe Government was currently trying to reign in its violent supporters.

Zimbabweans pray for a fair election
Zimbabweans pray for a fair election
But he insisted that violence had been perpetrated by supporters on both sides of the election campaign - the ruling Zanu PF party and the opposition, Movement for Democratic Change.

"The two major parties are campaigning violently and we don't need violence, so as a government, as a party and as a nation we are working to eliminate violence from the election campaign," he said.

Mr Makoni also denied reports that his government was afraid of a free and independent election after proposing new press laws that would impose extensive press restrictions inside Zimbabwe.

"There is a clear perception with some indications of reality that certain sections of the media have set out to grossly misrepresent the situation in Zimbabwe," he said

"That means they are not reporting facts."

World relations

In the interview, Mr Makoni went on to comment on Zimbabwe's world relations, suggesting they were "not normal".

Despite his distrust of the UK, he called for improved links with the British Government.

"It also beholds the UK Government and the UK nation to work with us to restore our relationships with the UK and through that restoration, our relationships with the rest of the world," he said.

You can hear the HARDtalk interview in full at the following times:

BBC News 24 (times shown in GMT)
7 February 0430, repeated 2230

BBC World (times shown in GMT)
7 February 0430, repeated 1130, 1630, 1930, 0030


Blair says Zimbabwe must admit foreign journalists

ABUJA, Feb. 7 — British Prime Minister Tony Blair said on Thursday that
Zimbabwe must allow foreign journalists and international observers into the
country for elections next month.
       Blair was speaking at a news conference alongside Nigerian President
Olusegun Obasanjo in Abuja on the first leg of a west African Tour.

       Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe faces mounting international
criticism ahead of the March 9-10 presidential election over his backing for
violent seizure of white-owned land and his human rights record.
       ''There has to be free and fair elections in Zimbabwe,'' Blair said.
''There has to be the foreign press there. There have to be foreign
observers there.''
       Mugabe has said he will allow foreign observers to monitor the
elections, but will not admit observers from former colonial ruler Britain,
which he accuses of backing the opposition.
       The Zimbabwe government has also pushed through controversial
legislation limiting foreign media access and imposing tight controls on
local journalists, with breaches punishable by imprisonment.
       Obasanjo, a key mediator in Zimbabwe's crisis and ally of Mugabe
since the 1970s independence war in the former Rhodesia, said he was
satisfied the Zimbabwean leader was working towards fair elections and
ending political violence.
       ''Two weeks ago I went to Zimbabwe. I made it clear to President
Mugabe that the whole world, and indeed Africa, will not agree to him not
allowing foreign observers, not allowing the foreign press, and not doing
something about political violence,'' Obasanjo said.
       ''He took this very seriously and started acting on it,'' Obasanjo
said. ''I don't know what else you want. If you want us to wage war on him,
Britain has that capacity, but Nigeria doesn't.''
       An Obasanjo aide told Reuters on Wednesday that Britain had
personalised the Zimbabwe issue too much. ''They seem to want Mugabe's head
delivered on a platter of gold.''

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Zimbabwe opposition MPs held
February 7, 2002 Posted: 2:33 PM EST (1933 GMT)

HARARE, Zimbabwe (Reuters) -- Zimbabwean police arrested three opposition
parliamentarians who said they were beaten by authorities Thursday as rights
groups warned of a "climate of fear and terror" ahead of presidential polls
next month.

With violence escalating before the vote on March 9-10, a senior government
minister blamed the unrest on supporters of both President Robert Mugabe and
opponent Morgan Tsvangirai.

"The two major parties are (campaigning) violently and we don't need
violence," Finance Minister Simba Makoni told the BBC, which has been barred
from Zimbabwe, in London.

"What it says about political leaders is that Mr Mugabe and Mr Tsvangirai
need to rein in their supporters," said Makoni, a cabinet reformer not seen
as part of Mugabe's inner circle.

Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), poses the
biggest challenge to Mugabe who has ruled the former Rhodesia since
independence from Britain 22 years ago.

Mugabe has consistently denied that his government or ruling ZANU-PF party
are responsible for the violence, but says his supporters can defend
themselves if attacked.

In the latest incident Wednesday, the MDC said three of its parliamentarians
were campaigning in the central town of Nkayi when unknown gunmen shot at
their car.

"They were then beaten by members of the army, some of them left in a
critical condition. They were held overnight at the police station," the MDC
said in a statement.

Police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena said the three MDC members were arrested
for carrying weapons, including stones, axes and clubs. He denied the
politicians were beaten.

He also confirmed the murder Tuesday of a teacher in northern Zimbabwe,
blamed by the MDC on ZANU-PF militants.

Bvudzijena said nine people had been arrested in connection with the murder,
but gave no further details.

Sixteen politically motivated murders were recorded in Zimbabwe in January,
the Zimbabwe Human Rights Non-Governmental Organizations Forum said in a
report, the highest monthly toll since the group began recording incidents
two years ago.

Thirteen of the victims were MDC supporters.

"These human rights violations undoubtedly build up a climate of fear and
terror among the electorate. It also puts paid to any suggestions that
political violence may be on the decline when in fact it is increasing at an
alarming rate," the coalition of 10 human rights groups said.

The MDC says over 100 of its members have been slain since early 2000, when
militants loyal to Mugabe began invading white-owned farms to back a state
program of seizing farmland for redistribution to landless blacks.

The Forum noted that "carefully orchestrated violence is still prevalent as
part of a modus operandi to crush opposition party support." Government
officials were not immediately available to comment on the report.

Mugabe, who will turn 78 next month, faces mounting international criticism
ahead of the election over his backing of the often-violent seizure of
white-owned farms and his government's human rights record.

British Prime Minister Tony Blair, on a tour of West Africa, said Zimbabwe
must allow foreign journalists and international observers into the country
for the polls.

"There has to be free and fair elections in Zimbabwe," Blair told reporters
in the Nigerian capital Abuja. "There has to be a foreign press there. There
have to be foreign observers there."

Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, speaking alongside Blair at the news
conference, said he had conveyed a tough message to Mugabe weeks ago and he
believed the Zimbabwean leader was working toward fair elections and ending

Mugabe has said he will allow foreign observers, but will not admit members
from former colonial ruler Britain. Zimbabwean election officials in Harare
said they were ready to accredit international and local poll observers
after a day's delay due to a change of venue.

The Commonwealth, grouping 54 mostly former British colonies, has sent an
advance team. The European Union said it would send half a dozen observers
to prepare for its main team.
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Daily News - Feature

Who will it be: Mugabe or Tsvangirai?

2/7/02 4:14:21 AM (GMT +2)

By Sandra Nyaira Political Editor

ZANU PF's Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai of the MDC officially kicked
off their presidential election campaigns with thousands of people attending
their opening rallies last Friday and Sunday respectively.

Mugabe's first rally was in Uzumba-Maramba-Pfungwe (UMP), the constituency
which gave Zanu PF 27 000 votes in the 2000 parliamentary poll, the highest
in the country.

Tsvangirai launched his campaign for the presidency in Mutare.

Isaac Matongo, the MDC's national chairman, said his party had decided to
take Tsvangirai to the people of Manicaland because "the East has always
been known for its wise people".

He said Manicaland led the rest of the country in rejecting Zanu PF and "its
rotten policies", hence the decision to kick off the election campaign in

"We have already finished campaigning. That is what we have been doing in
the past two years," said Matongo. "We are just waiting for the results and
we want people to know that we intend to free them from 22 years of Zanu PF

Thousands of people streamed into Sakubva Stadium on Sunday and waited
expectantly for almost three hours to be addressed by Tsvangirai, whose
motorcade was delayed by the police for about 30 minutes ostensibly for a
thorough search.

A unique feature of that rally was that not a single bus ferried supporters
from Chikanga, Dangamvura and Sakubva high density suburbs or any of the
upmarket suburbs of Murambi, Greenside, Darlington or even the city centre.

Most of the estimated 15 000 people walked to the stadium to listen to the
MDC leadership preach to the converted.

Describing Mugabe as the Zanu PF president only and not of the republic,
Tsvangirai said the MDC was now the majority party and was ready to take
over the reins of power.

"Zanu PF is a minority party that forces people to attend its rallies," he
said. "As the majority party we do not coerce people to our rallies and we
are, therefore, going to win."

Oliver Mtukudzi's hit song, Bvuma/Tolerance further lighted the already
electric atmosphere in the stadium.

The Zanu PF rally was characterised by songs penned by Jonathan Moyo from
the unpopular Hondo Yeminda album with performances by several groups from
the UMP.

Tsvangirai spoke in front of an animated crowd while Mugabe's audience
looked glum and restrained. The MDC has coined new slogans for the campaign,
among them, Gwendo Guno Hazvikoni (This time around Zanu PF will definitely
be kicked out of power).

The MDC slogans excited the Sakubva crowd while Zanu PF slogans sought to
demonise Tsvangirai as a British "puppet" who should never be allowed to
rule in Zimbabwe. "Down with Tsvangirai, Down with Tony Blair and Down with
. . ." continue to be the key words in Zanu PF's slogans.

The thousands at Mugabe's rally in Uzumba-Maramba-Pfungwe may have walked to
the venue, but a large number streamed on to the main road from their homes,
from where they were then ferried to and from the meeting point.

The Mutare audience, which urged Tsvangirai to address bread and butter
issues as a priority if he assumes office, as they were reeling under
hunger, unemployment and a chaotic health delivery system, were mostly young
people, while Mugabe's gathering was of largely middle-aged and old people.

The response of the two crowds, although almost equal in number, was very
different: Mutare was more enthusiastic than UMP.

Both Tsvangirai and Mugabe made promises to their supporters. They did not
concentrate on the perceived failures of the rival party only, but announced
their plans of action after 9-10 March.

They spoke at length about social services, employment creation, land,
roads, the tattered economy and the ailing health delivery system.

Mugabe, who admitted failure to deliver in some instances, even officially
opened a hospital built a few years ago.

Their platforms seem to be running parallel, but Mugabe, in power for 22
years, may have difficulty in selling his manifesto as he has failed to
fulfil it in the past.
Mugabe said he would use land and food aid as his campaign platform.

In a clearly surprising departure from the customary but unconstitutional
practice whereby Zanu PF orders the closure of shops and businesses to force
all in the locality to attend their rallies, the situation was different in
UMP where shop-owners went about their day-to-day business a stone's throw
away from Mugabe's rally.

But then UMP is a known Zanu PF stronghold.

Save for the long-winding queues of vehicles at roadblocks on roads leading
to the venues of the two rallies as police officers searched vehicles, the
two rallies passed off rather quietly.

Zanu PF youths had launched their almost routine campaign of intimidating
people from attending the MDC rally long before it started in Mutare.

There is no doubt the rally in Sakubva Stadium could have been attended by
perhaps double the 15 000 who turned up had it not been for the Zanu PF

Most MDC rallies have been thwarted by Zanu PF youths, the most recent one
being at White City Stadium in Bulawayo, where at least one person later
died, allegedly as a result of being stabbed by the marauding youths.

Many people believe the presence of international observers long before the
voting begins could prevent a repetition of the bloodshed of the 2000
parliamentary election, during which nearly 40 people, most of them
opposition members, were killed.

If the attendance at the two rallies is anything to go by, then the race to
State House is going to be quite close.

Whoever wins, if it is truly a free and fair election, could achieve victory
by a very slim margin in the first-past-the-post contest.

The size of the crowds was almost similar and both parties have invested
millions in new party T-shirts, mazambia (wrap-arounds) and related party
regalia as the election dates draw closer.

The MDC enjoys massive popularity in all urban centres in the country while
Zanu PF has been sidelined to the rural hinterland.
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Daily News

War vets arrested for seizing cattle

2/7/02 4:21:49 AM (GMT +2)

From Our Correspondent in Bulawayo

THE police on Tuesday arrested a group of Zanu PF supporters who had
impounded 45 cattle from Mtshabezi Mission because it is run by an American

The mission, with a school up to Advanced Level, a youth camp, a Bible
school and a 110-bed hospital, is run by the Brethren In Christ Church.

The cattle, which supply milk to the institution and the community, were
held for more than a week by the Zanu PF supporters.

The police could not say whether the four people, suspected to be war
veterans, would be charged with cattle rustling as they referred all
questions to Harare.

But church officials on Tuesday confirmed that all the cattle had been
returned following the arrest of the suspects.

Bishop Danisa Ndlovu, a church official, said this was not the first time
the cattle had been taken by the Zanu PF supporters.

He said late last year, the group took away the cattle but they were later
returned by the police.

"Although only four people are doing this, the beasts are sent to the bushes
where they are kept by a larger number of people," he said.

He said it was not clear why the supporters were taking the cattle.

But locals said the group of Zanu PF supporters were "punishing" the church
because of Jack Shank, an American missionary minister who started the milk
project about nine years ago.

One of them said: "The Zanu PF supporters say they don't want Shank because
he is American."

America last year passed the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Bill
which seeks to impose targeted sanctions on President Mugabe and his inner

Shank said he was not sure why the cattle were being impounded. He refused
to comment further.

Apart from providing the school and hospital with milk, he also sells it for
only $20 per litre.

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Daily News

Zanu PF rally flops

2/7/02 8:42:28 AM (GMT +2)

From Brian Mangwende in Mutare

President Mugabe has cancelled his rally at Sakubva Stadium in Mutare today
and will instead hold rallies outside the city at Checheche in the morning
and Zimunya in the afternoon.

Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC leader, attracted a large crowd of 15 000 at his
first presidential campaign address at Sakubva Stadium last Sunday. Top Zanu
PF provincial officers said the Mutare rally was cancelled because Mugabe
was too busy.

Mike Madiro, Zanu PF's provincial chairman for Manicaland, said: "The people
of Mutare requested the President to address them, but unfortunately he is
unable to do so. He has a tight schedule. Mugabe is a hot cake and everyone
wants him to address them, but that's impossible. Besides, there was never a
rally scheduled for Mutare."

During the campaign for the June 2000 parliamentary election, about 10 000
people walked out of Sakubva Stadium after Mugabe launched a scathing attack
on opposition and independent candidates.

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Veterinary Dept needs $194m for new farmers

Staff Reporter
2/7/02 1:25:36 AM (GMT +2)

ZIMBABWE’S Veterinary Services Department (VSD) urgently needs about $194
million to effectively service farmers allocated land under the government’s
hurried and chaotic land reforms, it was learnt this week.

Alec Bishi, a senior official in the department, said the VSD had asked the
Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Resettlement to make the funds available
as soon as possible, adding that the department had received only $50
million in December for livestock development in the resettled areas.

This is inadequate for the department’s financial year, he said.

"We have approached the government on the issue and the proposals are now
with the ministry," Bishi told the Financial Gazette. "At present, an
additional $194 million is required in the current financial year in order
for the department to be able to effectively service the newly resettled
farmers under the A1 programme.

"Seventy percent of the expenditure will be on dipping chemicals, 10 percent
on establishing new animal health centres, five percent on drugs and
vaccines and 15 percent on travel and subsistence."

The facilities will benefit farmers who, in most cases, have been resettled
on pieces of land without any infrastructure and inputs such as dipping
tanks and chemicals as well as fertilisers and livestock vaccines.

Bishi said the money would also be used to prevent the outbreak of anthrax,
38 cases of which were reported in January this year compared to eight in
the same period last year. The VDS official said January had recorded the
highest number of anthrax cases in the past five years.

According to a January 2002 DVS newsletter, the high number of anthrax cases
could signal the beginning of an anthrax epidemic.

"Indications are that this could be the early stages of an anthrax epidemic
unless effective control measures are taken," the newsletter said.

An anthrax epidemic would deal a heavy blow to Zimbabwe, which was last year
hit by an outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease which resulted in the
suspension of Zimbabwe’s beef exports to the lucrative European Union and
South African markets.

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A little courage will end this era of terror

2/7/02 1:18:27 AM (GMT +2)

A LETTER published by the Daily News in Harare on January 29 2002, just
under six weeks before the critical presidential election is finally
decided, asks about the condition of the present incumbent, President Robert

"I am confused because every night ZBC-TV shows him making his ‘we died for
self-determination’ speech. All the people I know who died during the
struggle have never made any announcements since. I am also very scared
because I now suspect we have a ghost for a president."

The writer suggests that some "zealots" wanting to vote a ghost back into
office are perhaps "ghosts too, or vampires, that is why they need so much

So this is what a glorious revolution has come to! The truth of those
ultimate sacrifices, human lives offered for the liberation of a country has
now become the subject of sick, but horribly apt, jokes.

This set me thinking back to how it all began. My 1982 Makers of History
(political biographies) lauds the achievement of freedom brought to us all
by liberation fighters, old and young.

I have never stopped asking myself: how could this have happened?

The answer, traced back through successive stages of the use and abuse of
liberators of what is now no longer free Zimbabwe, is not difficult to find.

The following is an abbreviated recount of the story, but my conclusions
will not necessarily be correct. I am sure there will be many other, varied
interpretations of what has brought the reputation of brave men and women,
dead or alive, so tragically into disrepute.

The dead, killed in the war, do not deserve this, while the living are
divided between the beneficiaries who sold out to a cynical policy of
regenerated violence to retain sweet power and the brave and the true
liberators who are mortified to find themselves lumped together with rogues
calling themselves war veterans.

These latter are bent on the death and destruction of their own brothers and
sisters. No violent death in times of peace can be condoned, but in Zimbabwe
the torture, maiming, raping and butchering of people in political
opposition (opposing the government quite lawfully, it must be stressed) and
destroying their homes, their animals and their crops is a blight on the
reputation of us all. The whole country is brought down in shame.

But to return to a quick review of how it all started:

First came demobi-lisation and also joblessness for all but the few
inheritors of employment in the public and private spheres and those
integrated into the national army and airforce.

No more explanation of this is needed. There was a token "demob" pay of $185
per month (real money in 1980), discontinued in 1983. There were further
"payouts", compensation and help of one kind or another for the maimed, the
destitute and other war victims; see Danhiko and also ask Judy Todd about
her Zimbabwe Project for example.

I visited Camp Haven in Shamva in 1980 where Danish People to People were
full of love for the dispossessed youth of the country.

Official compensatory "payouts", however, culminated in a scandalous grab of
huge resources from the taxpaying public by "chefs" and other men and women
already more than comfortably well-off in civilian and military life. The
court cases presided over by Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku provided ample
proof of that.

The country’s economy has never recovered from this disastrous attitude of

There had been a series of "warning shots" from impoverished peasant groups
claiming that they had seen no benefit from their part in the liberation

A man stood up at Heroes’ Acre and shouted that the President had abandoned
his fighters. He was arrested and hurried away by the police.

A motley group of men and a few women gathered outside the President’s
office, demanding his attention. Later, they invaded a courtroom, upsetting
the judiciary. They went again into the street calling for the intervention
of the President.

He sent them away and their leader, the late Chenjerai Hunzvi, faced
criminal charges for falsifying war victims’ compensation claims.

Margaret Dongo, a former guerrilla and Central Intelli

gence Organisation operative and ZANU PF MP and later an opposition MP
(independent, then Zimbabwe Union of Democrats) , called Parliament’s
attention to the plight of many ex-combatants.

From time to time we saw Minister Joseph Msika and others moving squatters
off privately and publicly owned farmlands and making repeated promises
about a future land redistribution plan.

But nothing much happened except that the ruling ZANU PF became increasingly
unpopular for such "sins" of omission as well as many others of commission
related to corrupt practices.

The 2000 constitutional referendum confirmed this and then Didymus Mutasa
announced a "wake up call" for the ruling party.

Suddenly, war veterans had replaced commercial farmers as a protected
species. With the possibility of electoral defeat looming, but skilfully
manoeuvred out of the way by rigging, a temporary respite was achieved in
2000 and the "war vets" came into their own.

We all know what happened next. It has been described ad nauseam, but the
"plan" has been positively sickening in its execution.

I want to move on to the next stage in this dreadful tale.

Rather late in the day, it became apparent that recycled war veterans might
be getting out of hand on the one side — fighting for supremacy of
leadership, etc — and realising they had sold out their honour on the other.

What to do?

This is where their sudden replacement (or was it enhancement?) by hordes of
unemployed, half-trained youths became the flavour of the new election year.
In what might be seen as yet another brilliant political ploy by the ruling
party leadership, they were trained with indecent haste, ostensibly for
"national service", their handlers announcing that they were not to be
violent, etc, etc, while the exact opposite was the intention and, lo and
behold, a new struggle was born.

Greenshirts or Brownshirts, it matters not. They needed money and they went
forth with varying degrees of discomfort and enthusiasm to beat up and rob
their parents, their brothers and sisters, and anybody perceived to be in
political opposition.

It is not known at the time of writing what the final outcome of this latest
tragedy will be. But you can be sure that if the ZANU PF candidate for the
presidency wins, there will be no huge compensation handed out to anybody —
neither the bullies nor their victims. For one thing, there is no money.

Pity the youths, whe-ther paid or not, they have to carry the shame of their
activities into their adult lives. And what, pray, will they tell their own
children about their "brave" deeds?

The ruling ZANU PF must disabuse itself of the belief that after the
elections all will be forgotten and forgiven, whoever wins. Too much damage
in every direction has already been done — to the country, to its people,
especially to its heroes, and, most shamefully of all, to its used and
abused youth.

The only real hope left for the more distant future is that a significant
body of fine young men and women have stood aloof from all this, within the
country’s borders — if they could stay alive (and many have died already) —
or outside, waiting to return and help rebuild a destroyed culture of
freedom, justice and peace for all.This can only happen if voters next month
have the courage to give the future a chance.

Diana Mitchell is an independent Zimbabwean political commentator.

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FinGaz - Comment

Beyond March 2002

2/7/02 1:05:51 AM (GMT +2)

WITH Zimbabweans focused on the presidential election, few have spared the
thought of what real life will be like in the country after the March 9 and
10 ballot, more so if incumbent President Robert Mugabe miraculously returns
to power.

Even for weary-inured Zimbabweans, nothing can adequately prepare them for
the enormous economic and social hardships that lie ahead, thanks to the
nation’s gross folly of allowing one-man rule for two decades.

Zimbabwe’s economy is already on the brink — as dramatised by biting
shortages of foreign currency and fuel, runaway unemployment, poverty and
inflation and surging company closures — and yet the road ahead is even more

Whoever wins the ballot next month faces the daunting and unenviable task of
rescuing the economy from TOTAL collapse amid anarchy which has been allowed
to flourish in the past two years.

Fearful of losing the presidential ballot, Mugabe has predictably tried to
play to the gallery by bringing back his command-style economics, as shown
by his re-introduction of price controls which are killing already
overburdened companies.

Although Zimbabwe’s inflation has soared to an unprecedented high of 112
percent, Mugabe has refused to allow interest rates to rise to levels which
would ensure that investors can reap positive returns on their money.

He has thus kept interest rates artificially low in the hope of winning
votes, although the rates will have to surge markedly after the election.

Similarly, he has fixed the value of the local dollar versus the currencies
of Zimbabwe’s major trading partners at artificially stable levels fearing
that an inevitable devaluation will lift inflation even higher.

As in the case of the rates, the Zimbabwe dollar will have to be devalued
sharply after the presidential ballot to bring it into line with inflation
differentials between Zimbabwe and its key trading partners.

The net result of record high interest rates and inflation on a population
that can no longer make ends meet — let alone lead normal lives — will be
most painful and hard to swallow, but then there is no other solution.

Were Mugabe to win the election, the doomsday upheaval will be even more
traumatic, with Zimbabwe totally isolated by the rest of the world until a
fresh ballot that is seen to be free and fair is staged.

Thus hesitant foreign investors, multilateral agencies such as the
International Monetary Fund and the entire Western world would simply leave
Zimbabwe to its own fate, just as the world did to anarchic Somalia.

Not only that. Some of the punitive sanctions now targeting Mugabe and his
top officials, all of them accused of promoting lawlessness which is
tormenting the nation, could begin to affect some Zimbabweans.

In short, joblessness would rise beyond the current 60 percent, turning the
country into a nation of peasants and self-employed who just run small-scale

And poverty would surge above the current 80 percent levels, meaning that
the entire nation but the ruling elite would be living below the poverty

Put differently, Zimbabwe would slide back into the Stone Age — cruelly this
happening in this new and enlightened digital era!

Were opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai to win the poll, the road ahead
would not be that easy either. Zimbabweans would need to brace themselves
for more social pain as his government seeks to pull the economy back from
the precipice.

This necessarily means having to revert to free market policies — perhaps
with state aid for the most vulnerable groups in society — and working
overtime to correct the economic dislocation which has been caused by years
of ZANU PF’s neglect, corruption and irresponsible policies.

Unfortunately, all these steps will be painful in the short term, as
Zambians have learnt to their grief. But then, is there any other choice?

At least Tsvangirai is assured of a quick return to Zimbabwe of
international aid, capital and investment which will ameliorate Zimbabwe’s
meltdown and place the country firmly on the road to a sustainable recovery
and growth.

So there you have it, all of you Zimbabwean voters: the choice is truly
between a rock and a hard place. Which one will you pick?

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Mugabe broke the law: Chidyausiku

Staff Reporter
2/7/02 1:38:56 AM (GMT +2)

CHIEF Justice God-frey Chidyausiku yesterday said President Robert Mugabe
does not have powers to extend the term of the commission running the
affairs of Harare and that the 77-year-old Zimbabwean leader acted illegally
when he gave the hand-picked local authority another lease of life last

Chidyausiku, who was hearing an appeal by Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede
over a decision by the High Court to have Harare’s mayoral and council
elections held by next Monday, said Mugabe did not have a constitutional
right to extend the tenure of the city commission after the Supreme Court
had ordered Mudede to hold elections in the city by February 11.

"The President does not have powers to validate the term of the commission
running Harare," Chidyausiku said during arguments on the validity of a
statutory instrument Mugabe issued last month that set the dates for the
presidential, mayoral and council elections as March 9 and 10.

Mugabe, through Local Government Minister Ignatius Chombo, extended the term
of the Elijah Chanakira-led commission by a further six months.

The commission, which consists of hand-picked loyalists of Mugabe’s ruling
ZANU PF, has run the affairs of Harare since 1999 when the Solomon
Tawengwa-led council was dismissed over alleged incompetence.

Mudede was yesterday seeking Supreme Court permission to appeal against a
ruling by High Court judge Justice Moses Chinhengo that he had to hold
mayoral and council elections for Harare and Chitungwiza by Monday or face
prosecution on contempt of court charges.

The contempt of court charges arose from delays by Mudede to start
preparations for the Harare and Chitungwiza elections after an initial
Supreme Court judgment in December last year, which said the polls must be
held by February 11.

At the time Mudede said he was ready to hold the elections, although he and
Mugabe now say this is no longer possible because of preparations for the
presidential ballot.

The Harare Combined Resident and Ratepayers’ Association then applied to the
High Court to have Mudede held in contempt of court, resulting in the ruling
by Chinhengo who ordered the registrar-general to comply with the Supreme
Court judgment.

Chidyausiku yesterday reserved judgment in Mudede’s application for leave to
appeal and asked for time to consider submissions by both sides. Judgment is
expected by the end of this week.

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Tsvangirai vows to carry out land audit

Own Correspondent
2/7/02 1:48:04 AM (GMT +2)

MUTARE — The huge crowd is definitely fired up, notwithstanding that some
voices are by now hoarse from the incessant political chanting and dancing
that have dominated proceedings for the past three hours.

The sweltering heat has also begun to take its toll on the 15 000-plus
supporters of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), clad in their party
T-shirts and regalia.

Many have opted out of their popular Sunday morning religious services or
social gatherings at neighbourhood bottle stores to throng this venue,
Sakubva Stadium, for the first star rally in this city by party president
Morgan Tsvangirai.

About three hours after gates have opened, there is still no sign of
Tsvangirai, the main attraction and the man eagerly expected to trounce
President Robert Mugage in the March 9 and 10 presidential election.

By 12.55 pm, the skies are turning dark and a palpable nervousness permeates
the stadium because a sudden downpour is increasingly becoming a real

Five minutes later though, the whistles start blowing and the stadium turns
into a sea of red cards, and the chanting of party slogans rises to
deafening proportions as Tsvangirai’s six-vehicle motorcade sweeps into the

In typical fire-in-the-belly style, Tsvangirai declares: "It’s a fact that
ZANU PF helped liberate this country. That’s fine and commendable. Now, the
MDC is here to liberate our population."

As giddy security aides battle to keep the roaring crowd from getting closer
to the podium, the MDC leader roars: "There is no way anyone can claim that
Zimbabwe is a free country when its population can’t move freely in its own

He is obviously talking from fresh experience because moments earlier, his
motorcade that was entering the city from Masvingo was held up for more than
30 minutes at a police roadblock less than a kilometre away from the stadium
as officers searched for weapons and so-called dangerous items.

Other motorists and public transport passengers, particularly those entering
the city through the Christmas Pass, had an even more torrid time.

Some were held up earlier in the morning at the roadblock and searched
thoroughly for up to one-and-a-half hours.

Tsvangirai, expected to trounce Mugabe in the March ballot, is on fire

"I am here less to campaign than to urge you to come out in great numbers on
polling weekend," he says.

"We finished campaigning a long time ago," adds Tsvangirai, clad in a pair
of black trousers and matching black shirt with white spots.

"A large turnout will make it difficult for ZANU PF to rig the election,"
says the veteran trade unionist, adding that by turning out in their large
numbers, the MDC would thrash ZANU PF and guarantee that no amount of vote
rigging would allow Mugabe to sneak back into State House.

The MDC leader said ZANU PF was now "a minority" political party that had
perfected the abysmal art of ordering businesses to close and forcing people
to attend its rallies to give the false impression that it still commanded
some support.

Someone shouts from the crowd: "They warned us last night not to attend this

The whole stadium is rife with reports that ruling party activists had the
previous night gone around the city’s high-density suburbs of Chikanga,
Dangamvura and Sakubva threatening residents with reprisals if they attended
Tsvangirai’s rally.

Tsvangirai says he is less interested in reiterating the failures of the
ZANU PF government and would rather outline the vision and plans of an MDC
government after the election.

An MDC government, he says, will give priority to the redrafting of Zimbabwe
’s Constitution to strip the presidency of "too much executive and
dictatorial powers" and provisions such as those that allow him to appoint
non-constituency MPs.

Tsvangirai said he would move immediately to outlaw lawlessness and
political violence and that his government would carry out a national audit
of the land resettlement programme to administer an equitable land reform
plan and restore productivity to the sector.

He said he intended to form a government of national unity representative of
all administrative and political districts in Zimbabwe if elected into power
next month.

Reacting to threats from the army that it would not salute him, the former
trade unionist said if army officers did not respect him, then they would be

"If people like (Defence Forces Commander Vitalis) Zvinavashe don’t want to
salute, he will have removed himself from the job because he will definitely
be replaced," said Tsvangirai, prompting the stadium to reverberate with
cheers and applause.

As Tsvangirai leaves the podium, the entire crowd gets on its feet cheering,
dancing and whistling.

His motorcade revs up its engines and security aides battle to make way for
him to exit the stadium amid a sea of red cards and the crowd soon spills
peacefully into the streets.

And the overcast skies? The clouds have long dissipated and it has been
clear skies since then.

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NO to sham poll: Mbeki

By Basildon Peta Special Projects Editor
2/7/02 1:34:30 AM (GMT +2)

SOUTH African President Thabo Mbeki this week stepped up efforts to prepare
his country to deal with any possible negative fallout from the turmoil in
Zimbabwe while his officials made clear Pretoria would not recognise any
government elected in conditions which are not free and fair in the fiercely
contested March presidential ballot.

Mbeki met leaders of South Africa’s main civic society groups to share ideas
and agree a common approach on how to deal with the deteriorating political
climate in Zimbabwe before he left to address the World Economic Forum (WEF)
in New York.

Mbeki’s meeting was followed by a blunt statement from his economic adviser,
Wiseman Nkulu, that South Africa and the rest of the Southern Africa
Development Community (SADC) would not recognise any government in Zimbabwe
elected in conditions which were not free and fair.

Speaking at the close of the WEF summit in New York yesterday, Nkulu said
South Africa "had the will" to act against President Mugabe if this became

Mbeki’s office confirmed this week that he had met representatives of the
powerful Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), South African
churches, business leaders, farmers’ groups, representatives from Anglo
American and others to harness opinion on how best to deal with and react to
Zimbabwe’s turmoil.

Mbeki’s ministers, including Labour Minister Membathisi Mdladlana who heads
his country’s task force team dealing with Zimbabwe, Deputy Foreign Minister
Aziz Pahad and Essop Pahad, the deputy minister in Mbeki’s office, attended
the meeting whose only agenda was Zimbabwe.

A coalition of South Africa’s civic organisations had earlier met on its own
and slammed increasing human rights abuses in Zimbabwe, where political
violence has killed more than 100 people in the past two years.

The coalition said it would mobilise resources to deal with the impending
humanitarian and refugee crisis in Zimbabwe and to engage the South African
government in initiatives related to the defence of democracy and the rule
of law in Zimbabwe.

Mbeki’s spokesman Tasneem Carrim said the meeting had dealt with matters of
principle and full details of the meeting would be discussed later.

Japie Grobler, the president of the farming union AgriSA, said he had come
out of the meeting with a clear impression that the South African government
was doing more behind the scenes to limit the fallout from Zimbabwe than
most of Mbeki’s critics realised.

Mbeki has on numerous occasions been urged to abandon his policy of quiet
diplomacy on Zimbabwe in favour of a more robust approach that would boost
international efforts to rein in the Zimbabwe government.

Diplomatic sources said after failing to persuade Mugabe to postpone the
March 9 and 10 presidential election until the rule of law and conditions
conducive to free and fair elections are fully restored, Mbeki had now
shifted his efforts to preparing South Africa to dealing with the
anticipated chaos that would follow a rigged election in Zimbabwe.

"By involving the rest of South Africa’s civic society in decisions on
Zimbabwe, he hopes to reduce the burden of blame that might fall on him if
the situation in Zimbabwe gets out of hand and South Africa has to deal with
a serious humanitarian crisis," one Western diplomat said.

South Africa has already started making contingency plans to receive
refugees from Zimbabwe, where Mugabe is seen being trounced by opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai if the March ballot is free and fair.

But there is increasing domestic and international concern that the ballot
may not be free and fair because of escalating intimidation of Tsvangirai’s
opponents by Mugabe’s followers.

There is also serious concern about a warning by the country’s military
chiefs that they will not salute or support Tsvangirai if he wins the

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World Must Insist on an Honest Zimbabwe Election

By Anna Husarska
Anna Husarska, a journalist, is now on assignment in Thailand. This is from
the Los Angeles Times.

February 6, 2002

SEEN FROM AFAR, the struggle of Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe to hold on
to power and outfox the outside world would look pathetic if it were not
that his eventual success in the March presidential election would mean
continued dictatorship and famine for his country.

His latest trick is to accept as foreign election monitors only citizens
from nations and organizations he has chosen. Not surprisingly, the citizens
of the United States and Britain are not acceptable; neither is the Carter
Center of Atlanta, which has monitored many foreign elections. The only
American group welcome is the NAACP.

Are we surprised? Not at all. Last August I sat with Morgan Tsvangerai, the
leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in his office
in Harare and we joked that the panoply of foreign monitors allowed would be
composed of North Koreans, Burmese, Iraqis, Libyans and perhaps someone from
Belarus to give it an old-continent touch.

Comrade Bob (as Mugabe is known to fellow war of independence veterans and
fellow foreign dictators) came up with a more business-oriented criterion:
The countries and organizations allowed to send monitors all happen to have
some trade interests in Zimbabwe. They are unlikely to come down hard on him
for his electoral peccadilloes or his gross violations of human rights, such
as having opponents killed or opposition newspapers bombed.

And to make sure that his sins, small and large, do not get exposed by the
media, Mugabe had a gag law adopted in parliament Thursday. The so-called
Access to Information and Protection of Privacy bill restricts access for
foreign reporters and imposes tight controls on local media.

So now that Mugabe has warned the media not to be a nuisance, the coast is
clear. Unless he reaches for the ultimate weapon and declares a state of
emergency, which would effectively suspend the elections and many civil
rights, the contest will probably go ahead March 9 and 10.

What is to be done? The predictions show that the opposition MDC is a
favorite in these elections. Everything must be done to ensure that
Zimbabwe's people get what they want. This means monitoring the election
process, and monitoring it well, despite Mugabe's roadblocks. Countries and
groups doing the "official" monitoring must be told clearly that they will
be treated as accomplices if they let Mugabe get away with crime: killing
candidates, dissidents, journalists or voters, or simply stealing the
election by other means.

Nongovernmental organizations with experience in Zimbabwe (religious,
humanitarian, development groups) must rally all their members to revisit
the country and denounce whatever electoral dirt they see.

Electoral experts from countries that evolved from similar dictatorships
through elections should send people (with tourist visas if need be) to
discreetly watch and later publicly describe their observations.

This may not be a "formally accepted" monitoring group but neither can it be
accepted that a dictator handpicks who will watch him do as he pleases.

Thanks to sanctions, travel by Mugabe and Co. to Britain is off limits. The
European Union may impose the same travel ban, freeze assets and ban exports
of some items that can be used as weapons or tools of repression. But it is
equally important to denounce Mugabe if he misbehaves.

Although the opposition MDC is at an obvious disadvantage because of
repression, harassment and restrictive laws, it has decided not to boycott
the election. Therefore, it is the outside world's moral obligation to give
Zimbabwe's people a fair chance to express their will freely at the polls.
Copyright © 2002, Newsday, Inc.

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Mugabe's henchmen replace Churchill

By Peta Thornycroft in Harare
(Filed: 07/02/2002)

THE Queen and Winston Churchill are out while Hitler Hunzvi and assorted
henchmen of President Mugabe are in. Years of anti-colonial rhetoric in
Zimbabwe culminated in the obliteration of part of the country's history
yesterday with the announcement of new names for more than 200 state

Winston Churchill High in Harare will become Josiah Tongogara High, in
memory of the commander of Mr Mugabe's 1970s guerrilla army.

Queen Elizabeth Girls' High will be transformed into Sally Mugabe Girls'
High, after the president's first wife, who died in 1992. Louis Mountbatten
primary will become Michael Trebber primary, renamed after a minor luminary
of the struggle against white rule.

Sir Garfield Todd, 93, the white former prime minister of Southern Rhodesia,
who still lives in Bulawayo, is being honoured with a school carrying his

But the most notorious figures of Mr Mugabe's rule are also honoured. Warren
Park primary will become Chenjerai Hitler Hunzvi Primary School,
immortalising the regime's chief rabble-rouser, who led the invasion of
white-owned farms.

Hunzvi, one of the most loathed men in Zimbabwe, died last year from an
Aids-related condition.

Border Gezi, who achieved equal notoriety for his part in the campaign
against the regime's opponents, will also have a primary school named in his
honour, a year after his death in a car crash.

The renaming does not extend to the private schools attended by the
offspring of the ruling elite, including Mr Mugabe's children.

His sons, Robert and Bellarmine, attend St George's College and the Heritage
School respectively, which are both steeped in British tradition and will
keep their names.

Peterhouse, Falcon, Arundel and the Rydings, along with other private
schools favoured by ministers, will also keep their traditional identities.

Colin Powell, the US secretary of state, said last night measures
restricting travel by the Zimbabwean leadership were "in the process of
being imposed" after the Harare parliament approved draconian media laws
ahead of the presidential election.

The Herald

Most colonial school names changed

By Hatred Zenenga
MOST Government schools now have new names after the Ministry of Education,
Sports and Culture completed the renaming of the schools last month.

While the ministry has accepted some suggested new names, many schools
failed to come up with acceptable names or change their colonial names,
forcing the authorities to impose new names.

The full list obtained by The Herald yesterday show the following notable
changes in names: Prince Edward High now Murenga Boys High (named after the
Njelele High Spirit that instigated and directed the first Liberation War,
1896-97); Warren Park 3 now Chenjerai Hunzvi Primary (national hero); Mount
Pleasant High now Joshua Nkomo High (named after the late Vice President).

Allan Wilson High now Mutapa Boys High (named after the founding father of
the glorious Mutapa Empire); Queen Elizabeth Girls now Sally Mugabe Girls
High (after the late First Lady and national heroine); Milton High now
Khumalo High (name of suburb in which school is located); King George VI now
Lookout Masuku Primary (national hero); Townsend High now Joseph Msika High
(named after the Vice President).

Churchill High now Josiah Tongogara High (national hero); Blakistone Primary
School now Shearly Cripps Primary (named after priest who championed African
interests); Moffat Primary now Basil Nyabadza Primary (activist of
Chimurenga II); Kuwadzana 5 School now Moven Mahachi Primary (national
hero); Morgan High now Joseph Culverwell High (national hero); Seke 1 High
now Seke Mutema High (named after chief Seke 1).

Queensdale Primary now Safirio Madzikatire Primary (after the late musician
and performing artist); David Livingstone Jr now Guy Clutton-Brock Primary
(national hero); Kuwadzana 6 now Maurice Nyagumbo Primary (national hero);
Warren Park 4 now Eddison Sithole Primary (named after a veteran leader of
the struggle); Gillingham School now Brigadier Gumbo Primary (national

Umvukwes Primary now Border Gezi (national hero); Jameson High now Kadoma
High (town name); Fletcher High School now Alfred Knottenbelt High (a former
head of Fletcher High); Cecil John Rhodes School now Gweru Primary School
(name of town); Guinea Fowl High School now Benson Ndemera High (former
Provincial Governor of Midlands); St Joseph’s Secondary now Mqabuko Nkomo
High (named after the late Vice President).

Schools were given four months in which to come up with new names that were
indigenous and reflected the country’s national identity.

The new names have been forwarded for approval to the Cabinet Committee on
Place Names.

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Outcomes After Harare Poll

Business Day (Johannesburg)

February 6, 2002
Posted to the web February 6, 2002

Greg Mills

It will be harder for SA to avoid acting against Mugabe if election is seen
as fraudulent.

AT THIS month's World Economic Forum, President Thabo Mbeki confirmed that
Pretoria and the Southern African Development Community were focused on
trying to ensure that the elections in Zimbabwe are free and fair. This is
also the intention of three days of deliberations at the start of February
of the SADC task team on Zimbabwe.

For many observers, such pronouncements are too little too late, given the
ruling Zanu (PF)'s disregard for the rule of law and violent intimidation
tactics of Zimbabwe's opposition over the past 18 months. It also raises
questions about why southern African leaders have been so slow to condemn
President Robert Mugabe's tactics.

Even to the most autistic of observers, for a long time it has been evident
that Mugabe is out of control, quiet diplomacy will not work, and SA policy
is pivotal to ensuring free and fair elections and yet is wholly
ineffectual. Moreover, as Mbeki himself hinted at the forum, the Zimbabwe
crisis has adversely affected the promise of the New Partnership for
Africa's Development (Nepad) and the related confidence in African
guarantees of good governance self-regulation.

Nepad's origins might, however, partly explain the continent's reluctance to
appear more strident in their dealings with Harare - where SADC wants to be
at least seen to be providing an African solution and not be seen to be
dictated to, especially by the west. Some SADC leaders might also fear a
precedent for a more interventionist stance against Harare given that more
than half of the regional body's 14 member states have questionable
democratic credentials. The outcome is rhetoric and inaction.

Whatever the failings of analysis and of quiet diplomacy, the damage is now
largely done. Assessing a way forward beyond the election is, however, tied
to the outcome. Here two scenarios emerge, with quite different

The first of these is that the election is declared to be substantially free
and fair, principally due to two interventions one, the role of
international observers and two, the upholding of the Zimbabwe Supreme Court
decision allowing voters to use registration documents as proof of

If Mugabe wins in this scenario, the outcome and the relationship with the
donor community - is clearly less sanguine than an opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) victory. Focus would probably have to shift to
trying to find a way to "encourage" Mugabe to step down, without which the
economy will continue its long-term decline. In the event of an electoral
win by MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai, the focus will shift to immediate food
and fuel needs and shipments and, in the longer term, the reorganisation of
the Zimbabwean political economy including the civil service. Whoever wins,
following poor rains and the disruption caused to commercial farming by the
activities of Mugabe's war veterans, the MDC estimates that there is a
requirement to import 2-million tons of maize - the staple of most
Zimbabweans' diets - between now and mid-2003, and about 150000 tons of
wheat and 120000 tons of soya.

What happens personally to Mugabe and his Zanu (PF) cadres will, to a great
extent, probably depend on the manner of their political departure the more
graceful, the less likely a Pinochet/Milosevictype trial, though this can be
no guarantee of what steps other nations might take in this respect.

The second, less positive, scenario is that the election is defrauded (and
won) by Mugabe in a blatant manner. What happens next will to a great extent
depend on whether Africa declares the election result acceptable (or not),
and what the reaction of the west will be. This might lead to a North-South
split on the issue, with devastating impact on Nepad and on southern
Africa's investment prospects. The Commonwealth will likely be split down
the middle. External reaction will no doubt, however, be overshadowed by
internal developments, with a rapid deterioration in social, economic and
security conditions, and with a direct impact on SA in the form, for
example, of increased refugee flows.

The factor that appears to lie between chaos and an orderly transition is
thus the role to be played by the external community in saturating Zimbabwe
with election monitors/observers, and in providing media coverage of the
election and putting on pressure for accreditation, not least so that Africa
cannot ignore a blatant fraud. Here the SADC and others share the same
method to get out of the mess, even though they have got to this juncture
along quite different paths.

SA will, of course, find it much more difficult to avoid dealing directly
with a fraudulent outcome, not least because of its status in the region,
its own democratic credentials and its leadership role in Nepad.

Like others, it will have to consider what mechanisms it could use to
reinstate the rule of law and democratic process in Zimbabwe, including the
possible application of sanctions smart or otherwise. Put simply, following
the poll, Pretoria, like others, will not simply be able to dodge acting
against Mugabe on the basis that this could jeopardise the election process.

Mills is the National Director of the SA Institute of International Affairs
based at the University of the Witwatersrand.

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US in process of imposing Zimbabwe sanctions: Powell
Washington, February 7

-------------------------------------------------------------The US has said it was in the process of imposing travel sanctions on
Zimbabwean leaders, to punish the country's tough new media and security
Secretary of State Colin Powell issued a new condemnation of the government
of President Robert Mugabe yesterday, during an appearance before the
International Relations Committee of the House of Representatives.

"The travel sanctions are in a process of being imposed, I am not sure
whether they have been imposed or not, but we are certainly going to use the
legislation as provided to us," Powell said.

The US Congress last year passed the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic
Recovery Act, which allows for targetted sanctions against people identified
as responsible for political violence in the country.

Washington had previously said it was only considering implementing the
legislation, and was consulting on punitive measures with partners in
Britain and Europe.

Powell was speaking a week after Zimbabwe's parliament passed a tough law
limiting the freedoms of the independent and foreign press ahead of crucial
presidential elections.

The law requires journalists to seek accreditation every year from a panel
hand-picked by Information Minister Jonathan Moyo, which has wide-ranging
powers of discretion.

Foreigners are already unable to work full-time in Zimbabwe.

The law forbids journalists from reporting on meetings of the cabinet or
other government bodies and those who violate its provisions face stiff
fines and up to two years in prison.

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Gwanda stands up to ZANU PF

From Njabulo Ncube Bulawayo Bureau Chief
2/7/02 1:48:55 AM (GMT +2)

GWANDA SOUTH — More than 3 000 Zimbabweans shrugged off threats of violence
from boisterous supporters of the ruling ZAPU and the scorching sun to
listen to Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), as he kicked off his campaign for the March
presidential election here at the weekend.

The previous day, ZANU PF’s so-called war veterans and its militia had
threatened to unleash violence on anyone rooting for the MDC. But come
Saturday morning, the residents of Gwanda South streamed to Pelandaba
Stadium, the venue of the rally.

Some residents found queueing for the staple mealie-meal in this drought-hit
province of Matabeleland South were assaulted by the ruling party mobs on
the grounds that they wanted to feed Tsvangirai and his people from the
"towns", eyewitness told this reporter.

But this did little to scare away Gwanda South’s residents from the rally,
held in a town won by the ruling party in the 2000 parliamentary elections.

The MDC’s elections director Paul Themba Nyathi won the Gwanda North
constituency in the same polls.

Most Gwanda residents started flocking into the football pitch shortly after
11 am, unmoved by the presence of ZANU PF’s militia who were pacing the
breadth and width of the venue.

When Tsvangirai’s convoy of 11 four-wheel-drive vehicles swept into
Pelandaba Stadium just before 2 pm, the MDC supporters, many clad in the
party’s T-shirts and other campaign regalia, erupted into a frenzy, much to
the chagrin of ZANU PF’s militia.

"Chinja maitiro, guqula izenzo," they said, meaning Change Your Ways. The
stadium vibrated and the crowd gyrated to MDC slogans.

"We want change," they chanted in unison as they saluted Tsvangirai, who was
clad in a navy blue leisure shirt and had a matching pair of trousers.

The MDC chief wasted no time, telling his supporters to shun violence in
which 100 people, most of them MDC followers, have been killed in the past
two years.

Tsvangirai specifically named the green-shirted members of ZANU PF’s
national youth brigade, who have been trained by the government at the
Border Gezi Institute in Mashonaland Central, as being behind the
countrywide violence.

"I would like first of all to ask everyone who managed to grace this
important occasion to give a round of applause to our police for coming here
to protect us from political thugs," he said amid thunderous applause.

"Please also clap your hands for members of the CIO (Central Intelligence
Organisation) who are here as well as the army. The police and the army
belong to the people. They are our security and there is no way we are going
to abandon them when I cruise to victory.

"We are not worried by some of the statements by some people that they will
not support me when I win," he said, referring to a statement by army chief
Vitalis Zvinavashe a month ago.

"I am going to win comfortably and those who feel they won’t measure up to
expectations should resign voluntarily. But what is important is that we are
not going to purge anyone from the army. Those who will leave will do so on
their own accord. Professionals will continue to discharge their duties in
all the security branches."

Tsvangirai also spoke at length about the war in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo (DRC), the creation of jobs, an orderly and equitable distribution
of land and the need to bring to book corrupt officials in President Robert
Mugabe’s regime, among other things.

"The country’s involvement in the DRC war was uncalled for because we
believe it has not benefited the entire populace but ‘chefs’ in this
government. My priority will be to bring our boys back from the DRC," he
said much to the delight of the people.

While admonishing war veterans over what he said was their irresponsible
behaviour for allowing themselves to be used by Mugabe, he assured them that
his government would continue with their monthly pensions.

"Don’t be lied upon. You deserve more than just to be made to stay on the
farms to prop up Mugabe. We will not discontinue your pensions."

On the international front, Tsvangirai said it was imperative that he
restores relations with the international community which he said had dumped
Zimbabwe because of the government’s alleged gross human rights violations.
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'Zim woes cost SA billions'

Curiosity Tangireni

Harare, Zimbabwe - The economies of the 14-member Southern African
Development Community (SADC) trading bloc have lost over US$36 billion in
potential investment because of the political crisis in Zimbabwe.

Quoting a report by the American Chamber of Commerce, the Brussels-based
International Crisis Group (ICG) said the socio-political and economic
upheavals in Zimbabwe had serious repercussions for the whole southern
African region.

South Africa, the region's biggest economy, was the most seriously affected,
losing $3 billion in potential investment.

"South Africa risks serious structural damage to its economy if it does not
take urgent action to prevent further collapse in Zimbabwe.

"The impact of the deteriorating situation in its neighbour to the north has
been particularly noticeable in the falling rand," says ICG.

The ICG, a multi-national organisation committed to preventing conflict
globally, said while other factors come into play, the situation in Zimbabwe
principally contributed to the recent fall of the rand.

The rand sank by 25% during 2000, 30% since January 2001, and then a further
4.5% in the first week of December 2001.

Zimbabwe's ministry of finance and economic development said it had no
capacity to quantify the losses, if there were any, and referred all
questions to the SADC secretariat in Botswana.

Three weeks ago, another government spokesperson denied that the economic
slump in South Africa was a result of the political situation in Zimbabwe.
He attributed the decline of the rand to a general global economic recession
also affecting countries such as Japan and the United States.

SADC secretariat information officer, Petronella Ndebele, said she could not
comment as she had not seen the ICG document.

Independent analysts in Zimbabwe say the ICG's findings are a ploy by
western countries to put pressure on southern African countries to take a
firmer stance against the Harare government.

But the ICG insists that the spongy stance by South Africa on Zimbabwe is
the cause of its economic woes.

"For example, following the murder of two white farmers (in Zimbabwe), the
bond market in South Africa suffered a record one-day outflow of R1.8
billion, and the rand lost value.

"When Deputy President Jacob Zuma appeared to endorse Mugabe's land grab in
October 2000, the rand fell again, as it did when opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai was arrested in December 2001," said the organisation.

Recently, Reserve Bank governor Tito Mboweni publicly condemned the
situation in Zimbabwe, saying it had a negative effect on investor
confidence in South Africa.

The condition of South Africa's parastatals also has been affected.

The ICG noted that Zimbabwe had, on several occasions, defaulted on debt
payments to both Eskom and Sasol. It said both companies have had to absorb
the losses as they allegedly had been instructed by the South African
government to continue the exports.

However, Zimbabwe's ministry of finance and economic development this week
insisted that Zimbabwe was now up-to-date with the payment of its debts to
the electricity utility and fuel companies.

Zimbabwe, southern Africa's second most diversified economy, has seen its
exports plunging and witnessed a general economic collapse in the past few

The country's negative growth rate, estimated at 4.2% for 2000, the last
year for which statistics are available, is said to have "greatly affected
average gross domestic product (GDP) of the sub-region".

This decline is evident in Zimbabwe's trade figures, which show an overall
decline from 1999 to 2000 of 6.4%.

The loss in the vital food sector was 4.5% from 1999 to 2000, and a dramatic
61% down on a decade earlier. - African Eye News Service
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