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- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Zim Online

Thur 20 January 2005
  HARARE - Ruling ZANU PF party militants were last night reported to have
invaded Information Minister Jonathan Moyo's farm as a vicious power
struggle within the party over President Robert Mugabe's successor appears
set to break into open warfare.

      And in Manicaland province, some of the party's leaders openly
demanded action against Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa and two others
who helped Moyo in a failed bid to block last year's appointment of Joyce
Mujuru as party and state second vice-president.

      The vice-presidency is seen as a key stepping stone to the top job
especially as Mugabe and his first vice-president Joseph Msika are set to
retire at the same time in three years.

      Sources from Mashonaland Central province, Mujuru's home province and
where Moyo's farm is located told ZimOnline last night that the hordes of
ZANU PF militia and self-styled veterans of Zimbabwe's 1970s independence
war had moved onto the property.

      They were reportedly demanding that Moyo leave the property and the
province because of his opposition to Mujuru's appointment and that he goes
and settle in his Tsholotsho rural home in the semi-arid Matabeleland North

      It was not clear whether Moyo himself was on the farm when the
invaders arrived. He was unreachable last night.

      Moyo last year convened a meeting in Tsholotsho to plot ways to block
the rise of Mujuru, whom Mugabe had openly backed for the vice-presidency.
He was publicly rebuked by Mugabe for calling the meeting and was
subsequently fired from ZANU PF's key central and politburo committees.

      The information minister also appears set to lose his job after ZANU
PF barred him from contesting March's general election. Mugabe has said he
will not appoint anyone to his government who is not elected in the March

      And from Manicaland, members of ZANU PF's national consultative
assembly and war veterans leaders there sent a document to party chairman
John Nkomo demanding action against Chinamasa, Agriculture and Transport
Ministers Joseph Made and Chris Mushowe respectively.

      In the document that was also publicly circulated in Harare, the ZANU
PF leaders accused the three ministers of closely working with Moyo to
scuttle Mujuru's appointment. They also accused them of grabbing more than
one farm each in violation of the government's one-man-one-farm policy.

      Both Nkomo and the three ministers could not be reached for comment on
the document.

      Chinamasa was fired from the politburo for his involvement in the plot
against Mujuru but Mushowe and Made appeared to have escaped without
punishment. - ZimOnline
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Zim Online

Bureaucracy could see thousands of voters disenfranchised
Thur 20 January 2005
  HARARE - Confusion and apathy have hit an exercise to inspect the voters'
roll to be used in Zimbabwe's general election in March with many voters
citing stringent registration requirements as the reason they were shunning
the exercise.

      In a snap survey since Monday in the cities of Harare, Chitungwiza,
Mutare and some rural areas in Manicaland province, ZimOnline reporters only
saw a few prospective voters at inspection centres.

      Thousands of voters could find themselves unable to vote in March if
their names or residential addresses are either wrongly entered or skipped
altogether from the roll and they were unable to have them corrected now
because of the stringent requirements to do so. Under Zimbabwe's voting
laws, people can vote only in the constituency they are registered.

      For example, in Manicaland, some villagers with names wrongly entered
or mistakenly skipped on the roll said they had given up on having them
corrected because local headmen were refusing to give them letters
confirming that they lived in their respective areas because they suspected
them of backing the opposition.

      "What am I supposed to do?" asked a young man, Joseph Maromo, from
Zimunya rural area just outside Mutare.

      He added: "My name is not on the roll, the officers from Mudede's
office (Registrar-General Tobaiwa) say I must produce a letter from the
headman of our village to be registered, but the headman won't give me the
letter because he suspects all school-leavers are anti-ZANU PF."

      Mudede has asked villagers whose names have been wrongly spelt or
omitted from the roll or those wishing to transfer to new constituencies to
produce letters of confirmation from their village.

      Farm workers with similar queries must produce letters from the farm
owner that they lived and worked on a respective farm.

      Voters in urban areas must produce water or electricity bills,
lodgers' cards or letters from employers that they reside in a respective
constituency, conditions which many voters who spoke to our news crew said
were difficult to meet.

      In a telling example of difficulties voters were facing, Harare
resident Mike Mangeni recounted how he was turned down when he attempted to
register as a new voter at an inspection centre at Avonlea Primary School in
Harare because a letter from his landlord was not stamped.

      A visibly angry Mangeni said: "I explained to the registration officer
that my landlord was a private individual who did not have an official stamp
but he was adamant that letter should bear an official stamp.

      "I had to leave. There was no hope in insisting. I saw several other
people who had other queries but could not be helped because they did not
have the required documentation."

      Mudede could not be reached for comment on the matter yesterday. But
the registrar has in previous elections omitted thousands of voters from the
roll while several more thousands of voters have been unable to vote because
their names were entered in wrong constituencies.

      The main opposition Movement for Democratic Change  party yesterday
confirmed that thousands of its supporters were finding it hard to ensure
their names were correctly entered on the roll because of the stringent
conditions set by Mudede.

      A senior MDC official, Remus Makuwaza said the party had already set
up centres across the country to receive complaints from supporters.

      He said: "We have set up command centres where people can immediately
raise complaints. We have received complaints from all parts of the country.
Apparently the frustration of prospective voters is not limited to towns but
is rampant in rural areas as well."

      Ruling ZANU PF party elections directorate chairman Elliot Manyika
said the party had not yet received any complaints from its members. "I have
not received any complaints regarding the voters' roll," Manyika said. -
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Zimbabwe breaks up South Africa spy ring

Andrew Meldrum in Pretoria
Thursday January 20, 2005
The Guardian

A South African spymaster has been arrested in Zimbabwe in a sting operation
and is accused of running an espionage ring inside the country involving a
number of prominent officials.
The Guardian has been told that the agent was captured on December 15 in
Victoria Falls after being lured into Zimbabwe from Zambia across a bridge
spanning the Zambezi river.

At the same time five prominent Zimbabweans were arrested, all of whom are
closely linked to the inner circle of Robert Mugabe's ruling party, Zanu-PF.
All five have been charged with espionage.

Sources close to the South African government confirmed the intelligence
officer is being held by Zimbabwe's central intelligence organisation, and
is providing information about the network he had set up. It is expected he
will be returned to South Africa.

The five Zimbabweans charged with espionage are: Philip Chiyangwa, a Zanu-PF
provincial chairman and MP, Godfrey Dzvairo, Zimbabwe's ambassador-designate
to Mozambique, Kennedy Karidza, Zanu-PF's security director, Tendai
Matambanadzo, a director of Metropolitan Bank, and Itai Marchi, Zanu-PF's
director of external affairs.

The identity of the South African has not been revealed but a South African
source said he was a senior officer in the South African secret service who
was 48 and white.

The secret agent, the Guardian was told, had travelled to Zambia's resort
town of Livingstone where he was to meet a senior Zimbabwean intelligence
officer. At the last minute the Zimbabwean persuaded him to come across to
Victoria Falls where they would meet in a hotel. The South African was
arrested when he crossed the border.

He was allegedly paying Mr Chiyangwa £5,300 a month for information about
the inner workings of Zanu-PF, according to evidence emerging from Harare
court hearings.
Mr Chiyangwa and the others face up to 20 years in jail if convicted of the

The South Africans are trying to play down the arrest, saying the agent had
been involved in routine intelligence gathering.

But analysts believe South Africa's president, Thabo Mbeki, had launched a
high-level spying operation against Mr Mugabe.

"It shows that Mbeki has very bad relations with Mugabe," said Gail
Wannenburg, a researcher for the South African Institute for International

"It shows that Mbeki is thinking that he cannot trust what Mugabe says to
him. So far Mbeki has been outmanoeuvred by Mugabe. Mbeki expected some
concessions from Mugabe in terms of election reforms, something that he
could take to SADC [the Southern African Development Community, a regional
body of 14 countries] as superficially acceptable improvements. But Mugabe
has not done that."

The revelations came as Mr Mbeki's party, the ANC, criticised the Mugabe
government. Kgalema Motlanthe, the ANC's secretary general, said Zimbabwe's
opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change, should be allowed to
hold meetings freely.

It must apply to police to hold a meeting of more than five people, and the
police routinely refuse permission.

"You cannot have a registered party restricted in this way," Mr Motlanthe
said this week.

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Zimbabwe can play 'pivotal' role in uplifting Africa: Khatami

HARARE: Iranian President Mohammad Khatami Wednesday said Zimbabwe could
play a "pivotal" role in uplifting the world's poorest continent, Africa, as
he ended a three-day state visit.

Khatami, who held talks with President Robert Mugabe and visited tourist
resorts and met with scores of local businessmen, said post-colonial
Zimbabwe -- which is in "control" of its land -- could be a torchbearer.

He said Africa had to exploit its "huge resources" if it is "to emerge as a
power on the international stage" and transform "from an under-developed and
underprivileged continent into a developed continent.

"In this regard Zimbabwe can play a pivotal role and present a very good
example," he said.

"Today Zimbabwe belongs to the people of Zimbabwe, they have and control
their own resources of land, they enjoy their sovereignty and independence
and they have everything for further... advancement in a lot of fields,"
Khatami said.

Government ministers, and the governors of the two countries' central banks
and private sector officials signed 10 trade agreements before Khatami left
for Uganda, the last stop on a seven-country African tour.

One of the deals will see Iran help Zimbabwe build a commuter railway system
linking Harare to the suburban town of Chitungwiza, southeast of the

"What we have signed today gives us a window of opportunity to exploit the
future potential and resources existing in both countries and they must be
used to further enhance our cooperation," said Khatami.

He hailed Mugabe as "one of the great leaders ... who helped the African
people and all countries to emancipate themselves from the yoke of

Mugabe thanked the Iranian leader, saying "the visit has not just done
justice in regard to our policy of looking east but it has done justice in
the field of cooperation" between the two nations.

Iran is one of the countries Mugabe has been warming up to as part of the
"Look East" policy, partly forced by Zimbabwe's isolation from the West over
controversial land reforms and allegedly fraud-marred elections in 2000 and

Zimbabwe has expropriated land previously owned by a minority group of about
4,500 whites and given it to landless blacks in what it says is a correction
of colonial imbalances.

Mugabe said Zimbabwe was bound to benefit more from the deals struck with
Iran since it was more advanced, pledging that Harare would ensure the
projects were implemented.
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The Star


      I've seen citizens' enemy - it's government
      January 20, 2005

      Throughout history, the greatest threat facing an individual comes
from his or her own government.

      One need only think of the millions who were murdered by Hitler,
Lenin, Stalin and more recently the thousands of minority Tutsis who were
murdered by the Hutu majority government or the thousands of the Matabele
who were murdered by Robert Mugabe's notorious Shona-manned 5th Brigade to
understand this.

      The modern notion of countering this threat is that of an independent
judiciary backed by a constitution.

      It is not at all clear why any rational person should believe that
these, in the end, provide any protection at all. These were wholly
ineffective in Nazi Germany and Mugabe's Zimbabwe.

      If a judiciary is to prevail, it can only do so very early in the
attack. It is the first line of defence.

      The attack against individuals usually starts with an attack on their
liberty and property as in Nazi Germany. It started with liberty, then
property, it ended in extermination camps.

      When I first read of the Asset Forfeiture Unit (AFU), it was clear
that private property was under direct attack in South Africa.

      With much fanfare, the AFU was trumpeted as an instrument to fight
organised crime, including dealing with the proceeds of such crime.

      I pointed out that the evidence was there for all to see. This "law"
was not being used for these purposes. It was increasingly being used to
target victimless crimes.

      This means the government and its agents can keep more of the proceeds
of their activities for themselves (See The Asset Forfeiture Unit - a
warning from History 2001 Freemarket Foundation Briefing paper 61).

      I predicted that the AFU would expand its activities to take all
manner of private property, increasingly for its own benefit.

      Since the judiciary has never been effective against a determined
government, I had little faith that in South Africa it would protect
property against attacks by the government.

      However, on January 6 2002 The Star carried a front page report of a
judge dismissing an application by the AFU on the grounds that it was
applying the legislation to a case which, in the words of the judge, could
"not by the wildest stretch of the imagination by categorised as organised

      And so, it was thought that I my predictions would not be fulfiled -
the judiciary and constitution would indeed protect property in South

      I doubted this, so I had to write a second article (Freemarket
Foundation, April 22 2003) to dispel this foolish notion.

      I predicted that that decision would be a "mere aberration and that
the illegitimate confiscations will inexorably continue".

      Once again this prediction has turned out to be correct, with the AFU
now confiscating, with the approval of judges, motor vehicles for a mere
statutory offence of driving with blood levels in excess of the statutory
limit and speeding.

      If private property can be confiscated by the state for mere speeding,
then no property is safe in South Africa. The judiciary, the first line of
defence has now fallen - it has taken a mere three years for the judiciary
to fall. How quickly and how easily it fell!

      If Zimbabwe had this legislation it would need no other. The mere
protesting against the confiscation of a farm or other property could be
declared unlawful and the farm or other property could then be confiscated
as an instrument of crime.

      I will point out that the financial monitoring and money laundering
legislation also has nothing to do with money laundering or
      organised crime and will not be applied for this purpose.

      It should now be clear to all property is under attack in South

      Further attacks on liberty and life cannot be far behind.

      Robert W Vivian
      Linmeyer, Johannesburg

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Man Discovers Relative's Past in Dust Diaries

January 19, 2005
Posted to the web January 19, 2005

Reviewed by Norah Vawter
Washington, DC

The Dust Diaries: Seeking the African Legacy of Arthur Cripps. Owen Sheers.
Boston:Houghton Mifflin, 2004. 310 pp. $23.00 cloth.

The Dust Diaries: Seeking the African Legacy of Arthur Cripps is the story
of a young man's search for the details of his great, great uncle's life.
The young man is British poet Owen Sheers; his great, great uncle was Arthur
Cripps, a missionary in southern Africa from 1901 until his death in 1952.
Cripps originally went to Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) as an Anglican
missionary to the British colony. Once there, he became an ardent advocate
for the rights of Africans and a critic of colonialism. After many years he
left the Anglican Church and declared himself an independent missionary.
When he died in 1952, the local newspaper, The Link, wrote of his funeral:
"The congregation of Europeans, Indians, Coloureds and Africans was much too
big for the church to hold." People paid tribute to Cripps with a dance and
song, "used only to honor a great chief."

Owen Sheers discovered the mystery of his great, great uncle during a family
reunion in which a relative mentioned his name. After finding Cripps'
biography and poetry collections, he endeavored to discover who this man
really was. He unearthed details in library archives, finding photographs
and letters, before going to Zimbabwe, where he interviewed Cripps'
secretary and many others, and visited the places where Cripps had lived.
Writing directly to his uncle, the author declares that the secretary,
"continues to guide me through the physical landscape of your life. He shows
me the patch of ground where you grew your own pipe tobacco, the river in
which you baptized him and hundreds of others, and the place on top of the
kopje where you came to meditate."

The result of this exploration is The Dust Diaries, a book that mixes the
true story of Sheers' search with a fictionalized narrative of Cripps' time
in Africa. "It is the story of Arthur Cripps' life reflected through my
imagination," Sheers explains. "It may not always be true to historical
fact, but I hope it is true to the essence of Cripps' story and to the
essence of the man I discovered buried in the nave of a ruined church far
out in the Zimbabwean veldt."

What follows is a strange mix of novel and memoir. The novel far outweighs
the memoir, and as the novel is slow to begin, readers may wish that Sheers
had focused more on his own search. The narrative picks up however, as
Cripps arrives in Africa and begins to form his own opinions about the
place. Some memorable images are formed from Cripps' long treks across the
veldt: picture Cripps running to save a sick child, "Arthur has been running
across the veldt for over four hours. His feet are bleeding in his boots and
his lungs feel the colour of the ground beneath him: red, coarse and

Referred to by other characters in the book as a saint, Arthur Cripps, may
be, for a good many readers, a protagonist difficult to identify with. He is
just too good. But, Sheers portrays more than - and less than - a saint: he
gives us a man. He shows us Cripps' anger and his frustration, his dated
views on race and ethnicity, his shyness, his blindness in old age and he
shows us Cripps' vulnerability borne from being a nurse's patient.

Sheers becomes increasingly intrigued with the possibility that Cripps had a
lover before he left England, and that this woman bore his child. In his
narration, directed at Cripps, he explains, "My intuition that you lived
partly as a pursued man in Mashonaland has deepened, I feel more strongly
than ever that your life of sacrifice was also somehow a life of personal
penance...I know why you came here but why did you leave?"

Sheers writes that, "One man's life can resonate down the years in the lives
of others." Cripps' story drew me in, but what makes The Dust Diaries so
compelling is the relationship Owen Sheers forges with this long dead
relative. What keeps one reading is the obsession that the author obviously
has for his uncle, an obsession that Sheers is openly chronicling. Other
authors have written about Arthur Cripps. There are two biographies, a novel
based on his life, and Sheers mentions several other books. Sheers, never
having met the man, draws on these sources as well as interviews, Cripps'
own poetry and his correspondence to write the fictional narrative. Sheers
can suddenly switch to take up the point of view of one of his
somewhat-fictionalized characters. One suspects he does so to further
elaborate on his own obsession with his uncle. Mrs. Cole feels that Cripps
makes her recognize herself again. Noel Brettell is reminded of an African
chief. Bishop Paget, who continues to accept Cripps' candidates for
ordination long after the missionary has left the Anglican Church, tries not
to bother him. He calls him a saint, and thinks that the churches he builds
are "perhaps the most suitable churches of all for this maverick priest.
Here there was no partition between the church and land, no entrances, no
windows, the birds flew above them and the wind moved through them."

The problem with relying on these outside characters, some of whom did not
know Cripps intimately, is that the narrative gets choppy. Captain
Meinertzhagen comes in abruptly to relate Arthur Cripps' World War I
service, but his presence is rather baffling because Cripps' appears late in
the tale. Other characters seem to turn up and then vanish inexplicably. I
was not surprised to find Captain Meinertzhagen's war diaries mentioned in
the acknowledgements.

The Dust Diaries stands out for the lyricism Sheers employs in telling the
story of his great, great uncle. At times the narrative seems to slow down
and even stand still as the poetry of the language deepens. Whether Sheers
is describing Arthur's interactions with friends in Mashonaland or his
reason for coming there in the first place, he excels in his use of images
and metaphor. The lyricism is the poetry of the moment, and it slows the
story down by focusing the reader on images and contradictions. Far from
being meaningless fluff, these images and contradictions are the true crux
of the story. This is a story that always seems just about to move, as soon
as it has pondered its present.

This is not the quickest read. As the chapters progressed, one learns bit by
bit of Cripps' possible lover. I found myself needing to read on. The
narrative is punctuated with chapters about Cripps' last day of life, and
those chapters show this complicated man in the simplest of situations: a
man about to die at a ripe old age, among friends. Read this book to honor
Sheers' ambition in writing about a man he never knew. Read it for the
chance to delve into Zimbabwe's colonial past. Read it to learn about an
extraordinary man. And, oh yes, read it for the poetry.

Norah Vawter is an intern at, focusing on the book review
page. She received her B.A. from the College of William and Mary, where she
studied English literature and edited the fiction section of the William and
Mary Review.
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Journalists Shrug Off Government's Media Straitjacket

Tafi Murinzi

BULAWAYO, Jan 19 (IPS) - Media rights watchdogs have long criticised the
conditions under which journalists in Zimbabwe operate. Since the start of
the year, however, the circumstances of the country's media have become
bleaker still.

Earlier this month, President Robert Mugabe signed into law amendments to
the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA).

This law, passed in March 2002, requires journalists to obtain accreditation
from a government-appointed Media and Information Commission (MIC) -
something widely viewed as an attempt by authorities to clamp down on the
activities of the independent press. In terms of the latest amendments to
AIPPA, reporters who are caught working without accreditation may be
imprisoned for up to two years.

Newspapers and publishers are also required to register with the MIC.

The tightening of media restrictions appears to have been greeted with a
certain amount of sang-froid in Zimbabwe.

- There has emerged a culture of acceptance of the repressive nature of the
media law, and people don't make too much of a fuss about it anymore," says
Takura Zhangazha of the Zimbabwean chapter of the Media Institute of
Southern Africa. ôEverybody wants to do their business in as quiet a way as
possible and not draw attention from the MIC."

Other reporters have simply decided to disregard the amendments.

ôFor me accreditation's one thing I said I'm not going to bother about," a
freelancer told IPS, noting that û if nothing else û registration is
prohibitively expensive. Reporters who work for foreign media have to pay
the MIC fees of about 800 United States dollars.

Adds the freelancer, ôOne needs to look at what's going on with Jonathan
(Moyo). If he goes, things might improve."

Information Minister Jonathan Moyo has become the nemesis of reporters in
Zimbabwe since 2000, when the ruling ZANU-PF party won parliamentary
elections that were characterised by intimidation and violence, much of this
directed against the opposition.

Considered one of the driving forces behind efforts to gag foreign reporters
and the privately-owned media in Zimbabwe û both highly critical of the
Mugabe administration û the pugnacious Moyo now seems on the verge of losing
his position as government's chief apologist.

Along with several other members of ZANU-PF, he has been excluded from
running in parliamentary elections that are scheduled to be held by the end
of March. This came after Moyo bypassed party procedures by holding an
un-sanctioned meeting to select candidates for key posts in ZANU-PF.

Vincent Kahiya, editor of The Zimbabwe Independent û one of three
privately-owned weeklies û is less optimistic about the consequences of
Moyo's possible demise.

ôIt's not like the departure of Moyo would see the government repealing or
amending the laws," he says. ôThe laws will stay on the statute books as
long as they are useful to the ruling order."

A magistrate's court recently dropped charges against Kahiya and three
staffers who had been accused of defaming the president and his government.
The case arose out of a report carried by The Zimbabwe Independent early
last year which alleged that Mugabe had commandeered a plane from the state
airline to travel to Switzerland, where he attended an international summit.

In one of the latest spats between the MIC and Zimbabwe's media, a new
weekly fell foul of the commission this month after publishing only one

According to the MIC, The Weekly Times misrepresented its editorial policy
in order to get an operating licence. The commission claimed that while the
paper had undertaken to concentrate on ôdevelopmental issues" and ôgeneral
news", it ultimately showed itself to be ôpolitical commentary through and

The Weekly Times was given a week to explain why its licence should not be
suspended or revoked.

Moves to restrict the activities of journalists have drawn criticism abroad.

U.S. State Department spokesman Richard Boucher noted that the AIPPA
amendments are inconsistent with election guidelines adopted by the Southern
African Development Community (SADC) in August last year. Zimbabwe is a
member of SADC.

ôThe steps raise serious doubts about whether the government is committed to
holding free and fair parliamentary elections in March," Boucher said
recently during a press briefing in the American capital, Washington.

In the wake of the violence and human rights abuse that preceded the 2000
parliamentary and 2002 presidential polls, the U.S. joined the European
Union in imposing sanctions on Mugabe and other key members of government.

The SADC electoral code, agreed on during a summit of regional leaders in
Mauritius, stipulates that all political parties should have access to state
media during election campaigns, and that they should be allowed to operate
in a climate free of violence and intimidation. The code also requires polls
to be managed by impartial institutions.

While SADC has yet to issue its verdict on the latest media restrictions to
be implemented in Zimbabwe, the ruling African National Congress (ANC) in
South Africa noted this week that Harare's treatment of the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was not in line with regional

This appeared to constitute a departure from the ANC's previous position:
the party has generally refrained from criticising Zimbabwe's government,
saying political upheaval in the country can best be dealt with through
low-key, diplomatic interventions.

Since the start of 2000, Zimbabwe has also witnessed occupations of
white-owned farms by veterans of the country's war of independence and other
pro-government militants.

These occupations were initially described as a bid to correct racial
imbalances in land ownership that had their roots in colonialism. However,
certain political observers have claimed that ZANU-PF orchestrated the farm
invasions to gain support ahead of parliamentary elections in 2000, when it
faced its first credible challenge from an opposition party û the MDC.

Political uncertainty and disturbances in the agricultural sector, combined
with a costly involvement in the Congolese civil war, have sparked economic
decline in Zimbabwe. Inflation hovers in the triple digits, while
unemployment in the country is rife. (END/2005)
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      Moyo goes to court

      Njabulo Ncube
      1/20/2005 7:09:25 AM (GMT +2)

      EMBATTLED Information Minister Jonathan Moyo has lodged a sensational
$2 billion defamation lawsuit against ZANU PF heavyweights John Nkomo, the
ruling party's national chairman, and Dumiso Dabengwa, a senior politburo
member, as political temperatures within the faction-riddled party continue
to rise ahead of the crucial March parliamentary elections.

      Moyo, barred from contesting in primary elections in Tsholotsho,
Matabeleland North, by the ZANU PF national elections directorate, filed his
papers at the Bulawayo High Court on Tuesday to set up an unprecedented
legal war with his political seniors in the party.
      In court papers filed through his lawyers, Muzangaza, Mandaza and
Tomana, Moyo claims $2 billion in damages for defamation emanating from
statements Nkomo and Dabengwa are alleged to have made over the propaganda
chief's involvement in a contentious Tsholotsho meeting that has proved to
be the single most divisive incident in ZANU PF's recent history.
      The defamation case is centred on a meeting Nkomo and Dabengwa are
alleged to have addressed last week in Tsholotsho.
      "On the 12th of January 2005 both defendants addressed a public
meeting in Tsholotsho where both defendants said of, and concerning the
plaintiff (Jonathan Nathaniel Moyo) words to the following effect:
      "That the plaintiff had instigated, funded and led the hatching of a
coup plot against President Robert Mugabe and others in the top leadership
of ZANU PF with the view of removing the national leadership of the
government. That the coup plot by the plaintiff crafted a 'Tsholotsho
Declaration' that detailed the coup plot.
      "That the plaintiff had paid unspecified sums of money sourced from
foreign persons or countries hostile to Zimbabwe to unnamed people including
some members of ZANU PF's Tsholotsho District Co-ordinating committee. That
plaintiff was to be barred from contesting in the ZANU PF primary elections
because of his role in the coup plot," Moyo's papers read.
      "The statements by the defendants of and concerning the plaintiff were
false, wrongful and highly defamatory of plaintiff. As a result of the
aforesaid defamatory statements plaintiff has suffered damages in his fair
name and reputation in the sum of $2 billion."
      Interestingly, President Mugabe, who has wielded the axe in the
aftermath of the Tsholotsho fallout, has made inferences that some "white
capitalists" had funded the Tsholotsho protagonists.
      Sources have indicated that allegations of a conspiracy to influence
the composition of the ZANU PF presidency ahead of the party's December
congress were contained in an intelligence document dubbed the Tsholotsho
      Moyo accuses both Nkomo and Dabengwa of lying about the purpose of the
infamous Tsholotsho indaba, held at the little-known Dinyane school on
November 18 and which has claimed the scalps of several senior ZANU PF
politicians, among them six provincial chairmen banned for five years each
for attending the meeting.
      Sources said Moyo's attitude, typified by the mammoth lawsuit against
Nkomo and Dabengwa and the scathing attacks against the two former PF ZAPU
gurus, was an indication that President Mugabe's spin-doc-tor-in-chief was
ready to risk automatic expulsion from ZANU PF and enter the Tsholotsho
parliamentary race as an independent.
      Moyo launched an acerbic attack on both Nkomo and Dabengwa - who
claimed to have introduced the former academic and strident ZANU PF critic
to President Mugabe in 1999 - labelling them "primitive liars".
      "I find it shameful that a man of his (Dabengwa's) history and stature
should travel all the way from Bulawayo Province to Tsholotsho to make that
kind of a primitive lie," Moyo raged.
      Contacted by The Financial Gazette yesterday, Moyo referred this
reporter to his lawyers, who were not immediately available for comment.
      "I mentioned that I will be suing . . . that is fact, but talk to my
lawyers," Moyo said.
      Moyo has launched a bitter fight to run for the Movement for
Democratic Change-held Tsholotsho constituency, where he has committed
significant resources.
      Elliot Manyika, the ZANU PF political commissar who is also the
chairman of the party's elections directorate, this week announced that four
female ZANU PF candidates - Maria Sithole, Josephine Moyo, Musa Ncube and
Sithembile Dube - would contest in today's Tsholotsho primary election.
      "We are not going back on Tsholotsho. The party has taken a position
and this must be respected. If he (Moyo) is a genuine party member he should
adhere to party principles and guidelines. Who are we to bend the laws of
the party to accommodate him? Did he send you?" Manyika asked.
      "Both of you must refer to the party constitution, with special focus
on the rights and duties of members in the party. It's all there for all to
see . . . on page four of the constitution," said Manyika.

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      'I won't give up Tsholotsho'

      Staff Reporter
      1/20/2005 7:10:29 AM (GMT +2)

      INFORMATION and Publicity Minister Jonathan Moyo this week made a $69
million donation to underprivileged school children in Tsholotsho and vowed
to fight for the constituency he has courted for three years, but has been
barred from running for on a ZANU PF ticket in the March parliamentary

      Moyo, who dropped a strong hint he might stand as an independent
candidate in a tirade against ZANU PF national chairman John Nkomo and
politburo member Dumiso Dabengwa, all but confirmed this by immediately
heading for the Movement for Democratic Change-held constituency following
his return to the country and after the ruling party upheld a decision to
bar him from contesting.
      Moyo - whose political fortunes have taken a nosedive following a
fateful meeting he convened in Tsholotsho in November - was this week back
in the constituency controversially set aside for affirmative action by the
ruling ZANU PF for today's primaries and was quoted by the Bulawayo-based
Chronicle as saying no amount of "persecution" would stop him from working
for the constituency.
      "It will be a betrayal of the people of Tsholotsho and the people of
this region and our nation if I discontinue the work. If anything, now is
the time to do more and better of the same.
      "What is going on is not discouraging me. It is inspiring me. It tells
me that there is a lot of hard work to do under very difficult
circumstances. I will definitely not be stunned and just stand with my hands
folded and watch. I take it as a challenge," Moyo, whose appeal to contest
in the ZANU PF primaries was turned down, said.
      In his astonishing attack on Nkomo and Dabengwa, Moyo dropped a
cryptic hint at going into the March polls as an independent, even at the
risk of expulsion from ZANU PF.
      "As to Cdes Nkomo's and Dabengwa's self-indulgent declaration that
they will not allow me to contest in Tsholotsho on a ZANU PF ticket, I wish
to respectfully remind them that ZANU PF is larger than any two or three
individuals and any attempts to personalise the party are ultimately bound
to fail.
      "In any event, Cdes Nkomo and Dabengwa should know that there is no
one ticket to heaven; there are many such tickets and that's why there are
many churches and many religions and all with tickets to heaven," Moyo
      This week's donation of school fees to Tsholotsho children by the
embattled propaganda chief is the clearest sign yet that whoever emerges as
ZANU PF's favoured candidate in today's all-woman contest could yet have to
contend with Moyo, who is credited with bringing development to one of
Zimbabwe's least developed districts.

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      Chanakira tightens grip on Kingdom

      Dumisani Ndlela
      1/20/2005 7:11:57 AM (GMT +2)

      KINGDOM Financial Holdings Limited (KFHL) founder Nigel Chanakira is
poised to fortify his grip on the banking group, with sources indicating
that he is on the verge of buying out some key investors in the group to
increase his stake to over 20 percent.

      This emerged as The Financial Gazette gathered that KFHL - one of the
few indigenous banks to survive a banking sector crisis that has claimed
close to 10 financial institutions in the past year - was preparing to
welcome a new foreign investor domiciled in South Africa.
      The move would come hard on the heels of the acquisition of a 10
percent stake in the banking group by Econet Wireless Holdings,
majority-owned by South Africa-based telecommunications mogul and
Chanakira's close associate Strive Masiyiwa.
      Chanakira, who currently holds an effective 10 percent stake in the
banking group, has obtained options to acquire additional shares from his
long-time allies in KFHL, and will partly underwrite its rights issue
together with other core shareholders to raise $100 billion.
      Shareholders on Monday approved a resolution to increase the group's
authorised share capital and raise further capital amounting to $100
      Major shareholders Meikles Africa, Old Mutual, Econet and Chanakira's
investment vehicles - which include Garmony Investments and Valleyfield
Investments - have already committed themselves to supporting the rights
issue. Together, they constitute 60 percent of KFHL's issued share capital.
      The rights issue will help Chanakira shore up his equity in KFHL, in
which he was restricted to a maximum 10 percent shareholding in line with
banking regulations barring executive directors from holding more than 10
percent equity in a financial institution. Chanakira resigned as an
executive director of KFHL in November last year, prompting fears in the
market that the institution could twist in the wind.
      Chanakira's allies Lysias Sibanda, Solomon Mugavazi and Frank Kufa
hold close to 20 percent of KFHL's issued share capital between them through
various investment vehicles.
      While Sibanda, who succeeded Chanakira as the group chief executive
officer, and Mugavazi, who headed Kingdom Stockbrokers, have since left the
group, Kufa is still with KFHL as its chief operating officer.
      Speaking to The Financial Gazette on telephone from South Africa
yesterday, Chanakira confirmed that he was interested in increasing his
stake in KFHL.
      A new shareholder structure, under which Chanakira would become the
second largest shareholder in KFHL after Meikles Africa, would be presented
to the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) for approval.
      The RBZ has to approve any shareholder taking up more than 10 percent
equity in a banking group.
      Sources indicated that KFHL chairman Richard Muirimi was keeping the
central bank updated on the financial institution's plans.
      "The RBZ governor, Dr Gideon Gono, is aware of the developments taking
place at the group and has been very supportive of the process," a source
      Chanakira's move - and the major recapitalisation exercise on the
group - dispels any fears that the banking group was following the fate of a
number of indigenous banks that have twisted in the wind due to liquidity
problems and poor corporate governance.
      "I see value in Kingdom and we will distinguish ourselves from the
rest," said Chanakira.

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      Zimbabwe's five-year political impasse tops ANC agenda

      Staff Reporter
      1/20/2005 7:12:28 AM (GMT +2)

      ZIMBABWE'S nagging five-year political impasse topped the agenda of
South Africa's ruling African National Congress' national executive
committee's (NEC) annual planning meeting at the weekend, amid revelations
that the party is concerned by the uneven political playing field in Harare.

      The ANC, which has been in power since 1994, congregated in Ekurhukeni
from January 14-16 for the party's annual Lekgotla at which the South
African liberation movement reviewed its tasks for the year ahead.
      Documents made available to The Financial Gazette this week indicate
that the political fallout in Zimbabwe, pitting President Robert Mugabe's
ruling ZANU PF and the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC),
featured prominently in the ANC deliberations.
      President Thabo Mbeki, the key broker in the political stalemate in
Zimbabwe, is expected to lead a Southern African Development Community
(SADC) delegation to Zimbabwe, to assess Harare's preparedness to stage
democratic elections in line with the Mauritius Protocol agreed and endorsed
by all regional leaders in August last year.
      President Mugabe, under pressure to win a fair election in March to
regain a measure of legitimacy and credibility in the international
community as well as allow his party to tinker with the constitution, has
signed into law electoral reforms dismissed by the opposition MDC as
      The MDC has accused the ZANU PF government of trying to hoodwink SADC
leaders into believing that Harare was committed to the Mauritius Protocol.
      The ANC said in a statement on Monday the NEC weekend meeting held a
wide-ranging discussion on the challenges facing Zimbabwe and would go to
any length to help Zimbabweans find a permanent solution to the political
impasse in Harare.
      "The Lekgotla had a wide-ranging discussion on the challenges facing
Zimbabwe, and the important lessons, which South Africa can draw from
Zimbabwe's experience of liberation.
      "The Lekgotla agreed that the immediate challenge is to work with all
groups within Zimbabwe to ensure that the forthcoming parliamentary
elections are free and fair and result in the free expression of the will of
the Zimbabweans," said the ANC.
      The MDC, which is yet to publicly state its decision to rescind its
election boycott, has accused President Mugabe of rigging and using violence
and intimidation to win elections.
      Zimbabwe's main opposition party, which claims to have a realistic
chance of upsetting ZANU PF if the government implemented comprehensive
electoral reforms such as the setting up of an independent electoral
commission and the overhaul of the voters roll, is also pushing for the
deferment of the polls to June.
      The ANC added: "It (the ANC NEC meeting) called on the SADC community,
within the context of the SADC principles and guidelines governing
democratic elections, to play a leading role in providing whatever support
is required."
      The ANC NEC indaba said it fully supported President Mbeki's much-
maligned quiet diplomacy approach on Zimbabwe.
      "The Lekgotla confirmed the correctness of the approach of both the
ANC and government to providing whatever assistance possible towards the
resolution of the economic, social and political challenges facing the
      "It reaffirmed the position that it is primarily for the people and
leadership of Zimbabwe to achieve a lasting solution to the country's
problems and that the role of the international community, including South
Africa, is to provide support to their efforts," the ANC said.

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      Proposed COSATU trip in limbo

      Njabulo Ncube
      1/20/2005 7:12:56 AM (GMT +2)

      THE proposed second sojourn to Zimbabwe by the Congress of Trade
Unions of South Africa (COSATU) this month looked in limbo yesterday with
Harare insisting the powerful trade union, an influential ally of the ruling
African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa, has no business in dabbling
in local politics.

      Government sources said it would be impossible for Harare to grant
COSATU a carte blanche to venture into the country to consort with the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and its alleged ally, the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), a labour movement that has had run-ins with
the authorities.
      The proposed COSATU mission if granted, the sources added, would have
come at a crucial time when the country is faced with an election the ruling
ZANU PF desperately wants to bag to attain some measure of legitimacy among
international and regional leaders.
      "I have not seen their request to come here," Paul Mangwana, Public
Service, Labour and Social Welfare Minister told The Financial Gazette this
      "Really, what is the problem of this animal called COSATU? What
interests does it have in our politics? We are not a province of South
Africa and as such COSATU should confine its labour politics to that
country," said Mangwana.
      Peter Craven, the COSATU spokesman, said last week the labour union,
unceremoniously kicked out of Zimbabwe last November after a botched up
fact-finding mission, had written to the government seeking permission for a
second sojourn to Harare.
      But Mangwana said even if COSATU wrote to the government, its mission
was suspect. "Whose interest are they serving and for what purpose. I don't
think Zimbabwe is that important to deserve such major attention. COSATU
should stay in South Africa. It is not registered in Zimbabwe. We have our
own labour unions and I don't think we need foreign labour unions to solve
our problems," he added.
      COSATU's determination to visit the country for the second time
despite advise to the contrary has further sparked a fresh rift between the
ANC leadership, whose President Thabo Mbeki is a key broker in Zimbabwe's
five-year political impasse and the labour union.
      The ANC on Tuesday described COSATU plans to send a delegation to
Zimbabwe as mere attention seeking, igniting an angry response from the
labour movement.
      COSATU had put in place plans to blockade Zimbabwean borders over
alleged human rights abuses. Lovemore Matombo, the ZCTU president said
COSATU's visit was harmless and it would be unfortunate for the government
to bar them from entering Zimbabwe.
      "We have not been officially advised but it will be an unfortunate
political stance to refuse them to visit. COSATU is harmless...they want to
come here and see the environment we (ZCTU) are operating in. The suggestion
that there are an opposition, in our view, does not hold water," said
Matombo. "It is a norm among labour union movements to visit each other
without any hindrances. We are allowed in any country as ZCTU, why not our
South African friends into Zimbabwe?"

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      New twist to ZANU PF Bulawayo fiasco

      Charles Rukuni
      1/20/2005 7:13:20 AM (GMT +2)

      CRACKS within the ruling ZANU PF continue to widen as it emerged
yesterday that the provincial executive in Bulawayo was not dissolved but

      The party's national political commissar Elliot Manyika told the media
on Monday that the provincial executive in Bulawayo had been suspended for
incompetence and lack of direction and had been replaced by an interim
executive led by Norman Mabhena. "The Bulawayo provincial executive was
dissolved for incompetence and lack of direction," Manyika was quoted as
saying. "As the political commissar, I regularly assess party structures and
it was apparent that members of the Bulawayo province failed to perform."
      Sources that attended Monday's meeting between Manyika and the
executive, however, said the provincial executive had resigned en masse
after the meeting because they were being frustrated by the local
leadership. The sources said their letter of resignation, which was
accompanied by signatures of about 100 members of the executive, was handed
to Manyika by acting chairman George Mlala who told him verbally about their
resignation. Mlala declined to comment on the issue.
      Sources said one of the main reasons why the provincial leadership had
resigned was that they were being frustrated by local members of the
politburo who had set up a parallel structure that had even attended the
party's congress in Harare late last year.
      The executive also complained that it was being attacked every day for
not voting certain members into the central committee yet that was not their
responsibility but that of district coordinating committees.

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      Moyo's last frontier

      Nelson Banya
      1/20/2005 7:13:57 AM (GMT +2)

      A COMMON political joke doing the rounds is that troubled ZANU PF and
government propaganda chief Jonathan Moyo will not be dropped from the
Cabinet but reassigned to the sleepy Ministry of Water Resources and Rural
Development, just so that he gets to know how it feels to commission a dam
or some such mundane project without any coverage from the government press,
simply because the information minister does not like you.

      Needless to say, the elevation of that ministry's former head, Joyce
Mujuru, to the vice-presidency has triggered a series of events that have
left Moyo and those aligned to him in a political tailspin.
      The developments have also touched off fierce infighting that could
yet cost the party in the forthcoming parliamentary polls.
      Internecine conflict in ZANU PF has found an unlikely outlet in the
government-controlled press, an unprecedented occurrence that amply
demonstrates that the centre can scarcely hold, both in the government and
the ruling party.
      Although the government has always had a grip on the state media, the
coming in of Moyo at the department of information and publicity with his
brand of "virile spin" took the relationship to new heights, or depths,
depending on where one stands.
      Therein lies the problem. Titles under the government-controlled
Zimbabwe Newspapers (Zimpapers) stable have grown to be so beholden to the
embattled propaganda chief that his diminished standing both in ZANU PF and
the government and the battles Moyo is waging against his foes within the
party have produced startling media schizophrenia.
      While the government-controlled media's first instinct is to shout the
loudest how the emperor and his courtiers are apparelled, they have had to
carry articles unflattering of some senior party and government officials -
based on the customary vitriol spewed by Moyo.
      Last week's startling attack, by Moyo, on ZANU PF national chairman
John Nkomo and party politburo member Dumiso Dabengwa, through Zimpapers'
flagship Herald and the Bulawayo-based Chronicle, bemused many. Recent
history has not recorded as scathing an attack on senior ZANU PF officials
as that in the government-controlled media.
      To further illustrate how Moyo has made the government press his
personal fiefdom and alienated everyone, within and without ZANU PF and the
government, Nkomo and Dabengwa - branded primitive liars and mafikizolos in
the vituperative attack - found space for immediate response in the
privately-owned Daily Mirror, Sunday Mirror and the Standard.
      The government-controlled Sunday Mail, which has perceptibly broken
ranks with its sister Zimpapers titles the Herald and Chronicle, also
carried a statement from Nkomo responding to Moyo's attack.
      ZANU PF's own Voice newspaper, directly superintended by the party's
information and publicity department from where Moyo was recently
jettisoned, reported that department head Nathan Shamuyarira - himself a
former information minister and journalist of repute - was dismayed.
      Shamuyarira is reported to have cautioned the two papers - the Herald
and the Chronicle - against serving misguided individuals at the expense of
"the nation".
      "While he may be joining the so-called independent press (in
ridiculing ZANU PF and government officials), the Herald and Chronicle
should not join him," Shamuyarira said.
      These calls went unheeded at the Chronicle, which this Monday carried
another Moyo attack on Nkomo headlined "Moyo dresses down Nkomo", and
another on Tuesday in which a defiant Moyo laid down the gauntlet for all
his antagonists in the battle for Tsholotsho constituency.
      ZANU PF officials have long lamented the sweeping powers they gave
Moyo through their blind support for his murderous crusade against media
freedom in the country, but few would have imagined the party being hoisted
by its own petard in the manner Moyo has sought to mobilise the
government-controlled media to fight his own political battles.
      It has been hinted in ZANU PF corridors in recent weeks that official
patience with those in whom editorial authority vests at the state papers
has run out and that wholesale changes are in the offing.
      Party sources this week indicated that Ephraim Masawi, Moyo's
replacement in the ZANU PF politburo and possibly in the Cabinet, was
itching to clean house and punish top editorial staff, particularly at the
Herald and Chronicle, for aligning themselves with Moyo against party
      They said Masawi, who is reported to have been involved in the
establishment of ZANU PF publications the Voice and Zimbabwe News in 1990,
had indicated that it would be difficult to work with editors whose sense of
national service had been skewed by their desire to ingratiate themselves
with Moyo.
      The perception is also shared by permanent secretary in the
information and publicity department George Charamba, who recently censured
the Herald and Chronicle for "going overboard in defence of a private party
member" and practising advocacy journalism.
      Charamba, who has reportedly fallen out with Moyo, also had to
reprimand Chronicle editor Stephen Ndlovu after the latter ran what amounted
to a special Moyo edition that sought to exonerate his patron from his role
in the infamous Tsholotsho tryst.
      It remains to be seen how the story will end, but for now, the
government-controlled press, for long a platform for ZANU PF and government
officials great and small to abuse all perceived enemies (in reality rivals
and opponents), has been turned into a battleground, with opposition groups
watching with glee.
      Some of the more hopeful say this is the beginning of the end.

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      Mujuru is here to stay

      Charles Rukuni
      1/20/2005 7:14:33 AM (GMT +2)

      BULAWAYO - The meteoric rise of Joyce Mujuru to Vice-President has
left many people baffled.

      The question still lingering in most people's minds, more than a month
after she was catapulted to the country's second most powerful post, is: Is
she for real or is she just holding fort while ZANU PF looks for a suitable
successor to President Robert Mugabe, who has been party leader since 1978?
      Many in Zimbabwe's male-dominated society are still reeling from the
stark reality that the country could soon have its first woman President.
They cannot stomach this because for years they believed that the succession
battle was between Defence Minister Sydney Sekeramayi and Speaker of
Parliament Emmerson Mnangagwa, with other candidates such as the late
Eddison Zvobgo and Simba Makoni coming in and out of the picture.
      ZANU PF supporters and pretenders to the throne were so taken aback by
the rise of Mujuru that her nomination almost split the party, with six
provincial chairmen being suspended for five years after attending a meeting
at which it is alleged they plotted to oppose her candidacy for
      They are, therefore, still clinging to the forlorn hope that Mujuru is
just holding fort while the party sorts its internal problems.
      But though she seems to have been imposed on the people, in ZANU PF,
the "party" is supreme. Its decision stands. And President Mugabe did not
mince his words.
      "Moda kuti zvigumire ipapo here? (Do you want this to end here?)" he
asked party supporters who were stunned and speechless, forcing President
Mugabe to add: "Ho, ah, kana kuti tichaita private yedu next week. (Or shall
we have a private discussion about this next week?)."
      To show his determination that he wanted Mujuru to succeed him,
President Mugabe added: "I have a dream and I will tell you about it then."
      In less than a month Mujuru had already had a taste of how it feels at
the top when she was thrust into the hot seat when President Mugabe went to
the Far East on his annual leave.
      Observers say Mujuru's appointment as acting President when she was
still learning the ropes of Vice-President and while the party was in
turmoil was an indication of how President Mugabe wanted her to quickly
acclimatise to her new job and at the same time assert herself.
      Others, however, feel people should not read too much into her
appointment as Vice-President.
      "If one looks at the politics in southern Africa, very few sitting
vice-presidents have assumed the top post when the president retired,"
political commentator Heneri Dzinotyiwei said.
      "If you look at Zambia, Mozambique, Namibia and Malawi, none of the
vice-presidents took over when the president retired. Mujuru's chances of
becoming President are, therefore, just as good as those of any other party
      Indeed, in Zambia, Levy Mwanawasa, though a former vice-president,
beat sitting Vice-President Enoch Kavindele to replace Frederick Chiluba. In
Malawi, rank outsider Bingu wa Mutharika beat Justin Malewezi who had been
vice-president for almost a decade.
      Malewezi was so bitter that he quit the ruling United Democratic Front
to join forces with the opposition because he felt that after nearly 10
years as vice-president, he was qualified enough for the top job. Though the
situation in Mozambique and Namibia is different since the countries have
prime ministers rather than vice-presidents, the situation was almost the
      Armando Guebuza sprang from nowhere to lead Mozambique while a bitter
Pascoal Mocumbi, who had been prime minister for a decade or so, was left in
the cold.
      The same applied to Hifikepunye Pohamba, considered a political
lightweight in Namibia, who beat strong candidates such as Foreign Minister
Hidipo Hamutenya, Prime Minister Theo-Ben Gurirab and former prime minister
Hage Geingob.
      Mujuru's case seems to be different though. She was "anointed" by the
President, who should step down before the party's next congress which is
due in 2009.
      A former staunch supporter of the ruling ZANU PF said whether people
liked it or not, only God could now stop Mujuru from becoming President.
      "There is no way Mugabe can go back to Sekeramayi or Mnangagwa now
because he would have implied that Mujuru is incapable," the former
supporter said.
      "The way I see it, Mujuru is Mugabe's trump card. She has all the
right credentials. She is a former freedom fighter. She is a woman. She is
fairly clean. But most important of all, she can protect the family
      He argued that President Mugabe could not appoint anyone who would do
a "Mwanawasa" on him, someone who would haul him before the courts like
Mwanawasa is doing to his benefactor, Chiluba.
      "He cannot trust (Joseph) Msika on this, or even Mnangagwa for that
matter. But he is safe with Mujuru."

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      More ZANU PF heavies fall

      Njabulo Ncube and Felix Njini
      1/20/2005 7:15:20 AM (GMT +2)

      MORE ZANU PF heavyweights fell by the wayside in the party's
primaries, amid a flurry of accusations and counter-accusations of rigging
and vote-buying, which drove another wedge into fissures that have emerged
in recent months.

      So widespread were the charges of rigging, vote-buying and
disorganisation in Harare, Masvingo and Mashonaland constituencies visited
by The Financial Gazette that the primary elections, which were supposed to
be held on Saturday, spilled over to Tuesday.
      Party officials, ordinary supporters and losers publicly complained of
vote-buying, rampant rigging and bussing of supporters from one polling
station to another.
      Away from the controversy surrounding the primaries, analysts and
party insiders who spoke to The Financial Gazette said the fall of old faces
such as Samuel Mumbengegwi (Chivi South), Paul Mangwana (Kadoma East),
Kenneth Manyonda (Buhera North), Rugare Gumbo (Mberengwa East) and a coterie
of sitting Members of Parliament (MPs) indicated that the generality of ZANU
PF supporters were yearning for new faces to represent them.
      Notable sitting legislators who were sent packing include Walter
Mutsauri (Bikita East), Victor Chitongo (Murehwa North), Gibson Munyoro
(Makoni West), Pearson Mbalekwa (Zvishavane) and Innocent Chikiyi
      The analysts said the ghost of Tsholotsho had scared other
parliamentary hopefuls from challenging gurus in Mashonaland Central such as
Vice-President Joyce Mujuru (Mt Darwin North), Nicholas Goche (Shamva),
Elliot Manyika (Bindura), Edward Chondori-Chininga (Guruve South), Saviour
Kasukuwere (Mt Darwin South) and Chen Chimutengwende (Mazowe East).
      Observers said President Robert Mugabe's indication that he will only
appoint elected MPs to his new Cabinet, assuming ZANU PF wins the March
polls, had set up fierce jostling in the primary elections, with some
contestants employing all sorts of methods to prevail and position
themselves for bigger things.
      In Masvingo province, where Mumbengegwi was the first big fish from
President Mugabe 's "war Cabinet" to fall, elections started after 3pm as
disorder prevailed, with voters visibly incensed by the infuriating delays.
      The elections were conducted by a handful of police officers who
criss-crossed the entire province manning and counting the votes, a
situation that further delayed the holding of primaries in other areas.
      In Masvingo North, won by Stan Mudenge, supporters of Kudzai Mbudzi
complained that Mudenge's camp kept shifting polling stations.
      In Masvingo Central, won by Shylet Uyoyo, voting continued late into
Saturday night despite an order from Home Affairs Minister Kembo Mohadi, who
supervised the polls, for voting to end by 7pm.
      Some ZANU PF supporters complained that the winner's campaign team
used the cover of darkness to stuff ballots, an allegation this newspaper
could not independently verify.
      The Financial Gazette witnessed people voting well after the 7pm
deadline set by Mohadi at Mashenjere, Chinhowe, Chikava and Muchakata, all
in Masvingo Central. Uyoyo's vehicles, clearly labelled "Uyoyo, Shumba
yeMasvingo Central", could be seen ferrying supporters from one polling
station to another as late as 9pm.
      "The tactics used to rig the primaries are so blatant. The retaining
officer has not been here . . . he only came late Sunday," complained a
voter. "There is need for a strong, independent authority to run the
primaries. Even now one wonders how the polling centres were decided," she
      In Zaka West, controversially won by Marble Mawere, results had to be
referred to the party's national elections directorate following allegations
of massive rigging.
      Isaiah Shumba won the Mwenenzi constituency amid serious allegations
of intimidation and bullying of supporters belonging to Lamson Matavire Moyo
who was also vying for the seat.
      In Mashonaland West, elections were postponed at the last minute in
Chinhoyi, Kariba and Makonde. The decision to move the elections to today
was met with disgruntlement by agitated supporters of parliamentary
hopefuls, who threatened to boycott the deferred polls.
      In Hurungwe East, retained by sitting legislator Reuben Maruma-hoko,
voting was marred by allegations of intimidation of the opposing camp by
state security agents.
      The Financial Gazette witnessed supporters of Marumahoko, the Deputy
Minister of Energy and Power Development, being ferried in three trucks
bearing Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority logos.
      "This is an abuse of power," said a party supporter, referring to the
use of the parastatal's vehicles by the deputy minister. "Our MP has never
done anything for us and we are being forced to vote for him despite his
long absence from the constituency," he added.
      Edmore Zimbandi of Chikova village said the constituency wanted a new
face but people had been cowed into retaining the status quo.
      "We never got farm inputs as per government programme," said Zimbandi.
      Four white farmers had their trucks commandeered to aid the sitting
legislator with transport logistics.
      Elsewhere in Mashonaland West, Sylvester Nguni shrugged-off fierce
challenges from John Mafa, the acting party provincial chairman, and Mavis
Chidzonga, to grab the ticket to represent ZANU PF in Mhondoro constituency.
      Webster Shamu, the sitting MP for Chegutu, made light work of Edna
Madzongwe, the Deputy Speaker of Parliament.
      Shamu had earlier indicated his desire to make way for Madzongwe but
sources said his supporters pressured the Minister of Policy Impleme-ntation
to enter the race.
      There were running battles in Kadoma East, where Mangwana lost to
Bright Matonga. Allegations of fraud also surfaced.
      "Matonga used regionalism as his trump card to unseat Mangwana. He
took advantage of the fact that Mangwana originally comes from Masvingo.
      "But the old man has done a lot here. Matonga is a mafikizolo
(Johnny-come-lately) . . . we wonder what development he is going to bring.
Is he not the guy who worked for that imperialist British Broadcasting
Corporation which has been demonising the President and our country?"
lamented a Mangwana supporter.

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      Good riddance

      1/20/2005 7:41:45 AM (GMT +2)

      The chickens are coming home to roost at the worst possible time for
several ZANU PF stalwarts - now precariously balancing on a razor-sharp
political knife-edge. This comes after they were emphatically rejected in
the ruling party's controversial primaries by an electorate expectant of a
new generation of public services.

      While these primaries have stirred up discord and blown former
alliances and blocs in ZANU PF, we are not going to shed crocodile tears. We
therefore categorically state that we can hardly think of any better way to
signalise the frustration and disillusionment of the people with
non-performing members of Parliament than dumping these good-for-nothing
MPs. This is good riddance and a great New Year present for the great people
of this country who, for a painfully long time, yearned to be rid of
egotistical politicians who have always wanted to be the biggest bugs in the
manure pile that is now Zimbabwe's body politic.
      It is the electorate that had not only to know but endure these
politicians in order to dislike them. People are just wary of voting
incompetence after the jettisoned MPs failed to deliver on electoral
promises. The MPs showed incompetence like a great racehorse shows breeding!
And in the case of some, their incompetence numbed an entire nation. Hence
the deep well of disenchantment with the MPs who were nothing more than a
pathetic excuse for the people's representatives. So, the people rejected
them despite nauseating threadbare attempts at ostensible altruism by these
hypocrites who have come up with soon-to-be-abandoned, eleventh-hour
self-glorifying projects in various constituencies. Having matured
politically and getting tired of being taken for granted, the people saw
through the politicians' self-serving veils of generosity - they did not
give a damn about the people. Period.
      Among these rejected so-called people's representatives are perhaps
the most incapable executives that ever filled ministerial chairs in
President Robert Mugabe's government since the country's hard-won
independence in 1980. It is because of this that we feel that what has just
happened at the primaries is electoral and divine intervention and the
nation now waits with bated breath for Presidential intervention. Hopes are
high that President Mugabe will make good his pledge to appoint his Cabinet
only from the pool of MPs chosen by the people.
      It is not difficult to see why. Some of the ministers, without
necessarily mentioning names, are the kind of men, who if they did not
exist, could only be imagined, so to speak. Bootlicking, cronyism,
influence-peddling and graft among other ills, are a matter of exaltation to
their weak and diseased minds. They have no known political principles or
even opinions other than just doing everything for political expediency and
selfish parochial interests - its implications on the greater good not
withstanding. It, indeed, is a mystery how it occurred that such men should
"represent" the people.
      We know only too well the bungling in the energy sector that
threatened to grind the country's industrial wheels to a screeching halt;
the deep-seated crisis that the all-important agricultural sector has been
plunged into and how one narrow-minded and prejudiced minister, with an ego
like a raging tooth, still insists that Zimbabwe is doing fine in isolation
when the country is literally clutching at the straws in the face of an
unprecedented economic meltdown and swingeing balance of payments problems.
Not only that but the country's education system is, just like the
proverbial ships which could not move because there was no wind, in the
doldrums - after the all-knowing responsible minister threw away the baby
together with the bath water. The health delivery system is itself in
intensive care while the public transport services are in a disastrous
      Just as well that some of these ministers who have lost touch with
reality to the extent that, typical of those of their kind, they would look
into 98 darkened closets and conclude from this that the light is not
shining outside, have since been rejected by their respective constituencies
and would now deservedly wallow in their insignificance if President Mugabe
fires them. For it has been the political careers of these men "to begin
with hypocrisy, proceed with arrogance and finish with contempt", as said by
Tom Paine of former American President John Adams. They don't have a sincere
fibre in them.
      It is a tragedy that ZANU PF has over the years carried a lot of dead
wood. This is simply because a myth has been propagated of how certain
powerful individuals could, if they are fired either from the party or
government, destroy the ruling party (yet nothing could be further from the
truth). That is probably why traditionally for fear of risking the ire of
those perceived to be politically powerful, ZANU PF seemed to prefer having
conceited, self-absorbed and patronising politicians with bloated-self
interest inside its tent, pissing out rather than outside pissing in!
      This is what some political streetwalkers who have shown us the extent
to which the itch for public office can break one's own intellectual
integrity are taking advantage of. But the ruling party's primaries have
shown that the people do not want anything to do with the non-performers
they have rejected. If ever there really is people power in ZANU PF, then
these ministers, who had become part of the furniture at governments
departments, should go.
      In any case, the scapegoating Didymus Mutasa, not only a key but also
important voice in the inner circle of the ruling party, only recently
blamed the country's woes on the people because he claimed they did not
advise the government. "Yes we make political decisions but that is because
you do not advise us . . . If we are sloppy and incompetent, it is because
you let us . . . ", so said none other than ZANU PF's secretary for
administration who has proved beyond reasonable doubt that age does not
always bring wisdom but that it sometimes comes alone.
      Now, the people have spoken and their message is loud and clear. They
want results-oriented, passionate, committed and focused political
leadership at all levels that knows the way, goes the way and shows the way.
Those that are incompetent should be allowed to fall by the wayside. So
should those MPs who for fear of ruffling political feathers have hardly
said anything meaningful in Parliament about the socio-economic and
political problems besetting Zimbabwe because a ship in the harbour is safe
but that is not what ships were built for. A case in point is one former
Marondera West MP whose contribution in Parliament never went beyond
thanking the President for the State of the Nation Address yet the state of
stagnation and misery in the constituency stood in stark contrast to
relatively developed constituencies. It is clear from this that the people
expect the President to appoint a strong, resolute and competent Cabinet
comprising flexible, courageous and evolutionising politicians who will find
a modus vivendi with various interest groups.

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      ...and now to the Notebook

      1/20/2005 7:39:31 AM (GMT +2)

      So, after keeping quiet throughout all this unfolding drama in ZANU
PF, the Professor could no longer take it lying down anymore, and the man
decided to sweep clean all the dark corners of his heart - come whatever

      That's good, very good indeed. It is just good to see someone deciding
that enough is enough and standing up to prove that they are really man!
      So this Professor fellow now understands what we mean when we say ZANU
PF is not just undemocratic, but tyrannical as well? He is now experiencing
what some of us have been experiencing for far too long?
      We have always said there is no way ZANU PF can be democratic when the
party has no democracy within itself, haven't we?
      That the party is not a party for serious debates and discussions -
which are in themselves more constructive than empty slogans; that ZANU PF
is a party of impositions and yesmen; and that there is no way the party can
be transformed until and unless its leadership embraces democratic thinking.
Have we not said all this?
      So now the Professor is experiencing this firsthand? Himself, the
person who for the past five solid years has been fighting with anyone who
could dare suggest that something was wrong with the way ZANU PF is run (and
in turn the country). So he now appreciates our concerns.
      Anyway, when he decided to join the party, hadn't he heard this saying
by our sages? We mean the saying that "to sup with the devil, you need a
long spoon."
      Learned as he is, the man should have known from the onset that he did
not have the requisite long spoon.
      He thought it was going to fall from heaven like manna simply because
he is a Professor? Didn't he know that ZANU PF, like America, does not have
permanent friends, but permanent interests? He thought if he would spearhead
the party's hate campaign, he would become indispensable? Simply because he
is a Professor?
      Doesn't he know that some founder members of that party are now mere
spectators watching it from the terraces, having been thrown out of the
window? Enos Nkala, Edgar Tekere, etc, let alone himself, a mere
      He used to wax lyrical about the abundance of justice, rule of law and
fairness in Zimbabwe when court rulings were being ignored, when former
white farmers were being dragged off their land - their court victories
notwithstanding - and when opposition supporters were wantonly rounded up
and locked away for no apparent reason.
      And now the party has turned on him. Does he want us to sympathise
with him now that he is being persecuted because he tried to exercise his
democratic right to disagree with the party leadership on the choice of the
second-vice president?
      Honestly speaking, the Professor did nothing wrong by trying to
mobilise other provinces to support the candidate of his own choice.
      There is totally nothing wrong with that. The only problem is that he
tried to do it in a wrong party. You cannot exercise democratic rights in an
undemocratic party. It is impossible!
      Surely a whole slew of chairmen cannot be banished from a party
because they chose to exercise their right to disagree. Isn't this
totalitarianism of the highest order? But the Professor didn't see any of
this until right now.
      If ever he will be able to walk away from the gangster party without
the goons harming him - since he is now privy to their secrets - we think he
has learnt a big lesson and he should write a voluminous book on it! "To sup
with the Devil", "Inside the Devil's Workshop", "A sojourn to Hell and
Back" - there are so many titles he can give to his book, and it will
definitely be a bestseller. That is only IF he can walk away freely!
      It was good to hear losers in ZANU PF primaries screaming that the
polling process had been characterised with massive rigging.
      Some of those complaining are actually sitting MPs and Cabinet
ministers and we wonder if they think this is news to an ordinary Zimbo
because ZANU PF has built itself a good reputation as a past-master in the
art of rigging. If anything, the party is now a rig-master, so we wonder why
these members didn't find it necessary to employ the same tactics. It you
don't rig your way in, someone will rig you out, don't they know this
reality about their party?
      We are sorry, we cannot loan them any shoulder to weep on. If
anything, we are too pleased that they are down and out. We won't miss them.
Do they now understand what the MDC meant when it alleged rigging?
      ZANU PF musicians
      Recently ZANU PF musician Tambaoga was in the news for deciding to eat
away his mother-in-law's finger. Unheard of, isn't?
      And at the weekend another ZANU PF musician calling herself Mbuya
Madhuve was at it, grabbing the headlines for allegedly milking some
confused Harare businesswoman of close to $250 million.
      Yes, the musician who doubles up as a witchdoctor convinced this
already confused woman that for her piled-up problems to go away, there was
an urgent need to import mermaids from the UK, that she needed thorough
cleansing in the river and she could recover her stolen property - and all
such bull and cock stories - and she paid through her nose. She did not
realise she was dealing with a con until she had paid the musician close to
$250 million. That is when she rushed to report the case to the police! My
foot! Which planet do some people come from as to be so steeped in primitive
      And she did not even wonder how the mermaids were going to be
delivered and such basics as why they had to come from the UK of all the
places on earth.
      CZ wonders what sort of problems are haunting this businesswoman . . .
kubata-bata tichinyanya! She deserved it!

      Two weeks ago, it was information department perm-sec George Charamba,
and this weekend it was ZANU PF secretary for information Nathan Shamuyarira
. . . both criticising the way the Herald and the Chronicle continue to be
used by the outgoing Professor. But this week the Bulawayo-based daily
continued dancing to the Professor's tune as he prepared the ground for
possibly standing as an independent.
      While we appreciate the difficulty CZ's brother might be having in
accepting the sad fact that his godfather is really gone, we think it might
be good for his future if he would stop, pronto, daydreaming.
      A fly with no one to advise it will follow the corpse into the grave!
In this case no one will be allowed to say they were not warned!

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      Malaysia still to give nod to Zim beef

      Zhean Gwaze
      1/20/2005 7:19:17 AM (GMT +2)

      A MALAYSIAN team which visited Zimbabwe last month to sample beef
products in the wake of the 2000 outbreak of the dreaded
foot-and-mouth-disease is still to break its silence on the country's
suitability to export beef to the Asian country.

      Zimbabwean beef exports to lucrative markets such as the European
Union were suspended in 2000 after a series of foot-and-mouth outbreaks.
      Veterinary services director Stewart Hargreaves told The Financial
Gazette that the Malaysian team, which jetted into the country in December
to access the situation on the ground, had gone back to report to its
country's beef committee. The team is expected to give feedback to Zimbabwe
in a month's time.
      Hargreaves was, however, optimistic that the team's consultations in
Malaysia would confirm that Zimbabwe had gone a long way in fighting the
contagious disease. "We are very positive we will be able to resume exports
although I am not sure on the tonnage that will be exported to Malaysia," he
      The department recently got a shot in the arm from the government
following a $1 billion capital injection to rebuild fences, identify cattle
movement and control diseases.
      The government had failed to secure foreign currency to purchase the
one million doses of vaccines needed to contain the disease.
      Organisations such as the Food and Agriculture Organisation, the
European Union (EU) and the Southern African Development Community have
helped the country to curb the disease.
      The EU team is expected to start negotiations with Zimbabwe this year
on the resumption of beef exports, a move that will improve the country's
foreign currency inflows.
      The country was still exporting limited beef to the Democratic
Republic of Congo. The quantities could not be established by the time of
going to press.
      Zimbabwe had an annual export quota of 9 100 tonnes of beef to the EU
which used to earn the country about US$2 billion annually.
      The government last year was in negotiations with China in a bid to
seal a deal to establish a foot-and-mouth vaccination production plant
facility locally and save the country billions in foreign currency.

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      Bata sales down by 26%,thanks to zhing-zhongs

      Staff Reporter
      1/20/2005 7:19:57 AM (GMT +2)

      LEADING shoe manufacturer, Bata Zimbabwe's sales declined by a
combined 26 percent on the domestic and export markets in 2004 owing to the
influx of cheap Asian imports, commonly referred to as zhing-zhongs and loss
of sales in canvas footwear.

      Edwin Duthie, the company's managing director, said Bata's sales
dropped by 15 percent on the local market, while the export market had an 11
percent dip due to loss of sales in canvas footwear.
      "These imports continue unabated, with requests by the footwear
industry to look at the situation falling on deaf ears. Unless some control
is implemented, I can see 2005 showing a further decline," said Duthie.
      Bata has been going through a tough trading period since it was thrown
out of the auction system several times last year due to its failure clear
outstanding Customer Declaration 1 Forms.
      "With regard to the foreign currency auction system, although in the
last month and a half we have managed to source some foreign currency, the
amounts being received are still not sufficient to maintain a large
production base such as ours and keep our 3800 workers gainfully employed,"
he added.

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      'Fictitious' Air Zimbabwe report thrown out

      Allen Chifokoyo
      1/20/2005 7:20:26 AM (GMT +2)

      THE Transport and Communications Ministry has thrown out a report on
the losses incurred by Air Zimbabwe owing to incessant flight delays
experienced in the past few months and has called for a fresh one.

      Karikoga Kaseke, the secretary for the ministry, described the report
compiled by AirZim management as a "fictitious" document and said he had
since directed the airline to give him a comprehensive report.
      "They gave me a fictitious report and I think they are trying to cover
up their losses, but I have told them to give me a new report," Kaseke said.
      He said the report was actually a sham because the airline appeared as
if it did not at all have any losses during the time it had to regularly
reschedule flights and book passengers into hotels.
      The airline's new chief executive officer, Tendai Mahachi, was tasked
two weeks ago to prepare a report showing how much the airline lost as a
result of the delays.
      The cash-strapped airline has been experiencing frequent delays in the
departure and arrival of its flights on all its routes since November last
year and has been paying hundreds of millions of dollars in hotel bookings
everyday for passengers who miss their flights.
      Conservative estimates by industry sources say that the airline lost
billions of dollars as passengers cancelled their bookings and moved to
other airlines.
      It was also revealed that the airline had been paying more than 300
pounds ($4.5 million) in hotel bookings every day for passengers who missed
a flight because of problems at the airline.
      Kaseke said the figures in the report from Air Zimbabwe given as
losses were unrealistic.
      Mahachi, the man recently thrust at the helm of the underperforming
airline, has a daunting task of remoulding the corporate image of the
carrier, which finds comfort among the worst airlines in the world.

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Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe

MDC losers on warpath

Takunda Maodza
issue date :2005-Jan-20

RIFTS within the MDC continue to widen as it emerged yesterday that losing
candidates in the opposition party's primaries held haphazardly throughout
the country, have declared their constituencies no-go areas to "newcomers"
within the party.
Justin Mutendadzamera and Tichaona Munyanyi, incumbent MDC legislators for
Mabvuku and Mbare East respectively, this week threatened to bar the
"newcomers" from campaigning in their areas citing irregularities over the
manner in which they lost the right to represent their party in  the
forthcoming March parliamentary elections.
Dunmore Makuwaza, another MDC MP (Mbare West) who was barred from contesting
in the primary elections held over the weekend, has since threatened to
de-campaign another party candidate - Gift Chimanikire - who won the vote.
In an interview with The Daily Mirror yesterday, Mutendadzemera, who lost to
Manicaland provincial chairman Timothy Mubhawu, vowed he would not allow the
victor to campaign in Mabvuku.
"I am going to do all I can to bar him from campaigning in the constituency.
I am a seasoned political activist who has seen it all. The people of
Mabvuku do not want him because the party leadership imposed him on them. We
are going to treat Mubhawu worse than we would Zanu PF," he threatened.
After losing Mabvuku, Mutendadzamera wrote to MDC president Morgan
Tsvangirai threatening to quit the opposition party if the outcome of the
election was not nullified.
Yesterday, he said Tsvangirai did not respond to his letter, adding that he
would soon meet the opposition leader to hand in his resignation.
"I gave them ample time to resolve my case and what is now left is that, I
am going to mobilise the people to gauge my support before I deliver my
resignation to Tsvangirai. Three-quarters of the people in Mabvuku support
me and I still have enough time to consolidate my support before the March
parliamentary election," he added.
Mutendadzamera's threats follow another warning by Munyanyi that he was not
going to allow party deputy secretary-general Chimanikire to campaign in
Munyanyi lost to Chimanikire, but claimed that the process was flawed.
"I have lost to Chimanikire by four votes, but I would want to state that
there was a lot of vote-buying in this election. The MDC is no longer
different from Zanu PF," he said, adding  that he was going to mobilise the
opposition party's supporters against Chimanikire.
On Monday, Makuwaza said: "Some members of the national executive have
manipulated the outcome in Chimanikire's favour, and as a result I urge all
our supporters not to vote for him in the coming polls. I am not going to
give in.  I declare myself the candidate."
What has particularly raised eyebrows over the manner in which the MDC
conducted its primary elections is that some were held at Harvest House, the
party's headquarters in Harare, instead of in the constituencies.
"Chimanikire would not have won the elections if they were conducted in
Mbare," sources within the MDC said yesterday.
They said the people of Mbare liked Munyanyi more than Chimanikire because
the deputy secretary-general did not originate from the populous suburb.
MDC secretary-general Welshman Ncube yesterday said all those with valid
complaints would have their cases looked into by the national executive.
 He said: "The national council is going to look into all those issues at
the end of the month when the whole process is over.  All complaints will be
heard and there will be re-runs where there are valid complaints."
Commenting on why the MDC was conducting its primary elections as Harvest
House, Ncube said it was because the police were denying the opposition
party access to constituencies.
"The police refuse to give us the permission to hold our primary elections
in the constituencies, we would definitely have wanted to conduct them in
constituencies because it costs us nothing."
He said conducting the elections at Harvest House was costly for the MDC as
it forced the party to bus in people from constituencies for the exercise.
Ncube added that the way MDC conducts its elections was different from that
of Zanu PF.
"Unlike Zanu PF, the people who vote in MDC are elected officials in the
party structures that are in the districts and as such it does not matter
whether the primary elections are conducted at Harvest House or in the

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Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe

Mystery shrouds report on CFI

Masimba Rushwaya
issue date :2005-Jan-20

MYSTERY shrouds the whereabouts of the report on CFI Holdings following the
removal of the company from specification by the Minister of Justice, Legal
and Parliamentary Affairs, Patrick Chinamasa, early this week.
The secrecy of the whereabouts of the report has raised the ire of concerned
parties as they allege that this is against standing statutes.
In addition there appears to be no recommendation whatsoever for the
prosecution of any individuals, raising questions as to the original motive
for the specification of CFI.
The revocation of the specification of the agro-concern was announced in an
extraordinary government gazette on Monday, amid a scandalous transaction
that led to the alleged illegal transfer of 37 percent of CFI shares from an
offshore company, Rayberry International, to SMM.
This newspaper also has it on good authority that the Zimbabwe Stock
Exchange (ZSE) committee, which convened a meeting on Monday over the
alleged illegal transfer of the shares, had referred the matter to ZSE's
However, when asked if he had caught sight of the report, CFI chairman,
Simplicius Chihambakwe said: "We are not supposed to be privy to that
report.  It comes from government.  What is of concern to us is that the
specification was lifted.  How the lifting of the specification came about
is not the issue.  But if we decide that there should be an internal inquiry
at CFI, this can be carried out.  But we (the board of directors) do not
have access to that report."
The government-appointed investigator of CFI, Reggie Saruchera, was not
reachable on his mobile phone, both on Tuesday and yesterday, to clarify the
Chinamasa referred all questions to his permanent secretary, David Mangota,
as he said he was on leave.
"My friend I am in meeting and in any case I do not talk to people over the
phone," said Mangota, before abruptly cutting his mobile phone.
In an interview this week, Mutumwa Mawere, who was the controlling
shareholder of CFI before the alleged "daylight robbery", claimed that such
a development was enough evidence that there was no rule of law in the
"It is a travesty of justice to specify for the sole objective of stealing
shares and changing control of the board when such a travesty is perpetuated
by the central bank. One can appreciate the depth and breadth of the
problems confronting corporate Zimbabwe. The Prevention of Corruption Act is
clear and deliberate in that the Minister is duty bound to furnish the
report concerning the specified person and in this case nothing was done."
He charged that the Ministry of Justice was now an instrument of
expropriation using statutes meant to protect national interests.
"Can you tell me how this national interest is protected by appointing
nominees from the Ministry of Agriculture, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe and
the SMM administrator onto the board of CFI?" he asked rhetorically.
A Dr Matovanyika from the Ministry of Agriculture, a Mr Sibanda from AMG
Chartered Accountants where SMM administrator, Afarasi Gwaradzimba is a
partner, Oliver Mtasa, the CEO of Zimnat and a Mr Chiremba from the Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ), replaced the fired directors who were deemed to be
close to Mawere.
When quizzed as to why he, as a concerned party, had not queried the
whereabouts of the report, Mawere quipped: "Ndigaswera ndichitaura nevanhu
(Why should I waste time talking to people) who have no respect for the law?
This situation is the same as government specifying you and then taking your
house.  After relieving you of your property, they then revoke the
specification, but at the end of the day you would have been prejudiced of
that house."
Questions have been raised as to how certain directors, like Abner Botsh,
that were appointed and perceived to be allied to Mawere were removed while
others like current chairman, Chihambakwe, Fred Lutz, Godfrey Nhemachena,
chief executive officer, Steve Kuipa and Grace Muradzikwa were left
"I was removed from the board together with three other South Africans
because the SMM administrator believed that he now controlled CFI," Botsh
said, adding that the specification was a deliberate ploy by some executives
to deflect attention away from graft investigations he was carrying out in
companies where Mawere was the beneficial shareholder.
Riverridge Traders Private Limited and Riverridge Private Limited held the
controlling shareholding of CFI.  The former had a 7.37 percent stake while
the latter had 30.6 percent. The two companies were controlled by a Hong
Kong-based company, I and J Limited, which was in turn wholly-owned by
Rayberry International, a British Virgin Islands-registered company. The
Rayberry shares were then purchased at an offshore level where Africa
Resources Limited (ARL) - another company registered in the British Virgin
Islands - bought the two stakes.

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Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe

Labour ministers to attend Vic Falls meeting

The Daily Mirror Reporter
issue date :2005-Jan-20

MORE than 22 labour and employment ministers from English speaking African
countries are expected to attend a four-day labour meeting to start on
February 3 in Victoria Falls.
The meeting would be part of the African Regional Labour Administration
Centre (ARLAC) governing indaba to be hosted by the Ministry of Public
Service, Labour, and Social Welfare starting from January 31.
"The ARLAC governing council is to be preceded by a high level symposium on
the role of labour inspection in development on the 1st of February 2005
which will be followed by a visit to Hwange Colliery Mine on the second of
February," said senior secretary in the Zimbabwe labour ministry, Lancelot
He added that the Matabeleland North Governor and Resident Minister, Obert
Mpofu would be expected to deliver the opening address on the first day.

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Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe

War vets association restructuring continues

The Daily Mirror Reporter
issue date :2005-Jan-20

THE restructuring exercise of the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans
Association (ZNLWVA) leadership is still in progress, with the committee
tasked with the responsibility still looking at the structures of the former
freedom fighters' body.
Retired army general Vitalis Zvinavashe - a member of the committee that was
tasked with restructuring the association -  yesterday told The Daily Mirror
that restructuring exercise was still on course, with the committee still
vetting the association's grassroots structures before a new national
leadership is installed.
Other members of the committee include veteran freedom fighters, Dumiso
Dabengwa, retired general Solomon Mujuru and retired air marshal Josiah
"The restructuring is still going on. We are still organising the structures
before we have the new leadership," Zvinavashe said.
War veterans have been an integral part of the ruling Zanu PF after they led
farm occupations in 2000.
They were also criticised in some quotas for perpetrating violence against
MDC supporters in the run up to the 2000 elections that Zanu PF won by a
Zvinavashe however, said it was still premature for him to discuss the
ground they had covered so far.
"I cannot divulge the details of what we have done so far, it will affect
the whole process. You just have to wait until the process is finished," he
The high-powered committee was tasked with establishing a new war veterans
leadership after President Robert Mugabe said the former fighters'
organisation had been infiltrated by fake freedom fighters.
The ruling party suspended the current chairman of ZNLWVA, Jabulani Sibanda,
for four years while his  deputy, Joseph Chinotimba had a vote of no
confidence passed on him by Harare province for the roles they played in the
November Tsholotsho debacle.
Sibanda, however, maintained that he is still the leader of the war veterans
until his constitutional term ends.

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