The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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SA spy captured and tortured by Zimbabwe forces

January 21, 2005, 18:45

A South African spy captured by Zimbabwean counter intelligence is alleged
to have been severely tortured before agreeing to co-operate with local
officials, the Institute for Security Studies said in Pretoria today. The
spy recently was nabbed by Zimbabwean Central Intelligence Organisation
(CIO) operatives at Victoria Falls and under questioning, revealed the names
of his collaborators within the governing Zimbabwe African National
Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu(PF)).

Chris Maroleng, an analyst, said the spy would not have naturally agreed to
work with the Zimbabweans as they had alleged and therefore must have
reached his "pain threshold". "The Zimbabwean CIO are renowned worldwide for
their torture techniques and for their ability to extract information," he
said today.

Maroleng said the spy, who had not been named, was involved in a high-risk
operation to try and win over the head of the Zimbabwean Counter
Intelligence. "It obviously failed," Maroleng said. This development would
be a major blow for South Africa's foreign policy on Zimbabwe, which in the
past could be described as "quiet diplomacy".

Strained relations
Maroleng said it would also severely dent personal relations between Robert
Mugabe, the Zimbabwean president, and Thabo Mbeki, the South African
president, which at best could be described as cordial. He said South Africa
had adopted its foreign policy position following Zimbabwe's 2002 general
election, after which the country's armed forces refused to support any non
Zanu(PF) government.

"South Africa realised it needed to create change from within the Zanu(PF)
government as a government led by the opposition - Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) - would not be backed by the military," said Maroleng.

He said South African intelligence started creating support within the
Emmerson Mnangagwa camp, who was widely seen as Mugabe's successor until he
was effectively sidelined in the Zanu(PF)'s December 2004 party conference.
"Mugabe created a power axis during the conference that cut out all young
progressive members. He then drew support from all those with proven
liberation credentials," he said.

Spy ring
Six senior Zanu(PF) members including a Member of Parliament have been
accused of taking part in the spy ring that was allegedly providing the
South African government with information on the party's affairs. According
to AFP, Phillip Chiyangwa, a provincial Zanu(PF) chairperson and former
Zimbabwe consul-general in South Africa, was arrested in December on charges
of selling state secrets.

The state-run Herald in Zimbabwe reported Chiyangwa received US10 000 a
month to pass on information to South Africa. Four other party officials are
being held in Zimbabwe for violating the Official Secrets Act -- Godfrey
Dzvairo, newly appointed Zimbabwe's ambassador to Mozambique, Zanu(PF)'s
director for external affairs Itai Marchi, top security officer Kenny
Karidza, and banker Tendai Matambandazo.

The sixth person allegedly connected to the affair, Zimbabwean diplomat
Erasmus Moyo, reportedly escaped while being moved from Geneva to Harare.
Maroleng said South Africa would undoubtedly try and retrieve their spy but
under current conditions it would prove very difficult. "The South African
position is severely undermined by this development," said Maroleng adding
it would mean that the hard core led by Mugabe would now view South Africa
with increasing suspicion. The South African Department of Intelligence
declined to comment today. - Sapa
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Mail and Guardian

      How SA spied on Mugabe

      Godwin Gandu

      The former Zimbabwean consul-general to South Africa, Godfrey Dzvairo,
was the ringleader of a network of Zimbabwean spies that has been selling
confidential Zanu-PF documents, including minutes of the party's supreme
organ -- the Politburo -- to the South African government.

      The intelligence, gathered by a senior South African Secret Service
operative, was used to inform President Thabo Mbeki's policy and tactic in

      Constitutional law lecturer Dr Lovemore Madhuku said he wasn't shocked
Mbeki was spying on Mugabe. "He was quietly studying the inner workings of
Zanu-PF, its policies and politics. It has always been Mbeki's intention to
replace Mugabe without replacing Zanu-PF. That explains why his intelligence
was rooted in Zanu-PF not government."

      Alois Masepe, a political analyst based at the University of Zimbabwe,
said espionage is widely accepted as part of diplomatic business and only
becomes a problem if you are caught. "South Africa would want to know the
political and economic intentions and activities of its neighbour. Whatever
Zimbabwe does has an immediate impact on South Africans. When your neighbour's
house is on fire your property is at stake."

      Zimbabwean intelligence sources said Dzvairo, who was based in South
Africa since 1994, had been under surveillance for more than a decade. "We
had no tangible evidence to prove that he was involved in any dirty work,
hence his appointment in November last year as ambassador to Mozambique."

      But they had nonetheless bugged Dzvairo's telephone and took interest
in his conversations with former Metropolitan Bank of Zimbabwe company
secretary Tendayi Matambanadzo, with whom he had studied law at the
University of Zimbabwe in the 1980s.

      The banker's phone was also tapped. He is a relative of the wife of
Zanu-PF Mashonaland West provincial chairperson and central committee member
Philip Chiyangwa, whom he brought on board the spy ring. Chiyangwa in turn
recruited Zanu-PF director of external affairs Itayi Marchi -- often tasked
with taking minutes at Politburo meetings -- and party security officer
Kenneth Karidza.

      Zimbabwe's Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) monitored the
activities of the men who had frequent meetings at a four-star hotel in
Victoria Falls during November and December last year. On one occasion,
sources said, "They booked
      a room that they did not use for three days. On the fourth day they
regrouped and all their conversations were recorded."

      The name of the South African operative featured prominently. He was
arrested in a sting operation when the CIO head of counter intelligence
lured him into Zimbabwe. "He cracked under pressure and started singing,
releasing five names," sources said.

      Also implicated in the spy wrangle is Erasmus Moyo, the Zimbabwean
diplomat in Geneva, Switzerland, who evaded arrest after allegedly boarding
a flight to Harare.

      The five Zimbabweans -- Marchi, Karidza, Chiyangwa, Dzvairo and
Matambanadzo -- were subsequently arrested and, according to their lawyers,
subjected to torture.

      Marchi was arrested at Harare International airport and taken to the
infamous Goromonzi CIO torture chambers, about 34km east of the capital,
where he allegedly "spilled the beans".

      Sources said Karidza is in a critical condition, unable to walk or eat
as a result of the interrogation. "Karidza is a war veteran who is difficult
to break down, he is very tough."

      Dzvairo, Karidza and Matambanadzo's application to have their initial
guilty pleas altered was thrown out by the magistrate's court last week.
Their lawyer Selby Hwacha has since appealed the ruling. If convicted, they
face jail terms of up to 20 years or a fine or both.

      During his first appearance at the magistrate's court, Chiyangwa told
the court through his lawyer Canaan Dube that he was blindfolded and taken
to an unknown destination and tortured for seven days until he had a "mild
stroke". Harare had been abuzz with rumour that Chiyangwa had died.

      Chiyangwa and the four others only passed on "party secrets not state
secrets, that's the sticking point", a source said. "Party minutes contained
deliberations between the president and his Cabinet at party level. Such
information would then be tabled at government level."

      In his submission to the high court last week, Chiyangwa's advocate,
Chris Anderson, said: "It was impossible to infer South Africa as an enemy
of Zimbabwe considering the relationship between the two countries."

      Chiyangwa, who backed Speaker Emmerson Mnangagwa's failed bid for the
Zanu-PF vice-presidency, is reported to have received a $10 000 monthly
retainer from his South African handler.

      The spy saga could be hugely embarrassing to the South African
government. Madhuku said "Mbeki's preoccupation was 'Will Mugabe step down?'
He has been dealing with young Turks in Zanu-PF, not anybody senior because
he knew the future belonged to them.

      He spoke to [Justice Minister] Patrick Chinamasa, who was spearheading
the inter-party dialogue [with the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change] and Mnangagwa, who was their preferred choice in the succession

      South Africa wanted to surprise the world with a deal that would see
Mugabe's exit."
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Controversial Judge Heads Up New Zimbabwe Electoral Authority By  Peta

Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe named an electoral commission to run
parliamentary elections expected in March. The main opposition, Movement for
Democratic Change said it had no confidence in the commission.

Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa announced that Mr. Mugabe appointed a
5-member body under the chairmanship of High Court Judge, George Chiweshe,
who was appointed by President Robert Mugabe, leader of Zimbabwe's ruling
Zanu-PF party.

Judge Chiweshe made legal history in 2002 when he told the High Court that
the state did not have to provide any evidence to continue to detain a
critically ill opposition member of parliament who was trying to get out of
prison on bail.

He was also appointed by Mr. Mugabe to draw up a new map of voting districts
released before Christmas. The MDC expressed concerns over Mr. Chiweshe's
appointment because of the voter redistricting which removed three of the
MDC's stronghold constituencies.

Mr. Chinamasa insisted that the commission reflects an all-inclusive
consultation process, incorporating all three parties represented in
Zimbabwe's parliament, including the MDC.

But, new electoral laws signed into law by Mr. Mugabe last week, for the
first time give the military, police and prison officials a substantial role
in the next poll, and they can, if recruited to serve, control voting and

There was a frenzy of lawmaking late last year to establish new legislation
and electoral authorities ahead of the poll which Mr. Mugabe says will be
held in March ahead of his 25th anniversary of coming to power in 1980.

The MDC suspended participation in all elections five months ago because it
said the electoral playing field was uneven. It said it would only take part
when Zimbabwe's laws and practice complied with regional electoral
principles agreed to by Mr. Mugabe and other southern African countries last

However most political analysts believe the MDC will take part in the
general election, despite Zimbabwe's lack of compliance with regional
electoral practices and laws.

Western observers are not expected to be invited to cover Zimbabwe's poll as
they said the last two national elections were neither free nor fair.
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Journalist fears for life Jan 21 2005

      By Mark Coleman South Bucks Reporter

      AN exiled Zimbabwean journalist claims he will be killed if he is
deported from the UK.

      Slough resident Adolf Mukandi, 36, a former bulletin editor with the
Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation has had his application for asylum refused
by the UK, and must report to the immigration department at the end of

      He said: "The government's hatred of journalists is well documented,
and it will be worse for me because, as a former government journalist, I
was privy to most of the regime's secrets."

      Adolf said he was forced to leave Zimbabwe after giving airtime to
opposition party the Movement for Democratic Change.

      Adolf has contemplated suicide rather than be sent home to Zimbabwe.

      The journalist, who fled Robert Mugabe's regime in 2002, is currently
living with friends in Stoke Poges.

      He left behind his wife, Virginia, and children, ten-year-old Takudza
and seven-year-old Tsitzashe. "I am in contact with them as regularly as I
can be," he said, "but sometimes I can go a month without speaking to them
and that is very difficult because they forget they have a father.

      "I am very frightened to go back home and sometimes think it would be
better to kill myself than to face reality."

      Adolf, worked for the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation as a reporter,
sub-editor and eventually bulletin editor.

      His troubles began when he ignored orders by his bosses to suppress
news that favoured the Movement for Democratic Change. "When I was a young
man I was indoctrined by my bosses to say what they wanted me to say, rather
than what was really going on," he said. "My bosses were in league with
higher authorities who tell them what to say. The news was nothing but

      "As I became more experienced, I refused to do this because I was
concerned about protecting the ethics of journalism."

      Tim Lezard, Vice-President of the National Union of Journalists, said:
"Adolf is a journalist who has been forced to leave his home, his family,
his job and his country because he dared to tell the truth. There is no free
speech in Zimbabwe, with journalists being tortured for writing unfavourable
stories about Robert Mugabe's brutal regime.

      "Across the world in 2004, more journalists than ever before - 120 -
were killed for doing their job. We don't want Adolf to become one of the
first victims of 2005."

      Adolf is due at the Home Office on January 27, he is currently
pursuing asylum through a human rights application, with the full backing of
Labour MP for Slough, Fiona Mactaggart.

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Zim Online

Sat 22 January 2005
  HARARE - The Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries (CZI) has told the
government that a new foreign currency auction system introduced last year
to raise scarce hard cash has failed.

      The CZI, regarded as the voice of the country's business community,
had until now remained mum on the effectiveness of the auction system.

      The business grouping had instead encouraged companies to support the
system introduced by Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor Gideon Gono in
a bid to end an illegal but thriving forex black market in the country.

      In submissions to the RBZ ahead of next week's announcement of
monetary policy for the first quarter of 2005, the CZI said the auction
floor rate of exchange had become irrelevant with ever diminishing chances
of getting forex from the auction floors.

      "The auction rate is losing its relevance as a pricing mechanism. It
is being increasingly ignored by economic agents as the probability of
getting foreign exchange on the auction has become too low," the CZI said.

      The exchange rate at the auction floors generally fluctuates between
Z$5 600 to $5 800 per one United States dollar. The exchange rate for
Zimbabweans living abroad sending money home through the RBZ's Homelink
special facility is one greenback to Z$6 200.

      But the American unit fetches above $8 300 on the black-market. The
business community said hard cash was finding its way to the black market
because of a higher rate there.

      Zimbabwe is in the crunch of an acute foreign currency crisis that has
manifested itself in shortages of essential medical drugs, fuel and
electricity because there is no hard cash to pay foreign suppliers. -
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Zim Online

Zimbabwe, SA labour leaders plot way forward
Sat 22 January 2005
  HARARE - Top Zimbabwean and South African labour officials meet in Cape
Town today to plot ways of protesting should Harare bar a planned Congress
of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) mission to Zimbabwe.

      COSATU spokesman Patrick Craven told ZimOnline that the union's
secretary general, Zwelinzima Vavi, will meet his Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions (ZCTU) counterpart, Wellington Chibhebhe, to plan "forms of protest"
in the event COSATU was denied entry into Zimbabwe.

      Craven said: "COSATU secretary general Zwelinzima Vavi and ZCTU
secretary general Wellington Chibhebhe will meet tomorrow (today) on the way
forward and the forms of protest to be engaged."

      He would not disclose further details on the methods of protest the
two union leaders will examine during today's meeting.

      Zimbabwe Labour Minister Paul Mangwana has indicated he will not allow
COSATU into the country, telling the Press this week that the union should
confine itself to South Africa because Zimbabwe was not a province of its
southern neighbour.

      Mangwana, who must approve COSATU'S visit to Zimbabwe, also this week
maintained he had not seen a letter sent to him by the union seeking
permission to enter the country.

      A COSATU delegation to Zimbabwe on a similar mission to assess the
country's deepening political and economic crisis was harassed and booted
out of the country by the Harare authorities.

      COSATU threatened to blockade Zimbabwe's lifeline Beitbridge border
post with South Africa in retaliation. It has not withdrawn the threat.

      The South African Communist Party, which together with COSATU form
South Africa's ruling alliance headed by the African National Congress
party, has backed the labour union's proposed visit to Zimbabwe.

      But the ANC is opposed to the visit with some senior leaders of the
party calling it an attention-seeking gimmick. - ZimOnline
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Zim Online

FEATURE: Disgruntlement over ZANU PF internal election may swing vote in
opposition's favour
Sat 22 January 2005
  CHIKOMBA - Joseph Muriva describes himself as a "career supporter' of
Zimbabwe's ruling ZANU PF party.

      But he will not be bothering checking whether his name appears on the
voters' roll for March's election, out for inspection since Monday this

      Muriva will also not be going on the usual rounds that have become a
routine each election time to canvass support for ZANU PF among voters here
in Chikomba constituency, about 170 kilometres south-east of Harare.

      Instead Muriva - who fought under President Robert Mugabe's ZANLA
guerillas during Zimbabwe's 1970s independence war - says he will this time
round be spending his time downing his favourite Chibuku beer, an opaque
traditional brew.

      "Why should I bother?" retorted Muriva when asked why he had not gone
to inspect the voters' roll. He added: "There is no need to trouble myself
because I am not going to participate in the election because I cannot vote
for a stranger even if he is a member of my party."

      Undoubtedly one of the most committed supporters of Mugabe and ZANU PF
here, Muriva says he has campaigned for the party since 1980 (Zimbabwe's
year of independence) and voted for the party at every election before.

      But he says he gave up two weeks ago, frustrated and disappointed that
sitting ZANU PF Member of Parliament for Chikomba, Bernard Makokova, will no
longer be standing in the March poll.

      Makokova forfeited his chance to contest the election when he withdrew
at the eleventh hour from an internal ZANU PF election to choose candidates
to represent the party in the March ballot.

      Official word from ZANU PF's Harare headquarters was that Makokova, a
local businessman, had voluntarily withdrawn from the race. But many of the
party's supporters here believe he was elbowed out of the internal election
by party bosses to pave way for Zimbabwe's former ambassador to the United
Nations Tichaona Jokonya.

      Jokonya, known to be a favourite of both Mugabe and his wife Grace,
won the ZANU PF ticket for Chikomba unopposed.

      "I am not the only one who is bitter about this imposition of
candidates. A lot of people here are not going to vote because of that,"
fumed Muriva, echoing the bitter sentiments of many ordinary ZANU PF
supporters across the country as the party rounded up its internal election
this week.

      Welcomed as an attempt to engender grassroots democracy in ZANU PF by
allowing ordinary members to choose whom they wanted to represent them in
the March election, the party election now appears to have only helped
alienate party leaders from supporters.

      For example, in Tsholotsho constituency in Matabeleland North
province, ZANU PF's most popular candidate there who stood a greater chance
of reclaiming the seat from the opposition, Jonathan Moyo, was barred from
the internal election after clashing with party bosses.

      Moyo, who is the government information minister and propaganda chief,
had spent four years building his support base in the constituency and now
appears set to stand as an independent, a development that could swing ZANU
PF's vote to the advantage of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change

      A former chairman of ZANU PF in Manicaland province, Shadreck Beta,
who was disqualified from the party election on allegations he had used
unfair means to win, said: "These primary elections have been a recipe for
future disaster.

      "The way they were handled will cost us a lot of seats in March. The
chefs (senior party leaders) have been disqualifying popular candidates and
imposing their own blue-eyed boys. But the truth is that it is not the chefs
who will win elections for ZANU PF, it is the people and the people are

      Harare lawyer and political commentator Archibald Gijima said ZANU PF
could pay heavily in March if some of its supporters aggrieved over the
selection of candidates stayed away from the poll.

      He said: "(This could) cost the party in March if many of its
supporters are going to stay away from the election."

      Out of 120 constituencies to be contested in March, ZANU PF only held
primaries in 51 constituencies after candidates in the other constituencies
withdrew from the race to pave way for senior party leaders or their

      ZANU PF political commissar Elliot Manyika, who could not be reached
for comment yesterday, has however insisted that the party poll was free and
fair with no candidates forced to withdraw. - ZimOnline
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The Australian

ANC gets tough with Mugabe
Jan Raath, Harare
January 22, 2005
AFTER five years of violent repression and vote rigging in Zimbabwe, South
Africa's ruling African National Congress has uttered its first public
criticism of President Robert Mugabe's regime.

ANC secretary-general Kgalema Motlanthe has told Mr Mugabe's Government that
"the playing field should be levelled and the police should act in an
impartial manner in enforcing the laws of the country".

Zimbabwe is due to hold parliamentary elections in March. "All of us are
committed to ensure that the election goes without any violence, any
intimidation," Mr Motlanthe said.

The ANC was "nudging (Mr Mugabe's ruling party) Zanu to ensure that the
outcome of the election should be without the possibility of being
questioned by anybody", he said.

South African President Thabo Mbeki has maintained a policy of quiet
diplomacy with Mr Mugabe, arguing that private encouragement is more
effective than the angry rhetoric and sanctions favoured by the West.

Mr Mbeki has publicly assured British Prime Minister Tony Blair and other
European leaders that Mr Mugabe has heeded demands to restore democracy and
the rule of law.

But observers say there is no sign Mr Mbeki has secured any reduction in the
80-year-old leader's ruthless campaign against opponents. Mr Mbeki has been
repeatedly embarrassed by a string of broken promises by Mr Mugabe.

The Congress of South African Trade Unions and the South African Communist
Party, both key allies of the ANC, have openly demanded -- also for the
first time -- that Mr Mbeki take a robust approach to Mr Mugabe.

The Times

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Mutinhiri Displaces Wine Grower

Zimbabwe Independent (Harare)

January 21, 2005
Posted to the web January 21, 2005

Augustine Mukaro

YOUTH, Gender and Employment Creation minister Ambrose Mutinhiri has
allegedly taken over the country's largest wine-producing farm, Newton
Estate, the Zimbabwe Independent heard this week.

Newton Estate produces one third of Zimbabwe's wine marketed through Afdis
and Cairns Food & Wineries.

Farm owner, Harris Raynor, declined to give details on the matter saying
"the press will spoil it" for him.

"I am involved in very sensitive negotiations," Raynor said. "If they fail,
I will give you all the details."

Documents in the hands of the Independent show that Mutinhiri started
occupying the estate in June last year, temporarily evicting the owner. The
farmer was only reinstated by the land task force on the instructions of the
governor three weeks later.

By that time the farm had not been listed for acquisition but was later
served with Section 5 and 8 notices in September and November respectively.
The Section 8 is due to expire in February.

The documents further show that Mutinhiri returned to Newton Estate in
December, this time equipped with an offer letter and demanding an immediate
takeover of the farm.

"On December 6, Raynor was visited at the farm by the (land) taskforce
together with Mutinhiri and told that government had given the farm to the
minister and he must hand over the keys," the documents say.

"Police escorted the farm owner on January 5 to collect personal property
from the farm-houses," the documents say.

According to the documents, after being served with two acquisition notices,
the now evicted farmer sought a meeting with Lands minister John Nkomo and
Vice-President Joseph Msika and the Mashonaland East provincial leadership
to no avail.

As of January 10, 800 tonnes of grapes were ready for harvesting and the
manufacture of wine.

Efforts to get comment from Mutinhiri or Nkomo were unsuccessful yesterday.
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International Committee of the Red Cross

Zimbabwe: training security forces in international humanitarian law
The ICRC has conducted a one-week course on international humanitarian law
for officers in the security forces of several southern African nations.

      The following was issued as a press release by the ICRC delegation in
Harare on 21 January 2005

The ICRC has conducted a one-week course on international humanitarian law
for officers in the security forces of several southern African nations.

The sixty participants were drawn form the Zimbabwe National Army, the Air
Force of Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe Republic Police, the Zimbabwe Prison
Services and guest students from Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Namibia,
Tanzania and Zambia.

The event also provided the ICRC with an opportunity to present its work to
protect and assist people affected by armed conflicts or other situations of

The ICRC has a regional delegation in Harare that covers Botswana, Malawi,
Mozambique, Namibia and Zambia as well as Zimbabwe itself. Part of its
mission is the promotion of IHL in civil society, the military and the
security forces.

For further information, please contact:
Dana Lissy, ICRC Harare, tel. +263 4 731 760
or visit the ICRC website:
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RBZ, Zimra Tighten Screws

The Herald (Harare)

January 21, 2005
Posted to the web January 21, 2005

Paul Nyakazeya

THE Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) - in close co-operation with the Zimbabwe
Revenue Authority (Zimra) - has intensified its tracking system to ensure
that no exports cross borders in the absence of the proper declaration

In a statement this week, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe said anyone found
guilty of violating declaration procedures risked a heavy fine as the two
organisations intensify their crackdown to promote regulatory controls with
integrity, transparency and fairness in all transactions made.

"In line with the redoubled thrust, heavy penalties will be imposed on those
exporters who refuse to take heed and comply.

"The Reserve Bank also wish to strongly urge authorised dealers to educate
their clients on proper procedures, for when in default, equal
responsibility will be placed on the financial institutions in question as
well as their errant clients," RBZ said.

Regarding the discharge of CD1, TRI and CD3 forms, RBZ said in giving these
dispensations to exporters, the bank expect reciprocity through compliance
with standing Exchange Control Regulations, as well as commitments to
enhance foreign exchange generation.

In November last year Zimra hinted that it would tighten its screws in all
its revenue-collection structures this year. The move is expected to
strengthen Zimra's co-operation with the central bank.

Under the tracking framework suppliers of goods and services to
quasi-Government institutions and taxpayers registered with the revenue
collection authority are required to submit evidence that they have
submitted returns under Section 37 of the Income Tax Act.

Zimra Commissioner-General Mr Gershem Pasi has vowed that Zimra will surpass
the $23 trillion revenue collection target set by the Acting Minister of
Finance and Economic Development, Dr Herbert Murerwa, during the 2005
National Budget.

Zimra's mission is to facilitate economic development, trade and travel;
revenue generation and collection; to enforce compliance with revenue laws
and to enforce regulatory controls with integrity, transparency and

Last year some exporters flouted standing procedures for the discharge of
forms CD1, TR1 and CD3.

In some cases, after shipment of goods, some exporters have been caught
attempting to cheat the system through false cancellation of their CD1s
under the pretext that the export orders had fallen through.

Unbeknown to them, the new electronic system, the CEPECS module, clearly
indicates to the Reserve Bank which exports are outstanding for remittance
as well as due dates for Foreign Currency Accounts (FCA) liquidation.
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From Business Day (SA), 21 January

Quiet diplomacy versus harsh reality

Absence of signs that there will be a free and fair election in Zimbabwe
piles pressure on SA and neighbours

International Affairs Editor

Growing signs that Zimbabwe's elections in March will not be free or fair
and that there is little chance in the short term of a Zanu PF reform
candidate emerging as a successor to President Robert Mugabe are being seen
as a setback to SA's policy of quiet diplomacy. The African National
Congress's (ANC's) criticism of Mugabe earlier this week, and the arrest of
a South African agent, show a deep deterioration in relations between
Pretoria and Harare. For SA and the region the question is what their next
move will be now that the underpinning of their diplomacy reform within Zanu
PF has been swept away. That could partially be answered in the next few
weeks after the delegation from the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) visits Zimbabwe to find out whether the country's laws conform with
the regional body's principles and guidelines on elections. Options are fast
narrowing for the SADC, which ideally would like to see Zimbabwe brought
back into the international fold. Laws restricting campaigning by the
opposition, difficultly for suspected opposition members in registering to
vote, and intimidation by the Zanu PF youth militia, make it impossible for
the country to conduct a free and fair election.

There is little SA can do to try to ensure a free and fair poll, other than
insist on a delay in the election by a number of months. If Mugabe were then
to refuse to delay the poll in the face of SADC calls and a likely boycott
by the main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change, the region
would have to think seriously about what pressure to apply. And even if the
poll is delayed, the SADC may, if it does not bring greater pressure to
bear, be buying time rather than pushing for reform. Buying time for Mugabe
to pass from the scene is an open-ended strategy which is becoming
increasingly costly in diplomatic and economic terms. The recent sharp
criticism by the ANC, which is its most shrill so far, shows a deep
frustration at the course of events in the country and a popular discontent
with Mugabe's policies within the ranks of the party. But at this stage the
statement comes across as nothing more than a marker rather than a way of
opening the debate within the party about what sort of pressures might be
applied. According to Chris Maroleng, a researcher at the Institute for
Security Studies, the arrest of a South African agent and a circle close to
one of the top contenders to succeed Mugabe, Emmerson Mnangagwa, is evidence
that it will be difficult for a strong candidate to emerge within the party
soon. The protests at the selection of Zanu PF candidates for the March
elections are evidence of Mugabe undermining possible challengers.

SA's policy of quiet diplomacy has been based on the theory that reform
could best come within the ruling party, as the armed forces have positioned
themselves on its side. But the blocking of possible reform elements and the
arrest of a South African spy has undermined the basic precept behind quiet
diplomacy, says Maroleng. The SADC is paying an increasingly high
international price in its diplomatic standing in the US and Europe in
having achieved nothing so far in bringing about reform in Zimbabwe. In a
sign that the second Bush administration may pay growing attention to
bringing about change in Zimbabwe, Condoleezza Rice, the US secretary of
state-designate, said this week that Zimbabwe was one of six "outposts of
tyranny". This is the first time the US has placed Zimbabwe into such a
demonic category. The country was not placed in the original "axis of evil".
And with signs of a new Group of Eight commitment to Africa on a significant
scale when their summit reviews UK Prime Minister Tony Blair's Commission
for Africa report, the upside of standing up for Zimbabwe in international
forums are fast eroding.
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