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M
Mugabe
Needs To Add Substance To Mbeki’s Encouraging
Announcement
Following
Mbeki’s comments back in December our initial sense of encouragement has been
replaced by a degree of scepticism as to the nature of Mugabe’s commitment to a process of dialogue.
To date, Mugabe and Zanu PF have taken no
steps that would indicate a commitment to entering into a process of formal
dialogue to end the country’s multi-faceted crisis. There have been no
approaches to the M
If Mugabe has given President Mbeki renewed undertakings that
he is prepared to begin negotiations then Mugabe
himself needs to formally announce, to the people of
The
M
Paul
Themba Nyathi
M
Anti Hijack Trust
A metallic silver Toyota Corolla,
very new looking, is plying the
Fitting tracking systems in your
vehicles should be a priority, we can give you the names of reputable
companies,or, register your vehicles with us, it will cost you Z$10 000 per car
per year, there is no guarantee you will get your car back but everything will
be done to find it. Email our office for details, hijack@mweb.co.zw
Our HOTLINE number for victims of
hijacking and attempted hijackings is 091 242 512, unfortunately we cannot deal
with every type of crime, but we remain focused on hijackings and house
robberies. We are, however, always ready to listen if you feel the need to
offload some of the stress, but please don't phone the Hotline for that, our
office number is 309870 mornings only, or cellphones, 091 221 921 / 011 404 301/
091 357 307 / 091 313 333.
"Hijack Update" will appear in the
Independent on the last Friday of each month, not each week, but will be double
the size, our thanks once again to Track-It and TM Supermarkets for this
sponsorship. We will make every effort to keep you informed weekly through this
mailing list of any new information. Some new sponsors have begun contributing
to the Trust but we still need more.
Only 1 company has asked to be
spared from further sponsorship this year, this is amazing and we thank all of
you so very much for helping us to continue.
With much
love
Mary van Heerden - Anti Hijack Trust.
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1/22/2004 7:09:58 AM (GMT +2)
THE
hyperinflationary environment, which saw annualised inflation
peaking at
619.5 percent in November, has forced most firms to revise
upwards,
directors’ borrowing powers as the need to maintain strategic
stocks has
become more and more vital to the viability of businesses.
However, alarm signals have recently been given on account of rising
interest
rates that have left firms with high gearing in the lurch.
Directors of sister companies Radar Holdings Limited (Radar) and
Border
Timbers Limited (Border) will early next month seek increased buying
powers
at extraordinary general meetings (EGMs) to be held on February 5
in
Harare.
Radar will seek shareholder approval to increase of
directors’
borrowing powers to a limit of $60 billion while Border will seek
a ceiling
of $40 billion.
"The increase in borrowing powers is
to maintain parity of borrowing
powers with the aggregate borrowing powers of
the company’s subsidiaries and
to make provision for the effects of
hyperinflation on the limits of your
company’s borrowing powers," the two
firms announced in identical
statements.
Meanwhile, engineering
and construction conglomerate Radar continues
on its aggressive share
repurchase trail.
Radar, which bought back 4 591 580 shares (8.29
percent of the issued
share capital) following an EGM held in August, will
once again seek
shareholder approval for a further repurchase of
shares.
Next month’s EGM will consider the approval of the
repurchase of 5 541
942 shares (10 percent of the issued share
capital).
This will see a total of 18.29 percent of the group’s
issued share
capital being wiped off the register within a
quarter.
Radar, with a total issued share capital of 55 419 420
shares, is one
of the more tightly held stocks on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange
(ZSE) and
these buy-backs will see the counter becoming even more
illiquid.
Radar, whose stock grew by a phenomenal 2 448 percent
last year to
close the year at $790, closed last week at $400.
FinGaz
Govt relocating illegal Gonarezhou settlers
Staff Reporter
1/22/2004 7:26:39 AM (GMT +2)
THE
government has finally started relocating families that had been
settled
illegally around the Gonarezhou national park to pave way for the
ambitious
Great Limpopo Transfro-ntier Park.
Environment and Tourism Minister
Francis Nhema confirmed that families
occupying the buffer zones of the park
were being resettled to avoid
interference with the multi-million dollar
tourism project.
Masvingo governor and resident minister, Josaya
Hungwe, who could not
be contacted for comment at the time of going to press,
is handling the
resettlement of the families.
"I am not sure
about how the issue is being handled because it is
being done by a committee
led by governor Hungwe. Certainly the families are
being moved away from the
buffer zones of the park," said Nhema.
Concern had been raised that
the area surrounding the park was unfit
for human settlement, as the
occupants and their crops were prone to attacks
by marauding
animals.
The park embraces South Africa’s Kruger National Park,
Mozambique’s
Limpopo National Park and Zimbabwe’s Gonarezhou National Park,
the Manjinji
Pan Sanctuary as well as the Malipati Safari Area.
The project, which has been on the drawing boards since November 2000,
was
concluded by the heads of state of the three participating countries
in
Mozambique last year.
Zimbabwe has struggled to make its
contribution into the project,
dubbed the world’s biggest park covering 35
000 square kilometres, due to
lack of funds.
Mozambique and
South Africa, the other partners in the project, have
announced massive
investments in recent weeks.
Mozambique last year got a R65 million
(about $55.3 billion on the
interbank rate) from the German Development Bank
for infrastructure
development, while another R65 million will soon be made
available for the
resettlement of people from the footprint of the Limpopo
national park.
The country’s demi-ning programme, within the
vicinity of the national
park, has also received R10 million ($8.5 billion)
from the donor community.
The South African government has
announced a R40 million ($34 billion)
fund for the building of infrastructure
in the eastern part of the Kruger
National Park.
Zimbabwe needs
to develop the 50 km corridor connecting Gonare-zhou
National Park to the
great park.
FinGaz
Money lenders must come under bank regulator’s
ambit
1/22/2004 7:38:54 AM (GMT +2)
ARE money
lenders a forgotten lot? How many registered money lenders
do we now have?
Are they also of no fixed abode? Is there any on-site and
off-site
supervision and surveillance or they operate on "auto-pilot"?
Money
lenders must come under bank regulator’s ambit
ARE money lenders a
forgotten lot? How many registered money lenders
do we now have? Are they
also of no fixed abode? Is there any on-site and
off-site supervision and
surveillance or they operate on "auto-pilot"?
I think they also
need to come under the ambit of the bank regulator
otherwise we have another
case of an " accident-in-waiting". It has been
noted with concern that some
of the registered money lenders are deposit
taking. They are also undertaking
a number of banking activities for which
they are not licensed to do. It is
the sincere hope of the writer that the
regulations governing the operations
of these institutions be revisited,
focusing on such issues as to who
administers the legislation. How many
registered moneylenders do we now have?
Physical location etc.
Basically it’s that information that is
readily available for most if
not all registered financial institutions. The
people who borrow from money
lenders as well as those who put their trust by
making deposits with money
lenders need protection from the state. Protection
in this regard refers to
protection from complete loss following the collapse
of a moneylender or
protection from unfair possession of collateral in the
event of a dispute
arising between the parties. Chimbadzo is sore and
normally people end up
borrowing from them when they HAVE
TO!
One of the instruments used to tighten monetary
policy is the deposit
ratio that has been increased by 10 percent for the
traditional
institutions, including the introduction of this policy to
other
institutions that have been traditionally exempted. While this is a
good
measure of addressing the inflation challenge, sight should not be lost
of
the fact that this remains an indirect tax to financial institutions
(FIs)
since such resources do not earn interest.
The
introduction of other institutions that were previously exempted,
such as
building societies, is a welcome move that would ensure resources
are
directed to core business such as financing the development of housing
and
property in general. In general, the measures are welcome as they level
the
playing field in the financial sector.
This is another
piece of good news brought by the governor in his
monetary policy statement.
Simplified, the auction market simply refers to
the means through which
buyers and sellers of forex are brought together in
order to facilitate the
smooth and orderly transfer of foreign currency.
What the governor
has done is total elimination of the risks
associated with trading forex on
the informal market, such as in dark
alleys, at Roadport etc; elimination of
the risk of buying fake money which
has been making rounds in the economy,
leaving honest forex seekers in tears
after they had been duped by forex
conmen.
The informal parallel market, black market as others would
prefer, has
been eliminated and what is now in place is a formal forex market
where
rules of the market will be clearly defined. This is a market that is
safer
than the "underground" one where people even risked losing all their
money.
The successful operation of the currency market will
therefore depend
on a number of factors, some of which are discussed below.
The Currency
Exchange Market should be:
a.. A market where
buyers and sellers can transact at a price
justified by market forces. Where
necessary, intervention by way of
regulating the market to avoid unscrupulous
traders would be necessary. This
will keep the market of traders or
speculators who can mop the entire market
with the hope of reselling at the
"sellers price"; or those who can mop the
entire market for purposes of
financing illicit trade such as drugs or as
part of any other white collar
crime.
a.. A market that provides members or participants
with timely and
accurate information on such indicators as volumes traded,
settlement price,
price of past transactions, bid and offer prices etc. The
ZSE has good best
practice to offer from which something similar could be
emulated or improved
on;
a.. A market that is fairly
liquid and continuous i.e. one without
large price changes between trades,
where a liquid market is defined as one
where forex could be bought or sold
quickly at a price that is close to
prices for previous
transactions;
a.. A market with reasonably low transaction
costs in relation to
the value of the trade e.g. brokerage costs, cost of
transferring the forex
etc;
a.. A market that responds and
adjusts quickly to new information,
especially that information which has
something to do with supply and
demand.
While the implementation
modalities are not very clear to many, it is
presumed that the Currency
Exchange Market will also pick best practice from
our local stock exchange,
which I think is rated high in the region and
elsewhere.
I see
similarities between the Currency Exchange and the stock
exchange with the
difference lying in the product on offer, albeit the
implementation
modalities are not necessarily going to be the same. Lest we
forget, the
mistakes that contributed to the closure of the Zimbabwe
Agricultural
Commodity Exchange (ZIMACE) should be taken as lessons not to
be repeated
otherwise an inefficient market only invites the undesired
policy reversal by
government.
The Monetary Policy Statement is being
applauded for a number of
factors, some of which include the
following:
a.. The positive steps taken of bringing discipline
into the
financial sector is applauded as the benefits are already filtering
down
into the economy through prices of money, forex, commodities etc. This
may
be too quick to say but the indications seem favourable so
far;
a.. There is partial liberalisation of the interest and
exchange
rates especially through the introduction of the currency exchange
market
where currency will be auctioned. We hope this will kill the black
foreign
currency market that has been thriving to the extent of threatening
the
viability of the real sector;
a.. The challenge of
controlling the "impossible trinity" of
interest rates, exchange rate and
inflation rates has been partially
attended to as there is now hope that
inflation will come down over time on
condition there will be no stop-go
policies or another policy reversal;
a.. There is evidence of
wide consultation. However, there may be
some who feel left out and such are
encouraged to stand up and have their
voices heard;
a..
Efforts to ensure a healthy and ethical financial sector
complement RBZ
efforts to achieve price stability and stable value of our
currency. The
governor is trying to bring DISCIPLINE into the financial
sector, so where
rules of the game are not observed, it is vital that the
regulator does his
job. All he needs is the support of every one.
As I
invite debate on issues arising from the Monetary Policy
Statement, I wish
the authorities would consider the following as the
implementation of policy
rolls out:
1. Complementarity between fiscal policy and monetary
policy is of
vital importance. At least monetary policy should not continue
to do
fire-fighting for fiscal policy;
2. Need for capacity
building within the department responsible for
bank supervision. The
supervisor should have capacity to assess unacceptable
levels of risk and
capacity to assess and compare state-of-the-art risk
management models used
in the banking sector;
3. A healthy economy depends on a healthy
financial system and the
banking system in turn depends on a healthy economy.
We should not forget
that even healthy banks can be pushed into a crisis by
macro-economic
instability;
4. The Reserve Bank should minimise
the moral hazard effect that
arises e.g. if bank management is aware that the
RBZ will bail them out
should the bank become insolvent, that bank management
may take additional
risk with the bank’s investment portfolio.
5. Need for extensive public disclosure of financial
institutions’
status;
6. RBZ to ensure that banks have
strengthened their internal
governance to address risk of losses from fraud
as well as strengthen
management controls in banking;
7. Is
there a default consensus that the RBZ is the bank regulator, as
in bank
supervisor? International best practice has evidenced the
establishment of an
autonomous body solely responsible for bank supervision.
Probably this area
needs national consultation and national consensus before
settling for a
default arrangement;
8. There is need to harmonise some policies in
both the banking and
non-banking sector. For instance, who supervises money
lenders and how many
are they by the way? I presume whistle-blowers have a
job to do here but am
not sure if they will be rewarded too, since a lot of
dirty work is taking
place in this sector that is now operating like a mini
bank;
9. Ensure prosecution of criminal behaviour and willingness
by the
authorities to take robust action including closure against offending
banks;
10. No information is given on how whistle-blowers would
communicate
their information. The sooner that information is made available
the better
because some of us are raring to blow the whistle! Information
required
includes physical location of the office, hotline? Payment
modalities etc
and more importantly, no risk of victimisation.
11. Deregulation of interest rates, if it goes unchecked in the
inter-bank
market, may lead to excessive increase in real interest rates,
which could
also lead to distress borrowing and inelastic demand for credit.
A hands-off
policy by the RBZ on inter-bank borrowing may precipitate a
crisis shortly
because of the risks that accompany that increase.
Institutions with large
exposure to long-term assets that are funded by
short term liabilities may be
adversely affected by excessively high
interest rates;
12. Loans
to directors, insiders, fraud, mismanagement, loans to
political interests
etc tend to cause a concentration of risk, banking
difficulties and banking
failures. Such practices should be kept under check
otherwise they do not
only bring down banks but can threaten the viability
of the entire
economy;
13. With increased freedom of entry into the financial
sector and
freedom to introduce new instruments, e.g. derivatives, options
etc, (that
again tend to go unregulated for a while until there is a crisis),
there is
a tendency that market players will take excessive risk, hence the
need for
prudential legislation and supervision. By the way, where is the
Securities
Bill? This has taken too much time and I hope it is for the good
of the
economy, otherwise, a lot is happening and since there is no
legislation to
prosecute imprudent behavior in the Money Market, Capital
Market and now the
Currency Exchange Market.
CONCLUSION
To conclude, it is vital to note that both the market
and the
authorities have a role to play in ensuring a sound banking
environment
through prudent policies e.g. some which specify limits on
credit,
liquidity, interest rates and foreign exchange risk. Everything
should not
be left entirely to the market especially where the market seems
to come up
with outrageous indicators e.g. 1000% interest rates in
inter-bank
borrowing. This can kill the consumer who gives life to the bank.
Remember,
where two elephants fight, it’s the grass that suffers. The
consumer is the
grass in this case and it should not be the case, hence the
call for
consumer protection. Policymakers and bank supervisors should
continue to
pick best practice from banking sectors in other countries.
Borrowing the
Zambian idea of auctioning currency is one such good example.
We should not
try to re-invent the wheel unless it is really
necessary.
FinGaz
Is the Zimbabwean economy overbanked?
Hama
Saburi
1/22/2004 7:51:33 AM (GMT +2)
THE frenzy that
marked the entry of wholly-owned Zimbabwean banks has
evaporated in a wave of
panic — re-opening debate on whether the shrinking
southern African economy
had the capacity to accommodate most of the new
players when it embraced
western-backed market reforms in 1991.
Up until recently, the
banking sector had masked its fundamental
weaknesses under cosmetic
super-profits that made it a curious success story
in sharp contrast to the
performance of other sectors fast collapsing into
recessionary
heaps.
The cover was blown recently when the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe (RBZ),
in its new monetary policy, closed all the avenues that had
become conduits
for speculative and non-productive illegal
deals.
Experts said the profit margins within the banking industry
have come
off significantly because of the new monetary policy against the
backdrop of
high operational costs.
While there is money to be
made from the new foreign currency auction
system, which started on January
12, 2004, margins have taken a big knock
compared to what banks were creaming
on the illegal parallel market.
The lending book that was funding
speculative deals has lost its
sparkle after being redirected to the
productive sector at 30 percent
interest. Again, the margins have come
off.
"Profitability has suffered in a very big way and the only way
to stay
in banking is through cost curtailment, mergers and retrenchments,"
said a
local banker who declined to be named.
Players within the
banking industry hinted this week that not much
justice had been done about
the issue of the local market’s capacity to take
on board new players after
the subject was first brought up in the local
media in the late
1990s.
Then, it was almost certain that the sector was getting
over-banked,
dramatised by the collapse of the late Roger Boka’s United
Merchant Bank
(UMB) in 1998 after fraudulently faking Cold Storage Commission
bills.
The UMB fiasco almost swallowed Minister Francis Nhema’s
Zimbabwe
Building Society (ZBS), which was badly exposed to the merchant
bank. The
RBZ came to ZBS’ rescue with a Z$300 million package.
Even after the near-collapse of the Universal Merchant Bank,
Genesis
Investment Bank and First National Building Society (FNBS), bankers
were
still adamant that these were isolated incidences which were
management
related.
The key thing, they argued, was the need for
newcomers to focus on
specific niche markets; hence applications for new
banking licences
continued to flood the offices of the registrar of
banks.
Farai Dyirakumunda, a local analyst, said the sector had
become
over-banked to a "certain extent".
Dyirakumunda said:
"People expected the new banks to get into niche
markets, but they all came
up with the same banking models. I don’t see a
situation where all these
banks will survive. One or two banks may close,
but some may go for
mergers."
Indeed, most new banks went for the mass market at the
time of entry
only to somersault towards high net-worth individuals, citing
high
transaction costs of maintaining small accounts.
"I suppose
that going forward, there is still scope for new entries,
but in my opinion,
it would be for totally innovative banking models," he
said.
Seventeen commercial banks with a total asset base of Z$2.9 trillion
as at
September 2003 operate in Zimbabwe, up from four in 1980. This
bank
population is almost neck-on-neck with South Africa, the giant
continental
economy, which boast of 19 banks and six foreign-owned
banks.
Only a few multi-national banks such as Standard Chartered
Bank,
Barclays Bank and Stanbic Bank previously dominated the banking
sector.
But in the last few years, a number of new players came on
stream
which include Trust Bank, First Bank, Metropolitan Bank, Time Bank,
Kingdom
Bank, NMB Bank, Agricultural Bank of Zimbabwe, Century Bank, Barbican
Bank,
among others.
This has been facilitated by the
liberalisation of the financial
sector in 1991, which did away with
restrictive regulations that had
previously kept most young entrepreneurs out
of the lucrative sector.
Zimbabwe, with a population of at least 13
million people, has six
merchant banks, five finance houses, nine discount
houses and five building
societies including FNBS, which is currently under
curatorship.
Economic consultant, Samuel Undenge, said the star
attraction for most
banks that opened shop after 1991 were the super profits
raked in from
speculative transactions.
"It’s not an issue of
over-banking, but unethical practice where the
attraction was speculation,
which was not being checked by regulation.
"If there were tight
regulations, some people would not have set up
banks and asset management
companies," said Undenge.
Since the release of the new monetary
policy on December 18 2003, four
asset management companies including ENG
Capital Asset Management have
closed down.
A subsidiary of ENG,
Century Discount House, has also been forced to
close shop, while commercial
banks namely Century Bank and Trust Bank have
been rescued by the central
bank through liquidity support.
Analysts told The Financial Gazette
this week that the first major
wave of consolidations was about to begin,
with surviving banks being forced
to reassess their fundamental strategies
amid the weight of competition,
deregulation and globalisation.
There is, however, concern as to whether mergers can salvage the banks
that
are on the verge of collapse and whether something can be done to
maintain
cross-border investments made so far.
Undenge said mergers would
not be unique to Zimbabwe. The slowdown in
profitability and the new capital
requirement of Z$10 billion by September
2004 make mergers even more
compelling.
Asked about the possibility of the RBZ issuing new bank
licences,
Undenge said: "As of now, the major task is to clean up the sector
and once
that is completed, we may see the creation of other banks."
FinGaz
Is Chiyangwa’s world collapsing around him?
Dumisani Ndlela
1/22/2004 7:54:02 AM (GMT +2)
IT didn’t
appear like there was trouble lurking when Philip Chiyangwa
went to court as
a witness in the trial of two ENG Capital Asset Management
directors Nyasha
Watyoka and Gilbert Muponda.
Flamboyant as usual, the man had
walked into court dressed as if for
an executive appointment — a designer
suit over a chequered shirt and a
maroon tie. The total cost, minus, of
course, the multi-million dollar
leather bag perched on the witness’ podium,
would be enough to sustain a
suburban family of six for a whole month or
more. But that was not the
problem.
A threat made to a police
officer investigating the two youthful ENG
directors during the court session
is what landed the self-proclaimed black
economic empowerment guru and ZANU
PF chairman for Mashonaland West in a
spot of bother that has since evolved
into an outright ordeal.
Chiyangwa is also being accused of
interfering with police
investigations by initially refusing to release the
three ENG vehicles
recovered at his home.
It simply gets
curious: after Chiyangwa had been ordered to withdraw
the threats, he
insisted: "I will deal with him later."
The question is: where does
it get curious?
Some legal minds feel the magistrate could have
dealt with Chiyangwa
in the same court session if he held him to be in
contempt of court for
refusing to withdraw his threats against the
investigating police officer.
He did not.
Then the drama begins:
two days later, Chiyangwa is arrested by police
for defeating or obstructing
the course of justice.
It should have come as a big shock to
Chiyangwa.
What had suddenly changed in the police attitude towards
the
self-appointed black economic empowerment activist that would prompt
the
arrest? Hadn’t a Harare magistrate, Wilbert Mandinde, exactly a year
ago,
ordered police to take action against Chiyangwa after "providing
wrong
information and failing to produce insurance papers for his car" after
he
had rammed into fellow businessman Philip Baki Mutasa’s car and they
had
not?
Other legal minds feel that there was reasonable
suspicion that
Chiyangwa, who is also the Member of Parliament for Chinhoyi,
had committed
an offence and it would not have been appropriate for the
police to turn him
in without going through their normal
procedures.
But political pundits fear there is a much bigger
political game
behind Chiyangwa’s arrest.
"It’s political winds
that have changed not the laws," one critic who
has been following the case
closely remarked.
A day before his arrest, Acting President Joseph
Msika had sounded the
alarm bells over Chiyangwa’s imminent
humiliation.
"It doesn’t matter whether you are up there
(politically), I will show
you that I have more political muscle than you,"
Msika said in a veiled
threat to Chiyangwa just before his
arrest.
Now the real war has begun in the party, long reported to
be ravaged
by factionalism. Chiyangwa’s defence lawyers charged during his
remand
hearing that his arrest was the work of their client’s political foes
within
the party.
Chiyangwa had long been held as being
disrespectful to Msika, a member
of the former PF ZAPU led by the late Joshua
Nkomo. During the party’s
national conference in December last year, a
contentious document had been
circulated among party faithfuls alleging that
Msika was a sell-out who
dined and wined with white farmers.
The
controversial legislator was linked to the aberrant document,
which contained
allegations considered taboo in the "revolutionary party"
which accused the
privileged white land owners of being intent on derailing
the Third
Chimurenga — the name given to the controversial last round of
land
acquisitions.
Msika promised to deal with his detractors after the
conference,
accusing them of outright lies. But even so, soon after
Chiyangwa’s arrest,
President Robert Mugabe reinforced his oft stated, but
largely undelivered
commitment to deal with corruption, warning businessmen
that those who
misbehaved would face the full wrath of the law.
This served to emphasise, according to some analysts, that it was not
Msika’s
war; it was a war against corruption with President Mugabe’s
full
support.
For President Mugabe, analysts say, this has been
the opportune moment
for him to absolve his party of its tainted image of
graft in the top
echelons. And what better target than Chiyangwa, if he wants
to be perceived
as serious?
The Mashonaland West Province, from
where President Mugabe hails and
over which Chiyangwa presides as the ruling
party’s chairman, had become
increasingly annoyed by the continued detention
of the maverick businessman.
"As provincial supporters, we perceive
Chiyangwa not as (Msika and
Mugabe’s) person, but our pillar of hope within
ZANU PF structures," Listen
Guvero from Mashona-land West Province told The
Financial Gazette.
"Chiyangwa is a big man in the province and commands lots
of support here."
Indeed ZANU PF bigwigs in the province back
Chiyangwa, and have been
wondering what has befallen them.
One
of them told The Financial Gazette that serious problems might
ensue in the
province if Chiyangwa is made to suffer more than he has so
far.
But the question is: who is Chiyangwa to hold so much influence in
the
province that boasts of such political luminaries like Nathan
Shamuyarira,
Webster Shamu and President Mugabe himself, among
others?
What would cause President Mugabe to remain aloof in this
issue when
his nephew and sister, Leo and Sabina Mugabe, have shown so much
concern
over the detention of Chiyangwa?
Chiyangwa’s entry into
ZANU PF has itself been curious. Several
attempts by the tycoon to get into
the party’s structures had been spurned.
At one time, he wanted to contest
for the party chairmanship but his bid was
constantly shot down.
Chiyangwa shot to prominence in the 1980s when he started promoting
local
boxers, at one time flying the late Proud "Kilimanjaro" Chinembiri to
London
for a bout with the now undisputed world heavyweight champion, Lennox
Lewis.
The bout did not take place.
Later on, he brought into the country
a group of international
wrestlers from the hugely popular World Wrestling
Federation (WWF) for a
show that turned out to be a big flop. Then he went
into beauty pageantry
and horse racing, again failing to reach any notable
heights.
Because of these failures, Chiyangwa became known among
his peers as
Fiasco.
But his zeal to make good bucks remained
undiminished by his failures
and, in 1992, he brought into the country rhumba
artist, Kanda Bongo Man.
The show was a big success and marked a turning
point in his fortunes.
He then bought a number of companies that
had been threatened with
liquidation, which he has now turned around into
profitable ventures.
These companies — Midiron Enterprises (Pvt)
Ltd, Crittall Hope (Pvt)
Ltd and Delward Engineering (Pvt) Ltd — fall under
Chiyangwa’s business
empire, Native Investments Africa Group.
He
is seeking to reverse his interests in the group’s companies into
Zimbabwe
Stock Exchange (ZSE)-listed counters.
But it has been his role as a
self-proclaimed black economic
empowerment activist that has ruffled feathers
and finally propelled him
into the world of flamboyance and showy opulence
associated with the African
nouveu riche.
In 1994, Chiyangwa and
a group of other black businessmen formed the
Affirmative Action Group (AAG)
to magnify and champion a campaign for the
localisation of ownership in
foreign owned companies.
The group — or rather Chiyangwa — became a
vocal proponent of the
indigenisation campaign, overtaking another grouping —
the Indigenous
Business Development Centre. With an unfamiliar brand of
activism, he
wreaked havoc in the business sector, and often stopped
court-sanctioned
auctions in which black business people’s properties were to
come under the
hammer for loan defaults.
Ironically, it was his
role as a founder president of the AAG that
became his bane when police
eventually fingered him in connection with the
unfolding ENG Capital Asset
Management case.
The ENG directors, who are facing allegations of
defrauding investors
of close to $61 billion, had apparently gone to
Chiyangwa to seek help
because he was a known black empowerment activist,
Chiyangwa said during
their trial.
He had not interfered with
police investigations into the case, he
said.
But police nabbed
him soon afterwards, alleging he had interfered
with
investigations.
After receiving a High Court judgment for
his release, police refused
to budge, instead preferring more charges against
Chiyangwa: perjury and
contempt of court.
At a remand hearing
that followed, a magistrate refused to grant
Chiyangwa bail, saying the state
had a strong case in arguing that he would
interfere with investigations if
released.
Chiyangwa’s lawyers made a High Court appeal the
following day and the
businessman was granted bail.
But the
state said it would appeal.
Effectively, this set aside the High
Court judgment that granted him
bail.
Even though he finally
secured his freedom this week after a Supreme
Court confirmation of the High
Court judgment, for once, Chiyangwa was
condemned to a life of misery in a
dirty remand prison, away from his posh,
breath-taking double-storey,
18-bedroomed mansion in which he has lived a
life many can only watch in
Hollywood movies.
FinGaz
RBZ issues alert over increasing bank frauds
Staff Reporter
1/22/2004 7:58:21 AM (GMT +2)
THE Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) has issued an alert over increasing
fraud cases
involving banks, saying the trend was symptomatic of the
inadequacy of some
financial institutions’ internal controls.
"The regulatory and
supervisory authorities have noted with concern
the growing number and
frequency of reported cases of bank frauds involving
very large amounts of
money.
"In the majority of cases, insiders, or the banks’ own staff
have been
involved in the actual perpetration of these crimes, in some cases
as
syndicates within individual institutions and, in other cases,
involving
their other connections in other banks," the central bank said in
a
statement.
This comes in the wake of two high profile fraud
cases involving two
commercial banks, Trust and First Bank, which lost $7.7
billion and $1
billion, respectively.
The Anti-Money Laundering
Guidelines issued by the RBZ in 2002
highlighted the need for banks to
maintain adequate information systems,
internal and accounting controls and
procedures, which are statutory
responsibilities.
The alert
released by the central bank is part of ongoing efforts to
rebuild confidence
in the banking sector, which has come under attack
because of the cash
crisis, the liquidity crunch and fraud cases.
"Banks should provide
for adequate checks and balances to mitigate
against frauds, forgeries, all
forms of defalcations, self dealings, cases
of conflict of
interest.
"It is clear that all these control aspects are part of
an institution
’s sound risk management and good corporate governance
standards, whose
importance in the banking industry cannot be
over-emphasised.
"The management and control of risk is central to
success in the
business of banking."
The central bank, which
recently set up a Troubled Bank Fund (TBF) to
bail out troubled banks and
ring-fence any systemic risk that might arise
from any potential failure, has
emphasised that sound corporate governance
was an indispensable condition for
any such aid package.
The RBZ has recently instigated management
changes at Trust, which had
become the country’s biggest bank by virtue of
its asset base of $800
billion while shareholder changes are reported to be
in the offing at
Century Holdings.
Both banking hou-ses have
been given liquidity support by the RBZ in
recent weeks.
FinGaz
$600 million vehicles for Makwavarara, Chideya
Staff Reporter
1/22/2004 7:48:05 AM (GMT +2)
THE political
war at the Harare City Council has caught up with Town
Clerk, Nomutsa
Chideya, and the Acting Executive Mayor, Seke-sai
Makwavarara, who
councillors allege procured personal-issue vehicles valued
at over $600
million, leaving the cash-strapped council in the lurch, The
Financial
Gazette established this week.
But Chideya yesterday dismissed the
allegations, saying "it was a
matter of different strokes for different
folks".
Councillors allege that the purchase of the vehicles was
done without
council approval, after the executive committee on December 15,
2003 and a
full council meeting the following day had already spurned
it.
However, Chideya yesterday showed The Financial Gazette minutes
of an
executive committee meeting of January 6, 2004, which granted him the
right
to buy a new car, with his current Madza B2500 twin-cab truck
being
converted into a courtesy vehicle for council.
"The
council budget had, in fact, already given provision for the
purchase of the
cars.
"We had an untenable situation whereby the Town Clerk was
driving a
Mazda B2500 when his juniors were driving Wolves," Chideya
said.
He said Makwava-rara’s car had been bought out of a
realisation that
she had been using vehicles of staff on
suspension.
The only car that had been available for her was a
Mazda 626, yet she
was entitled to a Mercedes Benz.
He said the
whole issue was degenerating into a political war.
According to
council policy, the Town Clerk is entitled to a new car
after his current
vehicle, just about three years old, has been used for
five years, a council
member said.
He is given the right of first refusal to buy the car
at book value
from the council after the period.
Sources said
Chideya no longer wanted his current vehicle, a Mazda
twin-cab truck, because
it is similar to those driven by some departmental
heads in the council who
happen to be his juniors.
As a result, he had proceeded to purchase
a modern, sleek Prado from
Croco Motors for a whopping $400 million while the
the Acting Mayor had
bought herself a Raider Twin-Cab for $230 million, again
from Croco Motors.
The Acting Mayor’s vehicle was also bought
without council approval,
they said.
The two are driving the
vehicles without registration numbers and
sources close to the administration
said treasury was failing to raise the
$630 million required by Croco Motors
for the cars.
"Full council has not considered the purchases but
this has not
stopped the two from procuring the vehicles.
"Croco
Motors have released the vehicles even before payment," a
source told The
Financial Gazette.
The council is battling funding
problems, which have resulted in its
failure to acquire spare parts and water
treatment chemicals.
FinGaz
Zanu PF desperate for urban voters
Cyril
Zenda
1/22/2004 7:52:29 AM (GMT +2)
THE ruling ZANU PF
party, clutching the straws for its political
survival amid waning fortunes,
kicked off its campaign for the crucial 2005
parliamentary elections — a
"must win" for the once revolutionary party
blamed for the economic melt-down
that has seen a significant proportion of
the citizenry living below the
poverty datum line.
Political analysts said it is clear from the
actions and activities of
ZANU PF that the party, which has been in existence
for over four decades,
is preparing for a make or break election that may
come anytime within the
next 18 months. ZANU PF will have to win with at
least a two-thirds majority
to consolidate its current precarious hold on
power.
At the weekend, ZANU PF, balancing on a political
knife-edge, held its
annual National Youth Assembly in Harare with a
particular focus on the
forthcoming general elections. The youth meeting also
coincided with a party
campaign rally in Glen Norah high-density suburb,
where party stalwarts
announced the party’s desire to re-capture the urban
constituencies lost to
the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in
2000.
In the 2000 parliamentary election, the opposition MDC, then
barely a
year old, grabbed a surprise 57 mainly urban constituencies out of
the
country’s 120 contestable seats to deny ZANU PF which, alongside the
late
Joshua Nkomo’ PF-ZAPU, were the leading liberation movements, a
comfortable
majority. One seat, the Chipinge South constituency, went to
minority ZANU,
which has controlled it since independence in
1980.
"The ruling party is already in an election gear and
everything it is
doing, is doing so with its eyes set on 2005," said
University of Zimbabwe
(UZ) political science lecturer, Eldred Masunungure.
"It could be more than
18 months ahead, but ZANU PF is already showing that
it is determined to get
a two-thirds majority so it is doing everything it
can to achieve this."
Joseph Kurebwa, another UZ political science
lecturer, said there
might be a limited swing in one way or the other
depending on the situation
obtaining when the elections are held and what the
political parties may do.
"I don’t think ZANU PF has better chances
of re-gaining lost ground .
. . same as the opposition," Kurebwa said. "We
may end up with the same
situation as the one in 2000."
Kurebwa
said no major changes would emerge from the poll unless the
Delimitation
Commission, the body responsible for drawing up electoral
boundaries,
substantially changes some constituencies to merge parts of
urban and rural
areas.
In the June 2000 elections, ZANU PF, while dangling the land
carrot,
won most of the rural seats but performed dismally in urban areas
where the
electorate was worried more about the worsening economic situation
and
growing poverty than anything else.
"The economy is one of
the biggest challenges to the ruling party and
it has realised this and that
is why it is now trying to clean up the mess
18 months before the election,"
Kurebwa said.
Lovemore Madhuku, chairman of the National
Constitutional Assembly and
also a law lecturer at the UZ, said ZANU PF may
win the election, but would
find it difficult to penetrate the opposition’s
urban stronghold.
"Under the current electoral framework, ZANU PF
will win elections,
but not in Harare, Bulawayo and other urban centres,"
Madhuku said. "It will
get a two-thirds majority, not because it has regained
popularity, but
because of the undue advantage it gets from the current
electoral
framework."
Madhuku said there are about 35 urban
constituencies where ZANU PF
cannot defeat the MDC, but it can get all the
other seats "in one way or the
other", referring to some tactics that the
ruling party has been accused of
employing to win elections
before.
Past elections have been marred by untold political
violence and
electoral fraud, largely blamed by both local and international
observers on
the ruling party.
These include the 2002
presidential election won by President Robert
Mugabe, which MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai is now challenging in the High
Court.
ZANU PF has won
nine out of the 12 parliamentary by-elections held
since 2000 to increase its
seats in Parliament from 62 to 66 and observers
cited violence and widespread
voter apathy as the main factors contributing
to the results.
More than a dozen ZANU PF legislators have had their elections
nullified by
the High Court mainly on the grounds of the violence that
characterised the
2000 polls but are still sitting in Parliament on the
legal technicality that
they are appealing against the rulings in the
Supreme Court.
Analysts said after using the land issue to get the rural vote into
its
pocket, ZANU PF was now using the anti-corruption trump card to try and
lure
the urban vote, but by and large, it will continue using its
traditional
tactics to remain in power.
"Election violence, harassment and
intimidation are now part of the
standard tools in ZANU PF’s election armoury
and it will not hesitate to use
them since they have proved to be effective
in the past," Masunungure said.
"I don’t see it (ZANU PF) making any
(electoral) changes that are likely to
level the playing field."
The opposition could lose more ground, especially now since it has
been
thrown into near-oblivion with last September’s closure of The Daily
News,
the country’s only independent daily that devoted most of its energies
to
covering the opposition.
"I don’t see The Daily News coming back on
the scene before 2005 and
this could cause considerable erosion on opposition
support," Masunungure
said.
FinGaz
Mbeki’s credibility as peace broker at stake
Brian Mangwende
1/22/2004 7:53:11 AM (GMT +2)
THABO Mbeki,
widely seen as having both economic and diplomatic clout
to bring about an
end to Zimbabwe’s debilitating political crisis, may rue
the June 2004
deadline he set for the resumption of talks between country’s
feuding
political parties amid growing concern that any slight miss could
render the
South African president an ineffective broker.
With the June 2004
deadline drawing close, there is nothing at the
moment to suggest that
relations between the ruling ZANU PF and the
opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) are thawing, casting doubt
over Mbeki’s pledge to
bring the two parties back to the negotiating table.
In fact, ZANU
PF has juggled with issues on the public agenda at a
faster pace than the
South African leader has ever imagined.
Smarting from the disputed
2002 presidential ballot, the ruling party
has diverted public attention from
economic mismanagement, blamed on its 23
years in power, first by tackling
the emotive land issue ostensibly meant to
resettle landless peasants and
then of late the cracking down on corruption
in both the public and private
sectors.
Political analysts said the resumption of talks may be
relegated to
the peripherals, something the South African leader has
realised, but cannot
do much about it.
Mbeki, who has been
labelled a "dishonest broker," within the MDC
circles, risks losing the
respect of other world leaders who had put so much
faith in him hoping that
the veteran politician would use South Africa’s
superior economic muscle to
whip President Robert Mugabe into line.
It however, remains to be
seen whether Mbeki would succeed where
Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria has
almost given up.
Mbeki, at the centre of the delicate arbitrage for
the past couple of
years, has been attacked by the international community
and the clergy in
South Africa on his stance of "quiet diplomacy," which is
widely seen as the
main obstacle to political change in
Zimbabwe.
The United States of America tasked Mbeki last year to
play a leading
role in redressing the volatile political situation in
Zimbabwe. The USA,
which is the world’s only remaining super power, has not
made it a secret
that it wants a regime change in the southern African
country.
Mbeki has since promised the world that Zimbabwe’s two
main political
parties would have returned to the negotiating table by June
this year.
Talks between ZANU PF and the MDC collapsed about three
years ago
after the two parties failed to agree on the agenda.
President Mugabe and the MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai have agreed to
mutual
talks, but the 79-year-old Zimbabwean leader has demanded that the
opposition
party should first recognise him as the legitimate President.
Tsvangirai has vehemently refused to recognise President Mugabe,
saying he
stole the March 2002 presidential election and has pressed ahead
with the
election petition challenging his legitimacy in the High Court.
On
the other hand, the state has taken Tsvangirai to the same court
on
allegations of plotting to assassinate President Mugabe in the run-up to
the
2002 presidential poll.
"The President set the deadline for
himself and it stands. But really
at the end of the day, it’s the events in
Zimbabwe between the two political
parties that will determine whether that
deadline would be met or not.
"We still have five months to go,
let’s wait and see what happens, but
the President’s deadline stands. He
(Mbeki) believes there would be progress
in Zimbabwe. The President and
President Mugabe have already said in public
that there are informal talks
already taking place," said Mbeki’s spokesman,
Beki Khumalo.
Political commentator, Heneri Dzinotyiwei, argued that Mbeki’s
strategy had
gone off track in that people who were initially anxious to see
the
resumption of dialogue had since lost hope.
He said people had
already given up on any prospects of negotiations
anytime soon or before next
year’s parliamentary elections.
"Both parties are now focusing on
reconciling their power bases at the
expense of national interests. So many
things are taking place in the world
and Zimbabweans are just being bypassed.
But the opposition has more to lose
if there are no talks and ZANU PF knows
that," said Dzinotyiwei.
Constitutional law expert and chairman of
the National Constitutional
Assembly, Lovemore Madhuku, said efforts to crack
down on corruption by the
government were also meant to buy time as ZANU PF
prepares for the 2005
parliamentary elections.
"ZANU PF is not
interested in talks," Madhuku said. "They have been
using the talks language
to buy time. All they are interested in is
consolidating power. The whole
monetary policy issue is also merely a
political gimmick.
"They
want to create an impression that we are now heading towards
economic
recovery ahead on next year’s parliamentary elections. They want
the Reserve
Bank governor’s monetary policy to succeed by all means and are
willing to
sacrifice their own. They will not talk," said Madhuku.
Since the
unveiling of the new monetary policy last month, the
government has been on a
massive crackdown on corruption.
"Once ZANU PF has realised that it
can remain in power without talking
to the MDC, then forget the talks.
Mbeki’s June deadline means nothing. It’s
not achievable neither is it
feasible. In fact, ZANU PF believes that
talking to the MDC would be a
weakness," Madhuku said.
The MDC national spokesperson, Paul Themba
Nyathi, confirmed this week
that ZANU PF had not been forthcoming on the
talks.
"We have submitted our position to the clergy who are
playing a
mediating role," Nyathi said. "We can’t continue seeing our country
being
destroyed. Anything can be done before or after June. Anything is
possible.
There is no substantial timetable for dialogue. We have already put
together
a team to negotiate and we stand ready, but ZANU PF has so many
internal
problems within its ranks which are stalling talks. We understand
why it is
not easy for them to dialogue, especially for a party that has been
in power
for the past 23 years. It would be difficult just to relinquish
power like
that."
He added: "We have a frame work for the talks
and if ZANU PF wants to
add to it they are more than free to do so. However,
our position for the
negotiations stand. We as Zimbabweans have the
responsibility to solve our
problems so that history can judge us correctly.
Mbeki just mentioned June
as a benchmark, nothing else."
FinGaz
The pendulum has swung . . . again
Nelson
Banya
1/22/2004 7:55:51 AM (GMT +2)
EQUITIES are once
again in vogue following a massive reversal of
fortunes on the money market
that saw rates coming off in the just-ended
week.
The Zimbabwe
Stock Exchange’s benchmark industrial index recorded a
63.98 percent surge in
the past week, as the money market finally met its
waterloo in the latest
development to take place in the country’s volatile
markets.
The
index, which closed last week at 320 449.9 points, put on 205
046.96 points
(63.98 percent) to close at 525 496.86 points yesterday.
Although
financial stocks have remained largely subdued as the market
closely watches
developments on that front, the slide has largely been
stemmed by marginal
gains in ABCH (up $10 to $260 in the week), Barbican ($3
to $40), Barclays
($29 to $50), CBZ ($8 to $25), First Bank ($3 to $12),
Kingdom ($24 to $50)
and NMB ($32 to $70).
Finhold, which has bucked the trend
throughout the financial sector
crisis, continued on its solid path, putting
on $345 to close the week at
$700. However, heavyweight counters Meikles, Old
Mutual, National Foods and
Tanganda drove the recovery, gaining $2 200 (to $4
500), $2 500 (to $4 900),
$410 (to $1 300) and $600 (to $1300),
respectively.
Investment rates, which have been in steady decline
in the past two
weeks, finally nose-dived this week, with overnight
accommodation rates
being quoted at around 100 percent, while call money was
attracting rates
around 60 percent.
The 90-day deposit rates
were oscillating around 80 percent.
Dealers said the return of
liquidity, which has seen daily excesses of
about $600 billion during the
week, had sent the rates plummeting, with only
those financial institutions
with unresolved liquidity problems attracting
higher rates, up to about 300
percent.
Liquidity has returned to the market, largely due to
injections by the
central bank, coupled with the offloading of speculative
foreign currency
positions, mainly by financial institutions whose operations
have come under
greater scrutiny in recent weeks.
The softening
of rates on the money market has turned out to be a boon
for the ZSE, which
had been stuck in the doldrums since the last quarter of
2003.
Analysts say the market was likely to run, as the inverse
relationship
between asset prices and interest rates asserts
itself.
Mike Tippett of Kingdom Stockbrokers reckons the recovery
of the ZSE
will continue to be driven by quality stocks, especially those
with an
export orientation.
"In the medium term, we believe that
exporters will benefit from the
market driven rate realisable on export
earnings through the auction
mechanism.
"Although these auctions
have started at levels considerably below
parallel market rates prior to the
release of the monetary policy statement,
this reflects a temporary
supply-side bubble as speculative forex positions
are offloaded," Tippett
said.
Monday’s forex auction saw the local currency recording gains
against
the United States dollar, with the weighted average rates being $3
832.41 to
the greenback.
The derived local currency rate against
the British pound was,
therefore, $6 778.74 per unit and $522.22 to the South
African rand.
The auction rate for the Botswana pula was $1 079.54.
The euro fetched
$4 683 on the auction.
Analysts said this week
that the direction of the rates would become
clearer as the volumes of bids
grew in the coming weeks with greater
participation and, consequently,
demand.
To date, the auctions, which debuted on January 12, have
recorded 171
as the highest number of bids.
FinGaz
In-fighting looms as Sibanda guns for top
post
1/22/2004 7:49:31 AM (GMT +2)
BULAWAYO —
Zimbabwe National War Veterans Association (ZNWVA) leader
and former ZANU PF
provincial chairman for Bulawayo, Jabulani Sibanda, has
set his sights on
reclaiming the provincial chairmanship where he had an
inglorious exit after
being booted out last year.
Buoyed by his election as the ZNWVA
boss in December last year,
Sibanda has since announced his intention to
fight for the top ZANU PF
provincial post in the country’s second largest
city, a development that
could once again re-ignite infighting within the
ruling party. "I will be
taking part in the elections for a new provincial
executive," Sibanda said.
"There is nothing that can stop me. Those
who have a problem with my
contesting the elections for a new executive, it
is their problem. It will
be wrong for anyone to try and bar me from
contesting and reclaiming my
post," said the former bodyguard of the late
Vice President Joshua Nkomo.
Sibanda was unceremoniously booted out
from the ruling ZANU PF and
from the local ZNWVA chapter over allegations of
graft and gross
insubordination.
Investigations by The Financial
Gazette revealed that Sibanda remained
expelled from ZANU PF, as the
Politburo, the ruling party’s supreme
decision-making body, is yet to receive
his appeal against dismissal. A new
executive for both Bulawayo and Harare
provinces is expected to be put in
place before December this year when ZANU
PF holds its congress, held after
every five years.
— Staff
Reporter
FinGaz
Comment
Call companies to account
1/22/2004 7:37:20 AM (GMT +2)
INVESTMENT advisors have for a long
time now always had financial
counters, the hitherto remaining seaworthy
vessel for equity investors, as
their key picks among blue chips and
mid-caps. But in a cruel twist of fate,
the glitter has just vanished and the
financials are no longer in vogue.
Although the stock market has
broadly been in a manic-depressive mood,
it is mostly the financial counters
that have grabbed investor attention for
the wrong reasons and hence have
come off in a big way. And the Zimbabwe
Stock Exchange (ZSE) has since been
forced to suspend three financial
counters until they issue cautionary
statements clarifying certain pertinent
issues in the face of the unfolding
financial sector crisis.
This should be applauded as it could help
put an end to the counters’
savage two-week slump and protect shareholders
who today look at the
financial stocks, the real-turned-fool’s gold, with a
mixture of disgust and
despair following their breathtaking losses. The
counters’ terrifyingly
swift retreat was understandable after the financial
sector hit stormy
waters. We have said it before that there is always this
dark side to
runaway stock prices because as the market overheats, it becomes
less
tolerant to the slightest whiff of bad news.
Although it
could be too early to say whether the financials will
overcome the three-week
wobble, whipsawed investors, who must surely be
feeling that investing in
shares is more like shooting craps, should have
been told the extent to which
the all-embracing malady in the financial
sector impacted on these companies’
operations.
The mind boggles therefore as to why the concerned
entities had to be
forced by way of suspension to issue cautionary
statements. Is this not one
of the basic requirements of the ZSE? These
companies should know that the
only expectations they should live up to are
shareholders’. They have
fiduciary obligations to the shareholders. Nothing
less.
It is the right of shareholders to demand full disclosure on
such
issues and they must get it. They should not be deprived of this
pertinent
information because remaining mum, as did the three, is somewhat
misleading
to the shareholders. Good judgment should, therefore, have led the
three
companies, which as it has turned out, were right at the scene of
this
financial accident, to issue cautionary statements.
It is
this height of arrogance and total disregard for the bourse’s
requirements by
the option-rich company executives which, if we might add,
has added strain
to corporate credibility, that underline the need for a
radical shareholder
agenda through the judiciary system and an overhaul of
the ZSE’s listing
requirements to give the stock market more teeth.
It goes without
saying that, although generally speaking most
investors are risk-averse, risk
is, however, an avoidable consequence of
investing in equities. Investing in
shares entails all the advantages and
disadvantages of ownership especially
insofar as both common stock owners
and preferred stockholders are concerned.
It is a relatively risky
investment because the investors could lose money if
the companies in which
they hold shares do not do well or even go
bankrupt.
This is why it is imperative that shareholders are kept
abreast of
events that might have a material effect on their investments.
Anything less
is unacceptable.
FinGaz
Survive together — or die alone
1/22/2004
7:39:58 AM (GMT +2)
FRIENDS of mine are rushing off to the rural
areas to secure for
themselves plots of land where to grow crops to stave off
hunger and
starvation. These are professional media workers retrenched for
political
reasons or made redundant when their publications folded up in our
shrinking
economy.
They hardly expect to become rich. They
merely hope to survive and be
able to feed their families.
Some
have tried their luck in South Africa or Botswana and come back
disillusioned
and poorer than they went. Others still dream of making big
money overseas,
queueing at foreign embassies for ever more expensive visas
and trying to
overcome increasingly higher bureaucratic hurdles.
You phone a
friend and say: "See you next week". By next week he is
gone. There is
enormous social disruption. People use you as long as they
think that your
"influence" can help them, and walk away when your
"influence" has not
produced results. "Everyone for himself, and the devil
take the
hindmost".
Mairos Mubvumbi believes that if you have God on your
side, all will
be well with you. "God, being the senior covenant partner who
owns
everything there is, has the obligation to bless, protect and provide
for
the believer."
But surely that cannot be the solution to our
general malaise? Surely
it is not enough that a few using their divine
"influence" will be blessed
while the godless masses remain in their misery?
I do not recognise in the
God who is so particular about his friends the God
of Jesus Christ who
socialised with "sinners and tax collectors", and other
disreputable
characters.
He does not allow us to escape from the
general misery while leaving
the less fortunate behind: "When you obey God,
He will bless your line of
business and you will be surprised by the
financial increase that results
from obedience." That is the Pharisee talking
(Luke 18: 9-14) who tries to
strike a business deal with his
God.
I do not hear in it the voice of Christ who commends the
Samaritan
rebel attending to a suffering stranger, while frowning on the
law-abiding
priest (Luke 10: 29-37), and who holds us responsible for our
sick,
imprisoned and famished fellow human beings (Matthew 25:
31-46).
Not the people who win the rat-race will be blessed, but
those who
drop out of the race altogether and pick up the
stragglers.
We will save this country only if we all of us pull
together and
accept responsibility for the life and well-being of everyone,
even of the
white "enemy of the state", the displaced Malawian farm labourer,
the person
dying of the unspeakable disease and the "traitor" supporting the
wrong
party, raped and tortured.
We will save this country only
if we are once more able to act in
solidarity. That means as much as saying:
your trouble is my trouble, what
hurts you, hurts me, when you are imprisoned
I cannot be free either.
Prosperity is never just for me. Wealth is
never just my private
fortune and good luck. There is no absolute right to
private property (that
is the element of truth with which one could have
tried and justified our
"land redistribution" before it went so disastrously
wrong and turned into
an orgy of greed). Whatever gifts I have — knowledge,
skills, health, talent
for leadership, capital, land — I am given for the
up-building of the
community.
God never blesses just me, but
always us. And maybe the rest of us
through me: if I play my role and serve
them in whatever way I can, their
lives will be saved. If I fail them, they
will be lost. God makes us
dependent on one another and responsible for one
another. He does not
interfere with signs and wonders, dropping gift parcels
from heaven.
Government and the striking doctors jointly are
responsible for the
many people who are at present dying — nobody will ever
be able to exactly
identify them all, but I know personally at least a number
of them — as a
result of government hospitals being at a standstill. God will
not let us
off the hook by working miraculous cures to save them. We all of
us together
have the power to stop this awful suffering, and we will be asked
why we
have not done so.
We have the technical means and the
skills to eradicate almost all
infectious diseases. If we acted in true
solidarity worldwide we could do
it. Why don’t we? Why do we spend more on
arms, on the military and security
(often a euphemism for political
oppression) than on public health care
(e.g. our budget for
2004)?
Before I try to strike a deal and offer God my "perfect
obedience"
(Mubvumbi) in return for my personal health and prosperity, we
should ask
ourselves what we are doing to promote health for all in a
healthy,
productive economy.
If our leaders stopped all those
wars which are destroying communities
and families on our continent, we could
tackle AIDS in earnest. You cannot
fight this disease with a dilapidated
economy like ours. Dying of AIDS is
not an act of God. It is due to human
neglect.
If we used all available human resources, skills and
experience, we
could face the common enemy. Instead greed and jealousy divide
us and turn
fertile fields into wasteland. We either join forces and survive.
Or we go
it each alone and die.
People’s power that crosses all
ethnic and national boundaries will
give us prosperity. The land is not our
prosperity. It gives us merely weeds
unless our ploughs touch
it.
Individuals being blessed by "financial increase" is not
enough. Where
there are many losers there must be at least some winners. What
is our
hyper-inflation but one vast confidence trick?
I do not
believe that God blesses the prosperity of those lucky few
while the country
as a whole sinks still further. There must be an increase
in production in
real terms for the country to prosper. And all its people
must have access to
that newly created wealth, not just those who make the
correct political
choice or pray in the right way.
Fr Oskar Wermter SJ is a Catholic
priest based in Mbare and a writer.
FinGaz
Counter invading ZANU PF turf (Part 2)
1/22/2004 7:40:41 AM (GMT +2)
After fortifying its traditional
support base as we saw last week,
ZANU PF is now making some very interesting
manoeuvres to try and win back
the loyalty of the country’s intelligentsia
and the urban electorate, which
is the MDC’S traditional support
base.
Last week, I discussed how ZANU PF is consolidating its
support
structures ahead of the next general elections by patronising, in
addition
to the war veterans, the war collaborators, ex-detainees and
restrictees,
using the liberation war legacy as its trump card. I suggested
that the best
way for the opposition to deal with this complexity is to start
by
reclaiming the liberation war legacy, which has been privatised by ZANU
PF.
For instance, rather than having a simplistic blanket criticism
of the
allowances given to the war veterans, the MDC could advocate for
means
testing of all assistance given to the ex-fighters.
This
would mean that only ex-fighters who are unemployed, destitute,
poor and
landless should receive support. War veterans who are gainfully
employed, in
charge of the armed services, running the government, or have
successful
businesses, either as beneficiaries of the land reform programme
or various
other indigenisation and black-empowerment schemes surely do not
need any
assistance. This should also apply to war collaborators and their
sister
organisations.
If the MDC is not careful, it will further alienate
itself from this
powerful force in Zimbabwean politics and will further lose
grip on the
liberation war legacy much to the detriment of the
party.
If means testing is applied to all the allowances given to
the war
veterans now, the total expenditure on the ex-fighters can be reduced
by
more than 60 percent. The fact that the chief criminals in abusing
funds
meant for the war veterans were the undeserving elites running the
armed
forces and the government is an instructive departure point. It is
totally
unwise for the opposition to push simplistic and opportunistic
ant-war
veteran rhetoric without properly understanding the dynamics at
play.
Of course, there are individual war veterans and
collaborators inside
and outside government structures who, for personal
benefit, are behaving
like paid mercenaries and prostitutes on behalf of ZANU
PF. However, this
does not warrant surrending the entire liberation war
legacy, lock, stock
and barrel to the ruling party. ZANU PF does not deserve
the liberation war
advantage that it is being given on a silver platter by
the opposition.
Newly resettled farmers also constitute a very
fertile ground for ZANU
PF support. Government has set aside $64 billion in
this year’s Budget to be
disbursed to the new land-owners through the Land
Bank for input
acquisition. If this money is not abused by bureaucrats within
the party and
it gets to its intended beneficiaries, we have a situation
whereby it will
be extremely difficult for the MDC to win the loyalty of
these people.
The opposition must see to it that the $64 billion is
disbursed
transparently and to deserving people, otherwise that money will be
used for
ZANU PF campaign purposes. If there happens to be any misallocation
or
embezzlement, it is the duty of the opposition to expose such anomalies
and
malpractices and put them within the broader framework of our
struggles.
In an effort to invade the MDC’s traditional support
base, the
government has awarded a 250 percent salary increment to all civil
servants
across the board with effect from this month. It should be realised
that
government is the biggest employer and this move could cripple efforts
by
the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Uunions (ZCTU) to stage mass
demonstrations
in protest against the state of the economy, high cost of
living et cetera.
If this is conceptualised within the context of
the monetary policy
announced by Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono, the
implications could be
great. A lot has already been said and written about
the monetary policy and
its unprecedented efforts to rationalise Zimbabwe’s
macro-economic
fundamentals, particularly in the financial services
sector.
If there happens to be an improvement in the economy as is
already
evident in the form of increased inflows of foreign currency on to
the
official market, reduction of the hyperinflationary rate and an increase
in
the disposable income of urban workers, then the government might
get
substantial support from the urban electorate. The government’s success
or
failure in this regard depends on how the opposition will react and
on
whether or not they will be offering better alternative
policies.
The first real fruit of the monetary policy is the
increased inflows
of foreign currency onto the official market, resulting in
our dollar
getting a bit of strength against the world’s major currencies.
The
crackdown on corruption and laxity in the financial sector can also
improve
things even further. The opposition must be pragmatic and argue that
the net
against corruption must be cast wider.
It cannot be
doubted now that there is rampant corruption in all
sectors of the economy.
What with recent developments in the ENG saga,
multiple ownership of farms
and the tractor scandal, the impasse between
medical aid societies and
doctors, corruption in the judiciary and
God-knows-what.
There
must be a holistic approach to corruption involving the setting
up of an
independent anti-corruption commission, with powers of
investigation, search,
seizure, arrest and other ancillary powers, rights
and privileges that
naturally fall within that ambit.
This is what the opposition
should be pushing for. They have got their
parliamentary seats and popular
support to their side so there is nothing to
fear. The refusal by the
government to institute major anti-corruption or
anti-graft drive in the face
of all these scandals would be itself
scandalous for it would mean, by
implication, that they also have some
skeletons in their cupboards and this
is where the opposition should make
the most noise.
It may be
wise for the MDC to resume political activity now focusing
on issues of the
economy with particular emphasis on corruption and
vigorously supporting
those positive aspects of the monetary policy. The
current cosmetic
anti-corruption move by the government is just an attempt
to win back the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) thump of approval between
May and June this
year when the fund embarks on its routine Article iv
consultations with the
Zimbabwean government, and to hoodwink the urban
electorate into voting for
ZANU PF in the next general elections in 2005. At
least that’s my
interpretation of it until and unless better political will
and commitment to
fight corruption is exhibited.
I have a feeling the governor of the
central bank will soon be stopped
by very heavy political hands and I just
hope he wont be assassinated. Oh
yes, it can be that nasty. My perception of
corruption in Zimbabwe is that
it is all-pervading. It is like a complex
spider’s web and to attack any
part of this anomalous and fossilised
structure would mean, by implication,
to attack every other part, including
executive power itself.
In that case, it is tactical for the MDC to
support the monetary
policy and what it seeks to achieve and they must always
be vigilant and
ensure that no-one use their "economic and political muscle"
to scuttle
investigations. Of course, this is assuming that the party’s
cadreship is
not also privy to some of these unfolding shady deals. If the
governor’s
monetary policy is implemented untempered with, ZANU PF may be
hoist with
its own petar because in as much as the government has complained
of
economic sabotage, it is becoming apparent that the biggest saboteurs
are
from within the system.
If the MDC stands aside and watch
without making any input, ZANU PF
and the government will again claim to have
solved the economic mess that
they are widely believed to have wrought on the
nation. If the economy
recovers, the government might as well decide that
there is no more need for
any POSAs and AIPPAs and thus democratise. Once
they democratise, they will
then claim to have solved both the land question
and the democracy and human
rights questions so dear to the MDC, in addition
to its monopoly over the
liberation war legacy.
If the MDC is
not careful, it will soon be rendered irrelevant. The
party has to learn to
be combative and pragmatic in using ZANU PF strategies
against ZANU PF itself
so that the party gets hoist with its own petar.
FinGaz
A winning nation has nothing to
hide
1/22/2004 7:36:33 AM (GMT
+2)
IN the late 1980s to the early 1990s, South
African
industrialist Clem Sunter became a household name because of the
dynamic
lectures he gave on South Africa’s options for a brighter
post-apartheid
future.
I remember being a great fan
of Sunter, whose High
Road/Low Road Scenarios made him a one-man think-tank
for South Africa and
any other developing countries that cared to borrow from
his philosophy.
But if the truth be told, I admired
Sunter’s forward
looking and perceptive thinking in a rather smug way. I felt
that Zimbabwe
was so far ahead of South Africa and many other countries in
Africa with
regard to the fundamentals for development spelt out by Sunter
that it would
take decades for them to catch up.
How
wrong I was! Things have changed so much for the worse
in Zimbabwe since the
on-going political turbulence began in 2000 that I
have had to eat my words.
Recently while rummaging through my papers, I came
across a newspaper cutting
of a report on one of Sunter’s lectures and read
through it again. I was
shocked to discover that Zimbabwe was now at the
bottom of the heap on
aspects which I had previously proudly marked with a
star to indicate my
country’s sterling performance at that time.
Sunter
gave a long list of pre-requisites for a "winning
nation", but I have picked
a few which show why our country has gone to
the
dogs.
lCLEAN GOVERNMENT: Sunter said: "For this,
you need a
multi-party system and plenty of elections to give citizens an
opportunity
to vote out bad politicians. Beyond a certain level of
corruption, people do
not work because they are totally
disillusioned."
It is ironic that all our current
troubles stem from a
refusal by the ruling party to accept that anyone else
except ZANU PF has
the right to govern this country. While in Sunter’s
scenarios, elections are
supposed to protect the electorate; in Zimbabwe’s
case, their sole purpose
seems to be to protect the ruling party by hook or
crook to ensure that it
remains in power
perpetually.
lSOCIAL HARMONY: Sunter said: "If people
fight and kill
one another, you cannot have a winning nation. People must use
energy
constructively and there must be a strong sense of social justice
running
throughout society."
The complete opposite
has happened in Zimbabwe because of
the political violence and lawlessness
that has dominated events since the
people voted "NO" in the 2000
constitutional referendum.
lMONEY: Sunter said: "You
cannot create something out of
nothing, savings equal investment. We must
bring inflation to single
figures …"
Zimbabwe’s
money troubles have been more than obvious even
to the most economically
uninitiated. The ongoing turmoil in the finance
sector more than proves
Sunter right. As for inflation, the new Reserve Bank
Governor Dr Gideon
Gono’s goal is to bring the country’s hyper-inflation to
a lower three figure
rate of 200 percent by the end of this year. Reaching
single digits will be a
miracle. Will we ever be a winning nation again in
that
department?
lWHAT MAKES A WINNING NATION: Sunter said:
"In the 1960s
‘losing’ nations benefited from international aid, but now that
world banks
have had their fingers burned, losers don’t get a
cent."
Sunter’s comments seem spot-on for Zimbabwe in
view of our
troubles with the World Bank and the International Monetary
Fund.
lVALUES: Sunter said: "By 1985 the world was
moving away
from ideologies towards ‘systems that work’. People are fed up
with
ideologies such as Marxism and apartheid as well with anyone who comes
up
with a single idea claimed to be the answer."
In
Zimbabwe, we urgently need the levelling of the
political playing field so
that people from all walks of life can contribute
to political discourse.
This should not be the preserve of members of the
ruling party
only.
lBE A GLOBAL PLAYER: Sunter said: "The last
requirement
for a winning nation is to be a global player — to look outwards.
Outward-
looking economies grow three times faster than inward-looking ones
and
export their strengths."
Zimbabwe’s illogical
drive to make itself an island doing
things its own way culminated in the
country’s sulky withdrawal from the
Commonwealth towards the end of last
year. One of the reasons given by the
leadership for this unwise move was
that this would forestall the
Commonwealth’s efforts to monitor Zimbabwe and
get the government to attend
to issues raised by the grouping. What a tragic
development this is.
A winning nation should not have
anything to hide and
should take pride in being transparent. The world has
truly become a global
village and to deny the inter-dependence that goes with
this phenomenon is
unrealistic and unreasonable.
When I last read about Clem Sunter, he was about to take
over as chairman of
Anglo American’s Gold and Uranium Division.
But while
writing this article I have found myself asking,
where are you, Clem Sunter?
Could you perhaps come up with a winning formula
to help our politicians
develop an open mind and the ability to change? To
tell them all is flux —
that nothing is static except a skeleton.
Dairibord Embarks On Cattle Restocking
Financial Gazette
(Harare)
January 22, 2004
Posted to the web January 22,
2004
Harare
DAIRIBORD Zimbabwe Limited (DZL) has embarked on an
ambitious cattle
restocking prog-ramme under which the company will fork out
$2 billion to
farmers for the importation of dairy cows.
DZL chief
executive officer Anthony Mandi-wanza said this was part of his
group's
efforts to rebuild the country's national herd.
"Farmers can now access
this facility to import additional dairy cows,"
Mandiwanza said.
The
country has lost a big chunk of its dairy cows to diseases such as
the
foot-and-mouth.
In its unaudited interim financial results for the
six months ended June 30
2003, DZL said the volume of raw milk received
declined by 27 percent due to
diseases and the chaotic land
reforms.
Focus, DZL said, would be on increasing the dairy herd so as to
produce more
milk as well as non-milk products.
Fresh Outbreak of Foot-And-Mouth Looms
Financial Gazette
(Harare)
January 22, 2004
Posted to the web January 22,
2004
Zhean Gwaze
Harare
ZIMBABWE risks a fresh outbreak of the
dreaded foot-and-mouth disease (FMD)
after the government failed to source
enough foreign currency to buy the
vaccines necessary to eradicate the
disease.
Zimbabwe needs about one million doses of vaccines a month to
completely
wipe out the disease which threatens to reduce the country's
cattle herd.
The vaccines are imported from neighbour-ing Botswana's
Vaccine Institute.
The Department of Veterinary Services has of late
indicated that a national
vaccination programme was required to combat FMD,
but this has not been done
due to foreign currency
constraints.
Zimbabwe has partially managed to contain the disease
through paltry doses
of vaccines sourced through appeals from international
donor organisations
such as the Food and Agriculture Organisation, European
Union and the
Southern Africa Development Community.
An official in
the farming sector this week told The Financial Gazette that
another outbreak
of FMD was looming, warned against uncontrolled movement of
livestock because
of a shortage of pasture precipitated by poor rainfall in
most parts of the
country.
"The government has failed to erect the 600 square kilometre
fence in the
areas most affected by FMD due to forex shortages and as a
result, it should
put measures to administer a national vaccination programme
before the
cattle herd is depleted," the official said.
The national
herd is said to have dwindled from 5.1 million in 1998 to 250
000 this year
due to drought, FMD, an acute shortage of stockfeed and
destocking by most
farmers because of the chaotic land reforms. FMD
outbreaks have impacted
negatively on Zimbabwe in recent years as thousands
of cattle have
died.
The country has stopped exporting beef to the European Union and
regional
countries because of persistent foot-and-mouth outbreaks and a
decline in
the national herd.
The country was still exporting limited
beef to the Democratic Republic of
Congo. The quantities could not be
established by the time of going to
press.
Zimbabwe had an annual
export quota of 9 100 tonnes of beef to the EU which
used to earn the country
about US$2 billion annually.
The government is said to be trying to seal
a deal with China to establish a
FMD vaccination production plant facility
locally and save the country
billions in foreign currency.