The ZIMBABWE Situation | Our
thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe - may peace, truth and justice prevail. |
After four years of a costly mili-tary
campaign to prop up the DRC
government Zimbabwe has nothing to show for it
despite official assurances
that the country would reap a war
dividend.
The Independent established ongood authority this week that
Defe-nce
minister Sydney Sekeramayi and Speaker of Parliament Em-merson
Mnangagwa
were in the DRC recently to follow up on the debt issue. The two
officials
visited the DRC ahead of last week's visit to that country by Mbeki
who
tookabout 60 business people who secu-red substantial contracts in
mining
and reconstruction projects.
Sekeramayi yesterday confirmed
the visit to the DRC but would not explain
the exact nature of their business
there.
"Yes we went to the DRC to talkabout various issues," said
Sekera-mayi.
Asked if the money issue came up during the discussions, he
said:
"We discussed everything that had to be
discussed."
Mnangagwa on Wednesday re-fused to discuss the trip to
the DRC, referring
all questions to the Defence minister.
"Even if
I travelled to the DRC it does not mean I was on Defence business,"
said
Mnangagwa. "There is a Minister of Defence, talk to him."
Mnangagwa has
been linked in press reports to Zimbabwean business
initiatives in the DRC
including military-backed projects.
Former Finance minister Simba
Makoni in 2000 told parliament that Zimbabwe
had spent more $10 billion in
the DRC. The war debt is believed to be at
least five times
that.
Government sources said there was apprehension among the
Zimbabwean
political and military elite after South Africa's successful foray
in the
DRC last week.
Sources with interests in the DRC said
Zimbabwe's business ventures there
had either collapsed or failed to take off
the ground. Sources said despite
the setting up of a joint commission between
Zimbabwe and the DRC there was
no evidence of the expansion of trade between
the two countries. During his
March 2001 visit to Zimbabwe, President Kabila
promised to make the
agreement work.
"The only way to thank
Zimbabwe is to see the bilateral relationships, the
cooperation we are trying
to achieve become a reality. What I want to assure
you is that what we are
doing is very legitimate," he said.
The Forestry Commission was granted
logging concessions in the DRC during
bilateral discussions held in
2000.
Included in the arrangements of 2001 were the marketing of
minerals through
a joint-venture between the Minerals Marketing Corpora-tion
of Zimbabwe and
Miba, thediamond marketing company in the DRC.
The DRC
was due to export more power to Zimbabwe from Inga hydro-electric
power
station. The power was supposed to be paid for in local currency.
The
National Railways of Zimbabwe, Air Zimbabwe, First Banking Corporation,
the
Civil Aviation Authority of Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe Mining
Development
Corporation, and the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority were
all expected
tobenefit from the bilateral arrange-ment. Few have.
The
Agricultural and Rural Deve-lopment Authority was allocated 200 000
hectares
of land to develop and grow crops but nothing has come of
the
venture.
Now the South Africans are reaping the benefits of
Zimbabwe's military
effort, as they did in Mozambique.
South
Africa and the DRC signed a bilateral agreement worth US$10 billion
last
Wednesday, covering the areas of defence and security, the economy
and
finance, agriculture and infrastructural development.A joint commission
of
the two governments was tasked with imple-menting the
agreement.
"The commission's first meeting has already been set for
February in South
Africa over which my colleague Kabila will preside," Mbeki
told reporters in
Kinshasa.
The Independent of South Africa said
Mvelaphanda Holdings signed a
memorandum of understanding with the Congolese
government for investments
worth an estimated R60 billion over the next
decade.
The investments will cover the processing of gold tailings,
copper and
cobalt mining, logging, road building, railways and the purchase
of two
hotels - the Grand Hotel in Kinshasa and Hotel Karavia in Lubumbashi
in the
mining belt to the southeast, the paper said. The copper and cobalt
mining
projects should start in the next two months.
Peter
Vundla's New Seasons In-vestment Group is bidding for the
rehabilitation of
Kinshasa International Airport, a deal worth US$250
million
Siemens
South Africa snatched a US$50-million deal with the national
electricity
board of the Congo to install 35 000 electricity connections in
north and
western Kinshasa with prepaid electricity meters, the
Independent
reported.
The paper said Siemens, with several
partners, including Eskom, is also
involved in the rehabilitation of Inga One
and Two in a project worth more
than US$1 billion.
Cellular phone
company Vodacom is set to invest US$157 million in the DRC,
and plans to push
that initial investment to $500 million. It now controls
44% of the cellphone
market in the Congo. Mining giant De Beers is
negotiating with the Congolese
government regarding diamond concessions.
Zim Independent
Moyo in bid to block Daily News, again!
Staff
Writer
INFORMATION minister Jona-than Moyo and the Media and Information
Commission
yesterday filed papers in the High Court seeking to block the
publication of
the Daily News which bounced back yesterday.
The MIC
contends that the titles in the Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe
(ANZ)
stable cannot publish without a licence. On the other hand Moyo avers
that
the papers cannot publish because their journalists are not
accredited.
Justice Tendai Uchena on Wednesday ruled that the ANZ
should continue with
its normal operations and that the police should not
interfere with the
activities of the publishing house.
The MIC has
already been declared improperly constituted by a court, which
renders its
decisions legally questionable.
ANZ corporate affairs director
Gugulethu Moyo told the Zimbabwe Independent
that the company was facing
logistical problems.
"We have only a few computers in the newsroom at the moment," said Moyo.
"The police have not returned most of the
computers that they took as
exhibits after we published our paper in
September. The matter is different
from the one we had been challenging
because this one is a criminal matter,"
she said.
Moyo said the
production side had also been affected by the absence
of
computers.
"We do not have our subscription base and
advertising software and once the
paper gets bigger, we will experience
serious problems," she said.
Meanwhile the MIC is considering two
applications for daily newspapers'
licences, the Independent established this
week.
MIC executive chairman Tafataona Mahoso this week confirmed
receiving
applications but would not give details.
"We have about
three projects and two of them are applications for dailies,"
said Mahoso.
"It would be improper to tell you who their principals are."
Zim Independent
Govt defiance of court orders now 'endemic'
Blessing
Zulu
ZIMBABWE Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) have raised concern over
the
defiance of court orders by the government and called for respect for
the
country's laws.
In a press statement last week, ZLHR said the
situation was getting out of
hand.
"Defiance of court orders has
become endemic in Zimbabwe and it is an issue
that the Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court Godfrey Chidyausiku, Judge
President of the High Court
Paddington Garwe, and the Minister of Justice,
Legal and Parliamentary
Affairs Patrick Chinamasa must do something about if
the integrity of the
courts and the justice system is to be protected," ZLHR
said.
The
police defied four court orders compelling them to vacate the offices of
the
Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe (ANZ). It was only after the fifth
order on
Wednesday this week that they eventually left. Last week police
also defied a
High Court order to release Chinhoyi MP Philip Chiyangwa. He
was only
released after the intervention of the Supreme Court.
Constitutional
law expert Dr Lovemore Madhuku said the executive must be
held
accountable.
"Chinamasa's (suggested) sta-tement condemning the
defiance of court orders
will certainly carry more weight," said
Madhuku.
Madhuku said judges must speak out strongly against the
disregard of court
orders.
"Judges Chidyausiku and Garwe must also
come out strongly against the
continued defiance of court orders. It must be
noted that a court is a court
when its orders are enforced, otherwise it
becomes irrelevant. If there is
total silence it means they are in
agreement," he said.
Chinamasa said he was not in a position to comment.
"I am on leave until the end of the month," said
Chinamasa.
"You can talk to the Acting Minister of Justice, Cde Paul
Mangwana," he
said.
Zim Independent
Groups call for electoral law overhaul
Itai
Dzamara
AS political tension intensifies amidst the country's festering
crisis,
civil society, the clergy and the opposition have called for an
overhaul of
the electoral system ahead of parliamentary elections next
year.
The opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) is under
pressure from
its supporters to consider boycotting the election unless major
electoral
changes are introduced.
Head of the MDC's elections
directorate Remus Makuwaza said this week the
issue of electoral law
amendments was a priority and his party had already
taken it to
parliament.
"We are unequivocal in our demand for the overhaul of the
electoral system,"
said Makuwaza. "We are calling for the establishment of
conditions that
enable the holding of free and fair elections."
He
added: "In essence, we are calling for the establishment of an
Independent
Electoral Commission as well as the repeal of the draconian
Public Order and
Security Act and the Access to Information and Protection
of Privacy Act
which have been used to give Zanu PF an unfair advantage.
"We have
submitted proposals to parliament and will use our representation
there to
lobby for major changes. We are yet to get a response
from
parliament."
Makuwaza said the issue of participation in the
elections without major
changes in electoral laws would be decided by the
party's national executive
before the elections.
The Zimbabwe
Election Support Network (ZESN) is lobbying locally and
regionally for major
electoral amendments and has said no presidential or
general elections should
be held under the current framework.
ZESN chairman Reginald
Matchaba-Hove said the non-governmental body wouldn't
accept the outcome of
elections held under the current electoral laws.
"Our position is
that there shouldn't be any presidential or general
elections held under the
current electoral system," said Matchaba-Hove.
"The system doesn't in
any way provide an environment conducive to free and
fair
elections.
"We are on a massive campaign to consult stakeholders at
home and in the
region on what would be the ideal electoral changes, and we
will submit the
suggestions to the public before we engage
parliament."
ZESN wants a set of minimum requirements in the
electoral system that will
satisfy the holding of free and fair elections in
accordance with the Sadc
protocol as well as other international
tenets.
"We are calling for the respect of every person's right to
vote, the
levelling of the field for all parties contesting as well as
transparency in
the running, conducting and supervision of the
elections."
Archbishop Pius Ncube, who is also the chairman of
Solidarity Peace Trust in
Southern Africa, concurred that the current
electoral system favoured
President Mugabe and his party.
"Any
elections under this electoral framework would be rigged. In fact,
the
opposition would be very lucky to win even one seat," said
Ncube.
"There should be an overhaul of the system, there is no doubt
about it.
However, the issue of boycotting is rather complicated because
Mugabe would
just go ahead to declare himself victorious and continue
ruling."
National Constitutional Assembly chairman Lovemore Madhuku said
the issue of
electoral changes was of paramount importance so that
demonstrations and
acts of civil disobedience would soon be planned by the
assembly to push for
changes.
"The result of elections held under
this framework is predetermined and will
be won by Zanu PF. This system
simply creates a technical way by which Zanu
PF remains in power whether the
electorate likes it or not," said Madhuku.
Zim Independent
Police intensify blitz on forex traders
Shakeman
Mugari
THE running battles between police and illegal foreign currency
traders
intensified this week as government and the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe
struggle to halt forex trade on the parallel market.
Police
want to curb the parallel market while the traders are desperate to
earn a
living.
A police bicycle patrol unit on Tuesday combed the Roadport
area for the
traders. They have since started routine patrols in the area.
The traders
were based at Roadport to mop up foreign currency from
cross-border traders
and visitors from regional countries. Roadport is one of
the largest illegal
forex trading sites for the rand, the greenback and the
pula.
After the police raid, the traders this week moved a step
further in defying
the law, this time invading Africa Unity
Square.
By Thursday the traders who include women from the Vapositori
sect could be
seen milling around in Africa Unity Square where they jostle
with
photographers for customers.
The raid at Roadport followed
threats by Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono
last week to mount a massive
clean-up campaign to bring order to the forex
market.
"For a start
that (trade at Roadport) is illegal and we will take
appropriate action. Just
tell us where they are and we will move in," Gono
told the Zimbabwe
Independent last week.
The traders have however vowed to remain in
business despite the crackdown
by the police and the introduction of the
controlled auction system.
Business on the parallel market has been low since
the auctions started last
week. It slumped further this week with revelations
that most banks had
resumed trade of the foreign currency. Customers can now
access forex from
banks at the prevailing rate on the
auctions.
Traders who spoke to the Indepe-ndent this week seemed
unperturbed by the
new developments.
"The police are on our case
but that is nothing new," said one trader who
claims to have four years of
experience in the forex business. "They have
been doing this for years. Only
this time it's more intensified."
The United States dollar is
currently trading at US$1:$3500 on the parallel
market while the rand is
fetching $350. At the auction the greenback firmed
8% to trade around US$1:
$3 612.
The parallel market is a product of a heavily undervalued
Zimbabwean dollar
and a perennial shortage of foreign currency.
Zim Independent
Drama in parliament over Land Bill
Vincent
Kahiya
THERE was drama in parliament on Wednesday as MPs from Zanu PF and the
MDC
clashed over the adoption of an adverse report from the Parliamentary
Legal
Committee (PLC) on the Land Acquisition (Amendment) Bill.
Zanu
PF MPs inadvertently voted in favour of the adverse report, which said
the
Bill breached constitutional provisions on property, but were asked to
vote
again when chairman of committees Lazarus Dokora realised the
mistake.
MDC secretary-general Prof Welshman Ncube who is the acting
chair of the
PLC, presented the report, which was immediately countered by
Justice
minister Patrick Chinamasa who is also Leader of the House. Chinamasa
wanted
the report to be set aside so the debate on the Bill would go into
its
second reading.
David Coltart then stood up on a point of
order to declare that Chinamasa
was an interested party and could not
contribute to the debate since he had
acquired three farms. Parliamentary
procedure requires members with a
pecuniary interest in matters under debate
to declare it and recuse
themselves.
Coltart then produced a list
of MPs and the farms they own, and pointed out
that Chinamasa got three farms
under the fast track system.
Jorum Gumbo grabbed the list and started
remonstrating with other members
onhis side. Chinamasa then called Coltart "a
racist liar".
Tendai Biti (Harare North) and Gabriel Chaibva (Harare
South) were both
thrown out for arguing with Dokora. MDC MPs shouted that
Chinamasa should
withdraw and called for a ruling on the issue of his
recusal. Dokora tried
to restore order but was constantly shouted
down.
Chinamasa finally got the floor and declared that he would not
withdraw his
statement. Chaos broke out again. Eventually Dokora insisted
that Chinamasa
withdraw the statement which he did.
Chinamasa then
proceeded to debate the PLC report without recusing himself,
which resulted
in further heckling and shouting.Coltart argued against the
Bill, saying
reasonable notice must be given to any landowner who should
have recourse to
the courts. He said contracts entered into were still
legally
binding.
Zanu PF MP Paul Mangwana strongly defended the Bill,
criticising Ncube for
not reading all the relevant clauses. Eventually a vote
was called. "All
those in favour of the report say Aye".
Zanu PF
MPs shouted "Aye". Confusion reigned. Dokora called for a second
vote with
MDC legislators protesting. The resolution to ignore the adverse
report was
adopted by 58 to 32 votes.Chinamasa immediately proceeded to
present the Bill
at its second reading stage.
Zim Independent
Water project still grounded
Loughty Dube
THE
long-awaited Matabeleland Za-mbezi Water Project (MZWP) has still not
got
underway amid revelations that US$500 million is needed to start the
project
that has been on the drawing board for decades.
The latest promise made
by theMatabeleland Zambezi Water Trust (MZWT) was
that the project would kick
off at the beginning of the year. However, up to
now the projecthas failed to
get off the ground.
MZWT chairman Dumiso Dabengwa said he was not
prepared to comment on MZWT
issues at the moment but said he would do so next
month.
"At present I can not comment on MZWP issues but I will be in
a position to
do so next month when everything is clear," said
Dabengwa.
However, sources close to the operations of the MZWT said
what was hampering
progress was the unavailability of funds since the project
was not allocated
funds during this year's budget.
"This year's
budget did not allocate anything to the MZWT and about US$500
million is
needed to get the project off the ground," said a source.
The source said
the MZWT was finding it difficult to secure the funds
through the Zimbabwe
National Water Authority (Zinwa) because of red tape.
"The
Matabeleland Water project is not the only water project in the Zinwa
plans.
There are various other projects that need to be implemented
nationwide from
the meagre resources allocated," said the source.
Zim Independent
Zim shows how corrupt statist policies impoverish
The
Economist
"BLASPHEMOUS" was how the information minister described an article
in the
Zimbabwe Independent complaining about President Robert Mugabe's habit
of
commandeering commercial passenger jets for his own use. It was a
revealing
choice of adjective. Mugabe's henchmen do not really think their
leader
divine, but they often suggest that he is infallibly righteous, and
that
those who defy him should be smitten.
The Independent's
blaspheming scribes were perhaps lucky to be released on
bail last week.
Zimbabwe provides a dramatic illustration of how statist
economic policies,
corruptly enforced, swiftly impoverish. In the past five
years, Mugabe's
contempt for property rights has made half the population
dependent on food
aid, while his cronies help themselves to other people's
land and savings,
and build helipads for their own mansions.
But Zimbabwe's curse is
also Africa's. The main reason the continent is so
poor today is that
Mugabe-style incompetent tyranny has been common since
independence. The most
important question for Africans now is whether Mugabe
represents not only
their past, but their future as well.
There are encouraging signs that he
does not.
The Committee to Protect Journalists and Reporters Without
Borders rate
media freedom in Africa. Human Rights Watch reports on Africa.
The IMF and
the World Bank give economic information on various countries.
Afrol.com
posts rolling news and country information.
Consider
first the advance of democracy south of the Sahara since the end of
the cold
war. In the 1960s and 1970s, no African ruler was voted out of
office. In the
1980s, one was. Since then, 18 have been, and counting. That
still leaves a
lot of countries where polls are rigged and dissidents
disappear, but it is
surely a sign that some African governments are
becoming more accountable to
their people.
Africa's media, too, are shaking off their shackles.
Under most of the
military regimes of the 1970s and 1980s, independent
newspapers and radio
stations were simply not allowed. Today, they are as
numerous as they are
irreverent. Television is still largely state-controlled
and journalists are
still persecuted "occasionally in most countries,
systematically in places
such as Zimbabwe and Eritrea" but, overall, the
mighty are subject to
greater scrutiny than before, which makes it a bit
harder for them to abuse
their power.
In the past couple of years,
Africa has also grown more peaceful. During the
cold war, the great powers
fought a series of proxy battles on African soil,
arming and aiding each
other's clients' enemies with scant regard for the
African lives their
meddling cost. With the collapse of the Soviet Union,
Africa's strategic
importance waned. Its wars, however, did not. Without
their superpower
backers, some states crumpled, leading to new and
exceptionally bloody
struggles in countries such as Congo and Liberia.
Fortunately,
several of these conflicts seem at last to have run their
course. Angola and
Sierra Leone are at peace. The pointless border clash
between Ethiopia and
Eritrea has stopped. Congo's war, the worst anywhere
since the Second World
War, is formally over. Liberia's warlord, Charles
Taylor, has been driven
into exile. Even in Sudan, which has known only 11
years of calm since 1962,
government and rebels are on the verge of signing
a power-sharing
deal.
This sudden outbreak of tranquillity has various causes.
Angola's war
stopped because one side won. Others have ended because both
sides were
exhausted, or because outsiders cajoled them into putting down
their weapons
and starting to talk. If Sudan's rulers make peace this year,
it will be
largely because they are terrified of what George Bush might do to
them if
they do not.
Zim Independent
Interest rates crash
Shakeman Mugari
INTEREST rates
have dropped dramatically on the back of heavy liquidity
injection from the
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ)'s recent move to offer
support packages to six
troubled banks.
Over the last two weeks interest rates have receded from
a high of more than
900% to below 50% as sanity returns to the financial
market.
Banks and financial firms are charging interest rates of between
20% and
60%.
The rates had skyrocketed a week after the monetary
policy statement,
leaving banks to scurry to cover their positions to meet
their obligation to
depositors.
Last week the RBZ bailed out six
banks from a serious liquidity crisis after
they confirmed that they were
facing a serious shortfall.
This, according to market consensus,
increased the liquidity in the market
and pushed the rates to below the 50%
mark.
Barbican Bank said it was quoting rates ranging from 15% to
40%
depending on the duration of the investment.
"The central
bank poured in a lot of money to serve the indigenous banks.
This has
provided excessive money on the market and demand is now low," said
an
official in the bank's treasury department.
ABC Holdings Ltd is
quoting some of the lowest rates in the market with a
15% yield for a
month-long investment and an 8% for 14 days.
The rates however vary
with the amount invested. The Jewel Bank of Zimbabwe
said it was offering
between 20% and 40% due to the surplus funds on the
money
market.
Other banks attributed the rates to the increased allocation
from the RBZ's
productive sector support rates.
Most manufacturing
companies have begun accessing the funds at 30% from
the
RBZ.
Reports from banks indicate that almost all manufacturing
firms that applied
for funds were successful.
An analyst at NMB
Bank said this had created low demand for funds.
"Most manufacturing
companies have now turned to the RBZ for cheap funds.
The bank has been quite
liberal with the money," said an official at NMB
Bank. "This creates a low
demand on the money market, and thus pushes the
rates down. It is based on
demand and supply."
Due to the downturn in the asset management
business there has also been a
sharp decline in consumptive
borrowing.
NMB Bank was this week quoting rates of 15% on a 14-day
investment and 35%
on 30-day investment.
Most companies that had
borrowed at high interest rates are now using
subsidised productive sector
rates to service their debts. Zimbabwe
Financial Holdings Ltd has temporarily
suspended investments in the money
market owing to the excessive liquidity on
the market.
"We are not quoting rates today. There are a lot of free
funds coming into
the bank through the deposits," said an official in the
bank's treasury
division. The crunch that has hit asset management companies
has also
contributed to the plunge on the money market. Most asset management
firms
had liquidated their properties to cover their positions and
meet
obligations on the market. Meanwhile, Zimbabwe's inflation went down for
the
first time in two years to 598%, down from 620% in November.
Zim Independent
Property prices begin tumbling
Ngoni
Chanakira
ZIMBABWEANS, frustrated by escalating prices, can now afford to
smile as
property prices have begun to tumble by about 20% due to the lower
interest
rates.
Property market analysts contacted this week however,
said the "honeymoon"
could be short-lived and depended on whether the low
rates of about 50% were
sustainable. Estate agents said prices had tumbled by
an average of about
20%.
Analysts said the market was however
"static" because there was no cash
available for purchases since individuals
were now more concerned about
securing basic commodities that continued to be
found and sold only on the
parallel market.
Houses in the plush
northern suburbs which were now going for as much as $1
billion and about
US$300 000 in foreign currency, have now been removed from
the market as
sellers hold on to their properties. Estate agents were this
week requesting
for "offers" for houses instead of placing US tags on
properties. The move
comes as the foreign currency that was being requested
was later used for
securing Zimbabwe dollars on the once lucrative
parallel
market.
The parallel market has taken a plunge ever since
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
(RBZ) governor Gideon Gono introduced an auction
system at the central bank.
The US greenback, which was fetching up
to $7 000 against the local
currency, has fallen to about $3 600 on the
streets of Harare.
Zim Independent
I won't be intimidated says Gono
Ngoni
Chanakira/Shakeman Mugari
RESERVE Bank of Zimbabwe boss Gideon Gono on
Wednesday told ruling Zanu PF
parliamentarians that he won't be intimidated
by anybody while he cleans up
the rot in the country's financial services
sector.
The move comes as several MPs have allegedly been seeking
audience with the
new governor to try and find out what his "hit-list" looks
like.
Gono, who took over as RBZ boss on December 1, has already read
the riot act
and sent two financial institutions - ENG Asset Management and
Century
Discount House - packing for failure to adhere to new RBZ
regulations.
He has also evicted six banks - Trust, Time, Agribank,
Metropolitan, Century
and Barbican - from the clearing house auction system
for flouting RBZ
regulations.
"Members of Parliament will be
lobbied to try and see whether my agenda is
regional, sectoral or personal,"
Gono told stunned Zanu PF MPs. "We (RBZ)
have no axe to grind with anybody.
Nothing beats credibility than issuing a
threat which you don't carry
out."
The RBZ boss told businessdigest in his first exclusive
interview last month
that the time for politicians and business executives to
hide behind fingers
while the economy collapsed was over.
He said
there was rampant corruption within the financial services industry
that
needed to be tackled immediately.
"I can safely say I have consulted
widely and will be responsible for all
that is in my Monetary Policy
Statement," Gono told businessdigest in the
interview. "I think both
politicians and business leaders should now come
clean on issues as we tackle
them once and for all."
Insiders said there was now panic within the
financial services sector as
the governor's broom continues to sweep each
room.
"Some of the bureaux de change operating from homes were being
run by top
government officials and some provincial tycoons and now they are
afraid the
net is closing in on them," said a source within Zanu
PF.
Gono said: "We mean business and we are serious about solving the
economic
ills of the country."
Meanwhile, Gono has warned banks to
tighten their internal control systems
to curb the increasing fraud cases
within the financial sector.
In a statement the governor said there
was a clear indication that some
banks were not taking measures to deal with
the security loopholes that are
manipulated by internal staff to siphon
millions from the system.
"In the majority of the cases, insiders, or
the banks' own staff have been
involved in the actual perpetration of these
crimes," said the statement.
"The cases clearly indicate the inadequacy
or laxity of the institution's
internal control systems in
place."
The statement said the cases of forgery of security documents
further showed
that there was a total lack of management control and
oversight over
day-to-day banking operations.
It said banks should
constantly review the strength of their risk management
systems to ensure
early detection and identification of loopholes.
Two years ago the
RBZ issued Anti-Money Laundering Guidelines to be applied
by all registered
banks.
The guidelines required banks to implement strong internal
controls,
information systems and accounting controls in relation to their
operations.
Cases of fraud have been on the increase.
Trust
Holdings Ltd was recently defrauded of $7,7 billion by employees.
Such
cases, said the central bank, would erode public confidence in the
banking
sector.
The bank said some employees in local banks were using
confidential
information to unlawfully access client's accounts.
Zim Independent
Border Timbers dispute rages on
Staff Writer
THE
wrangle between Border Timbers Ltd (Border) and government over
acquisition
of its 20 000 hectares for the controversial fast-track land
resettlement
programme rages on.
Last year the Minister of Lands, Agriculture and
Rural Resettlement Joseph
Made listed 20 000 hectares of Border land for
acquisition for resettlement
purposes.
Border, with a market
capitalisation of $56 billion on the Zimbabwe Stock
Exchange, is a subsidiary
of Radar Holdings Ltd previously led by
controversial business tycoon Chris
Schofield.
Border managing director John Gahadzikwa in his statement
accompanying his
June 30 2003 financial results told shareholders that
several shacks had
been erected on the company's land in areas that had been
harvested mainly
in the Chimanimani Estates.
Gahadzikwa insisted
that all incidents were reported to the police, who
merely recorded them, but
"then did nothing further".
Border handed the matter over to its
lawyers who immediately made objections
and appeals to the Administrative
Court of Zimbabwe.
Subsequent to year 2002, the Attorney General's Office
withdrew all Section
7 orders, to which the objections had been lodged in the
administrative
court, conceding that the properties were protected by the
German-Zimbabwean
Investment Protection Agreement.
Germany is
Zimbabwe's fifth largest trading partner but relationships have
soured since
the land acquisitions began in earnest about three years ago.
"Your
company now awaits official notification from the Ministry of
Lands,
Agriculture and Rural Resettlement delisting all Border properties
that were
originally listed for designation for purposes of resettlement,"
Gahadzikwa
said.
"In the meantime, your company will employ all
avenues open to it to restore
full and unrestricted ownership. The estates
that have been invaded by
settlers are Tilbury and Charter, while the areas
that have been listed
comprise the majority of Charter, Tilbury, Sheba,
Imbeza and Sawerombe."
Company chairman Phillip Chipudhla in his
report for the year ended June 30
2002 said for the past three years people,
in all sectors of society, had
been saying the situation in Zimbabwe could
not continue for long.
He said: "The deterioration in the economy in
general continues, and the
prospects for individuals and companies look more
and more terminal," he
said. "We, in the business circles, can only continue
to highlight
shortcomings in the system and advise the country's leadership
on how we
think the economy needs to be managed - with the hope that someone
will take
heed of our advice. The future of your land at the estates remains
unclear
notwithstanding that the relevant authorities have, repeatedly,
stated in
public, that forest land and plantations, among other
agro-industries, will
not be affected by land
designations."
Chipudhla said Border continued to object to the
designations which had
taken place and the individual cases were with the
company's lawyers.
"Subsequent to the year-end the Attorney General's
office withdrew all cases
relating to Border land designations lodged with
the Administrative Court,"
he said.
"Official notification of
withdrawals of the relevant Section 5's, 7's and
8's is awaited from the
Ministry of Lands, Agriculture and Rural
Resettlement." -
Zim Independent
Is there ‘hate speech’ in Zim?
Vincent Kahiya
IN this age of political correctness, hate speech
remains a sensitive
subject, especially when put against the fundamental
right to freedom of
expression.
Hate speech is a term for speech
intended to hurt and intimidate
someone because of their race, ethnicity,
national origin, religion, sexual
orientation, or disability.
Since the fall of Nazism in Europe after the Second World War and
closer to
home following the end of apartheid in South Africa, the liberated
have
remained sensitive to hate language and the use of “fighting
words”,
especially in the public or mass media.
Fighting words
were defined in a United States Supreme Court judgement
of 1942 as those that
“by their very utterance inflict injury or tend to
incite an immediate breach
of the peace”. In each of these categories the
expression regulated is
injurious either to the rights of a specific
individual or to the public
interest.
Media and Information Commission (MIC) chairman Tafataona
Mahoso’s
letter to Zimbabwe Independent editor Iden Wetherell two weeks ago
raises
the fundamental question of what constitutes hate speech in
Zimbabwe.
Mahoso’s complaint with the Independent was that the
editor had
allowed the publication of a letter which, he said, was “sweeping”
in its
racist remarks. It should not have been published he
said.
“The letter you published on January 2 2004 is typical of the
worst
expressions of racism from the former slave territories of the
United
States, from Apartheid South Africa and from the days of UDI in
Rhodesia,”
Mahoso claimed.
“The fact that this is supposed to be
only an individual’s letter
expressing individual opinion does not in anyway
exonerate the editor or the
publisher.”
Media monitor Sizani
Weza said Mahoso should not advocate censoring of
opinion.
“Mahoso expects his opinions on the performance of the privately-owned
media
to be heard,” said Weza. “He also expects his opinion on other
subjects to be
granted the same status. Yet he wants the media to censor
opinions of others
on some subjects. In the absence of any agreed national
and African values,
such threats to the media are a recipe for disaster.”
A central
aspect of the hate speech debate is that concepts of what is
acceptable and
unacceptable differ, depending on eras in history and one’s
cultural and
religious background. There is a nexus between a country’s
history and social
values, and what can be termed hate speech. Social
scientists say the
Zimbabwean scenario poses a problem as value systems have
been given
definition and accent by the government and not necessarily the
public
through consensus. This, they said, has narrowed the definition of
hate
speech to focus on racism and anything considered disrespectful to
President
Mugabe — even if he is prepared to take on his opponents using
what could be
described as fighting words.
Some observers believe that the
accusation of hate speech is often
made to suppress points of view which are
unfavourable to certain “protected
groups”. This, the observes say,
represents a significant infringement of
the tradition of journalistic
freedom and gives members of these groups an
unfair advantage in the
marketplace of ideas. The Jewish lobby has been
active in the defence of the
Holocaust legacy.
Weza said what can be construed to be hate speech
could just be a
matter of a point of view.
“One person’s hate
speech will be another’s legitimate point of view.
To impose restrictions on
what may be said is therefore a subject that can
only be discussed by
regulatory bodies with unquestionable independence of
thought. As the MIC
stands, its inadequate neutrality in addressing such
concerns has been found
wanting in a court of law,” he said.
A court recently ruled that
Mahoso’s commission was not properly
constituted. Mahoso has disputed this
and has appealed to the Supreme Court
against the ruling.
Critics have however pointed that Mahoso’s commission should broaden
its
horizon and open discussion on the subject instead of threatening
newspapers.
They say his commission should start to probe forms of hate
speech which have
been perpetuated by the public media and remain
unchallenged.
Dr
Vimbai Chivaura on the tele-vision programme National Ethos in
March 2002
tried to drum home the point that whites can never be Africans.
“Since the value system of the Europeans, of the white man, of the
Rhodesian
in Zimbabwe is exclusive, it is racist, it does not have any place
for us,”
he said. “We should come up with this kind of ethos: Zimbabwe
for
Zimbabweans, Africa for Africans, Europe for Europeans. That is the
starting
point because that’s what they do.”
There are
well-documented accounts of politicians, including Mugabe,
making statements
which border on incitement.
Apparent racist comments against the
thinning white community have
been celebrated in the state media as words of
valour.
“Our party must continue to strike fear in the heart of the
white man,
our real enemy! Make them tremble,” Mugabe thundered during the
height of
farm seizures in 2000.
In 2001 Vice-President Msika
was quoted in the media as weighing in
with: “Whites are not human
beings.”
A report by the Media Monitoring Project (MMPZ) on the
role of the
media in the 2002 presidential election says Mugabe endorsed a
racist
policy when he said his government had made a mistake by
advocating
reconciliation with the whites at Independence.
“When
you forgive those who do not accept forgiveness, when you show
mercy to those
who are hard-hearted, when you show non-racialism to die-hard
racists, when
you show a people with a culture — false culture of
superiority based on
their skin — and you do nothing to get them to change
their personality,
their perceptions, their mind, you are acting as a fool.”
The MMPZ
commented on Mugabe’s statement: “It can be argued that this
was an official
endorsement of a racist policy by government whose
justification was that
whites did not accept reconciliation and remained
racist and therefore should
be treated the same way.”
But in a tension-filled and antagonistic
environment, critics have
pointed out that prohibiting hate speech does
nothing to change the ideas
that give rise to the opinions behind the use of
fighting words.
Although hate speech may be dangerous, one should
not end it by
threats and intimidation, but by debate and discussion. As long
as there is
no agreed code of ethics, the MIC cannot censure the media on the
basis of
questionable media norms dressed in African nationalist
regalia.
Zim Independent
Letters
Britain/Zimbabwe Society backs
Independent
AT its Annual General Meeting in London last November, the
Britain/Zimbabwe
Society focused on issues of press freedom and the need to
access
independent and informed opinion from Zimbabwe.
The Zimbabwe
Independent was particularly identified as an excellent source
of news, not
only within Zimbabwe, but also via your website throughout
the
world.
This is because your reporting is recognised as
independent, informed and
intelligently contextualised.
We were
therefore concerned to hear about the recent arrest of four of
your
journalists and the sustained attacks upon the paper during the past
weeks.
We support you fully in your attempts to investigate and
report upon events
in Zimbabwe maintaining an independent source of
information.
We will be contacting the Embassy (no longer a High
Commission!) in London
to express our belief that a healthy society needs an
independent press and
that we believe the attacks on your paper (regardless
of the accuracy or
otherwise of the specific report on Mugabe's use of the
national carrier)
are unhelpful to the maintenance of political debate and
civic freedom.
Dr Diana Jeater,
Chair,
Britain/Zimbabwe Society,
Principal Lecturer in African
History,
University of Western England,
Bristol,
UK.
Zim Independent
Letters
Zimbabwe's foreign policy
destructive
I KNOW very little about foreign policy, but enough to
understand that
Zimbabwe has either a dead foreign policy or a destructive
one.
A country's foreign policy aims to make friends with other nations,
to join
forces with them in creating a peaceful global village. A country's
foreign
policy answers questions about human rights, democracy, the rule of
law,
among other things.
Mugabe has re-invented our foreign policy
regime, converting it into an
arsenal against his personal enemies who
include his own people. The results
are spectacular.
Now Zimbabwe
makes enemies every day, antagonises traditional allies and
disappoints those
who once idolised us. Zimbabwe exports headaches to its
neighbours while it
alienates itself from the rest of the world.
In response to the
international community's enquiries about human rights,
democracy and the
rule of law, citizens are tortured and killed, draconian
laws are invented
and applied with surgical dedication against journalists
and human rights
activists.
Recently, Mugabe has been urging China to transform into
an alternative
global power to the US.
This is a foreign policy
strategy deriving from recklessness, arrogance, and
an irreversible suicidal
streak. I haven't had the opportunity to spy on any
country's foreign policy
formulating meeting, but my guess is that they do
not make foreign policies
seeking aggression or personal alienation any
more.
I'm not
suggesting that small nations shouldn't engage the powerful on
matters of
mutual concern. The international political arena is open;
leaders from great
and small nations grapple in a perpetual duel to shape
global behaviour and
ideals. But it costs to play this game; a country's
economic status
determines who it does or doesn't align with.
That decision is always based on economic expectations.
What does Zimbabwe gain from
encouraging China to confront the West? Mugabe
seems determined to extend the
so-called Chimurenga Three into some sort of
global superpower confrontation.
This is taking madness to a new level,
folks.
Let's assume
Mugabe's pampering of China was simply a clever ploy to have
the Chinese
replace the Bretton Woods funding institutes and fill our
begging bowl. This
bowl is so huge that the famed Asian economic Tiger
offers little, if any,
salvation from our economic woes.
Even if we get a penny from the
Malaysians and the Chinese, we'd still be
extending our begging bowl to the
West, through Asia. Their economies are
dependent on the
West.
International politics is all about economics. Zimbabwe hasn't
got the
muscle to grapple with or distance itself from the rest of the world.
It
will tire out, if not tumble into oblivion altogether, while its so
called
enemies flourish.
Obert
Madondo,
Totonto,
Canada.
Zim Independent
Letters
Hate speech should cease
SHUVAI
Mahofa and the Honourable MP for Zaka East Tinos Rusere's hate speech
against
opposition supporters in the area cannot go unchallenged.
The two issued
threats of violence during a donation ceremony at Madondo
Primary School on
January 4.
Instead of concentrating on developmental issues in a
constituency that is
lagging behind others, the ageing Mahofa and the
embattled Rusere took the
opportunity to declare war on MDC supporters in the
area.
A person of Mahofa's age should not foment violence but urge
youths to
desist from it.
Rusere should feel ashamed of himself
because he has failed to deliver.
He should be wary of either losing that
seat to another Zanu PF candidate
during the party's primaries or losing it
to the MDC.
He promised to build more schools and upgrade roads but
up to now, Zaka East
doesn't have schools offering "A" levels, a boarding
school or a referral
hospital. Despite the fact that he is deputy Minister of
Rural and Water
Resources, Chinyabako Dam that burst more than two years ago
for example is
yet to be reconstructed.
Right now he is
frantically trying to hijack the rural electrification
programme currently
underway purporting it to be part of his achievements so
that he can retain
his seat next year.
Honourable MP, people are not that ignorant and
they shall speak through the
ballot.
Mahofa and Rusere, I see it
unacceptable for leaders like you to say: "vanhu
veMDC havagari
muno."
It is rather a ruthless assault on democracy for honourable
MPs to declare
certain individuals enemies and instruct Zanu PF youths to
evict them.
The two blood-thirsty politicians had the cheek to deny two
popular MDC
officials Ratidzo Mugwagwa and one Marava residence in the area -
a
declaration that should not be tolerated in a democracy. That
declaration
also precludes the possibility of having a free and fair election
in the
area.
I urge the infamous Mahofa and her surrogate Rusere
to stop intimidating
people and work for the development of the
area.
They should also know that the voice of the people is the voice
of God. So
they can chuck them out of office whether or not they preach
violence.
Edison Madondo,
Harare.
Zim Independent
Editor's Memo
Speaking out
Iden Wetherell
I
APPRECIATE diplomats and NGO heads serving in this country have to
be
circumspect in what they say. After all, they are required to get along
with
government as well as society at large.
Some are seen by
government as too closely aligned to "the enemy": the
opposition, civic
institutions and professional bodies. Ministers no longer
attend functions
held by European Union, North American and Australasian
embassies because
they are perceived as hostile to Zimbabwe.
In fact they are hostile
to dictatorship and very friendly to democratic
diversity. A senior Foreign
Affairs official represents government at their
national-day functions. But
he doesn't respond to toasts.
On the other hand, many African and
Asian states do not bother with civil
society, seeing their mission in Harare
as pertaining only to relations with
government. They evidently haven't
thought how they will be seen by
Zimbabweans when we have a democratic
government!
One of the international institutions based in Harare
that needs to be more
responsive to democratic imperatives is the United
Nations. The United
Nations Development Programme has for some years been
overly anxious to be
associated with Zimbabwe's so-called land reform
programme. But its audit
teams have found the situation on the ground so
chaotic that they have been
unable to recommend the programme to
donors.
This is as it should be. But on the other hand, UNDP staff
need to say what
the problem is and not remain eternally
hopeful!
Unesco facilitates festivities and speeches on World Press
Freedom Day. But
that's the first and last we see of them!
The UN
agency most in the public eye at present is the World Food Programme.
But
again it seems reluctant to speak out on the issues.
Take for example
the following interview with its director in Zimbabwe,
Kevin Farrell,
broadcast by National Public Radio in the United States
last
week.
Farrell was asked by NPR host Renée Montagne: "Why the
drop in international
aid?"
Farrell: "There are concerns, of
course, with respect to southern Africa in
general. It's difficult to
measure, but I'm fairly sure that the demands for
food assistance in other
parts of the country (sic) have probably impacted
as
well."
Montagne: "Are donors reluctant to give because of what many
Western
countries see as ruinous land redistribution policies of President
Robert
Mugabe? Does that have any part in this?"
Farrell: "Well, I
think the first thing I'd like to say is that donors have,
in fact, been
very, very generous in the past two years throughout southern
Africa and
including in Zimbabwe. Some of the hesitation perhaps at this
time may relate
to some difficulties that donors have with economic
policies,
yes."
Montagne: "What kind of rations are you running out
of?"
Farrell: "The one that we have had a problem with or a shortage
of over the
last month or so has been the cereal, the
corn."
Montagne: "And how long do you expect supplies to last?"
Farrell: "We've had to go onto half rations in December. The
January
supplies, we may be able to go back up close to a fuller ration of
cereal in
January, but then February/March is looking very, very poor.
Zimbabwe and
indeed all over southern Africa, the harvest would normally come
in about
April, so the next two or three months, February, March and up until
that
harvest, those are essentially the hungry months. Those are the
difficult
months, before harvest."
Montagne: "Zimbabwe used to
export food. Could you remind us quickly what
happened?"
Farrell:
"Certainly. In the last two years, drought has been a factor,
particularly in
the 2001-2002 season. We'e looking, though, at the whole
range of economic
difficulties. There's apparently an inflation rate of
about 600%. There's
unemployment of about 70%. On top of all of that, you do
have a major problem
throughout southern Africa, but I think perhaps
especially in Zimbabwe at
this stage, a problem of HIV infection. And that
is having an impact both on
the general economic situation and more
specifically on food
production."
Would you say that was a frank and honest assessment of
the facts on the
ground? Or was it dissembling of the worst
sort?
This is what the Daily Telegraph reported recently: "The World
Food
Programme has slashed by half food handouts to Zimbabwe's starving
millions
because President Robert Mugabe's government failed to alert donors
to the
scale of the disaster. The WFP, a United Nations agency, said it had
cut
rations since the beginning of the month to ensure it could feed more
than
five million people, about half the population, until the harvest in
May.
The agency said it had not raised enough money to buy the
necessary
supplies.
"The WFP's appeal went out six weeks late in
the middle of the year because
the Zimbabwe government had not quantified its
needs until it was too late
to get the long 'food chain' moving, according to
donors in Harare.
"Foreign food suppliers were also showing fatigue at
what most see as a 'man
made crisis'. Zimbabwe was once southern Africa's
'bread basket' with huge
and efficient farms producing surpluses for sale
abroad. But since Mugabe
began seizing white-owned farms in 2000, production
has tumbled, leaving
millions without food.
"Even the United
Nations, reluctant to criticise President Robert Mugabe's
administration, has
admitted that the government's confiscation of 90% of
productive land from
white farmers had been a major cause of the crisis.
"'When the government
finally got its act together, and said how much it
needed, we also discovered
we would have to fund all food imports without
any contribution from the
Zimbabwe government,' said an executive of a major
donor
agency."
So not only did Farrell refuse to acknowledge the root
causes of the food
shortages, namely the Mugabe regime's reckless economic
and land reform
policies (and its inability to fulfil its estimated quotas
through the Grain
Marketing Board), he chose instead to focus on the donors
for showing a
reluctance to increase their support.
This is not
true. The US government, through USAid, donated in fiscal year
2003, US$125
000 000 in humanitarian assistance. This fiscal year alone
(October to now)
it has donated an additional $72 000 000.
And while problems of
drought and HIV infection may indeed be common to the
region, the fact is
other countries are recovering much faster in terms of
food
production.
What we need are UN representatives who, without losing
their diplomacy, are
prepared to tell it like it is. Dancing around the
problems in some
misdirected concern for the sensitivity of their hosts is
simply going to
compound official complacency and discourage
donors.
Zim Independent
The monster that eats its own children
By Chido
Makunike
WE can learn a lot of things, other than the obvious ones, about
what is
wrong with Zimbabwe from the hullabaloo about corruption that has
begun and
that is probably going to preoccupy the regime of Robert Mugabe for
some
time to come.
One of those things is how gullible we can be to
the self-serving diversions
by the authorities of our attention from their
culpability in making
Zimbabwe a mere shadow of the country it should and
could be. Once our many
problems were all blamed on racist neo-colonialists
who were resentful that
we were independent. Greedy capitalists who wanted to
exploit our resources
and dared to actually want to make a profit from their
investments have done
their bit to impoverish us. We all know the British and
their friends have
imposed sanctions on our revolutionary government because
they want to
recolonise us for their evil ends.
The list of
enemies who have nothing better to do than spend all their time
causing us
misery is unending. That is another danger of the current frenzy
about
corruption. Whites, bankers and politicians out of official favour for
one
reason or another make soft, easy targets for blame for what ails
the
society. They are powerful and wealthy but not necessarily popular
groups
who the public is happy to see come down a peg or two. From the phase
of
being told all our problems are caused by the British and their
local
lackeys, we move to the stage of new-found economic devils trying
to
frustrate the innocent government as the cause of our economic decline.
It
is merely a new act in the tiresome, long running play of Mugabe
being
seemingly incapable of taking responsibility for his policies and
actions
and their results.
It is also amazing how easy it often is
to whip us up into a collective
frenzy as a catharsis for our frustration at
the decline in the quality of
life, rather than to ask what brought it all
about in the first place. What
is required to bring about an abiding turn
around in our national fortunes
after we have had the temporary satisfaction
of seeing pompous politicians,
businesspeople and bankers brought down to
size? Is finally bringing these
people to book, parading them in handcuffs
and prison garb to our delight
and picturing their ill-gotten toys now
economic policy? Overnight fortunes
have been made from all kinds of
speculation and we have a vague sense of
unease and resentment at this kind
of "unearned" wealth and the way it is
flaunted. Should we also not be asking
what turned a fairly stable,
production-based economy into one in which
speculation made much more sense
than attempting to grow crops or make goods
in a factory?
In the regime of Mugabe we have an unimaginative
government that is far more
adept at finding enemies and scapegoats than at
creating conditions for
prosperity. Apart from outright repression and
intimidation, we the populace
have made it easy for them to do so for all
these years because we often
don't ask fundamental questions about what has
brought us to our present
state.
Corruption is the new bogeyman on
which all our economic ills can be blamed.
But if so, could it have gone on
for so long at the level it did without the
president who now casts himself
as a crusader against it unaware of it? How
do high ranking ruling party
officials acquire vast, allegedly corrupt
property and investment portfolios
without the police, the CIO and Mugabe
himself knowing about it? Could the
various spy and security services not
have been aware of what was the subject
of common talk in Harare for years,
or did the authorities choose to look the
other way because they were an
integral part of the corruption? Or were
perhaps the CIO too busy spying,
beating up and torturing citizens attempting
to exercise their right of
democratic dissent to worry about highly placed
crooks? Could it be that
these were considered the "legitimate" perks of
supporting the status quo,
leading some who stand accused of massive
corruption today to yesterday
openly boasting of how their ruling party
membership and patronage, not
business acumen, had led to their "success?" If
you want to do well like I
have done, you must also join Zanu PF, a high
profile alleged crook once
openly, provocatively teased.
It
certainly was not a secret that many of the overnight newly rich, both in
the
ruling party and outside of it, were engaged in corrupt activities. But
they
often did so with the tacit as well as open support and participation
of
hypocritical rulers who believe themselves to have covered up their
own
corrupt tracks enough to now sacrifice their equally corrupt
junior
colleagues.
I quite understand the shocked sense of
betrayal the corrupt pompous young
Zanu PF Turks must feel at being
sacrificed the way that is happening by
seniors whose own dirty secrets they
know. What is tragic about the youngish
high profile thieves is their
obviously not having understood the high risks
of the game they were playing,
along with the high rewards. The haughty high
profile young "playas" of
Harare are being cynically, tragically getting
"played" by political mentors
who no longer find it in their best interests
to continue with the game, at
least in its present form. There is no honour
among thieves, it's everyone
for himself when the heat is on!
While the long suffering public is
quite justified to feel a rare sense of
justice at our greediest and most
corrupt high-profile citizens finally
being brought to book, we must not lose
sight of the fact that this is also
a diversion meant to distract us from the
real reasons for the decline of
this country.
Speculation in foreign
currency is the result of its shortage, it is not the
basic cause. If
hoarding of and speculation in mealie meal causes the price
to shoot up
beyond prices that are widely affordable, it is fundamentally
because there
is a shortage of it, and we must address the shortage to
permanently deal
with the problem. Why does a sophisticated country like
Zimbabwe, drought or
no drought, have a shortage of its staple food? It is
not enough for us to
merely enjoy the temporary satisfaction of arresting
the
hoarder-speculator.
It is easy to ram through new laws declaring it
illegal to sell wheat or
other crops to anyone but the state grain monopoly.
But a far more effective
way to deal with the problem is to address the
fundamental issue that a
farmer will quite naturally want to sell his crop
where he gets the best
return on his investment. Being naive about this only
creates worse
shortages and forces producers to find more innovative ways to
flout such
unreasonable laws. Apart from the shortages that result from this
kind of
fire-fighting that has become a hallmark of the regime of Mugabe, it
is
these kind of contradictions that make so many people lose respect for
the
law. For significant levels of voluntary compliance with the law, that
law
must be seen to be reasonable and fair, as well as fairly applied. This
is
hardly the situation in Zimbabwe today.
I am not at all
surprised that economic collapse has had the result of
having the members of
the Zanu PF hierarchy that benefited from it for so
long turn against each
other. Flaunted "prosperity" that was not underpinned
by increased national
productivity was always a giant, fraudulent pyramid
scheme that had to
eventually collapse. But I am neither grateful for nor
particularly impressed
by a cynical, highly selective scapegoating exercise
billed as an
anti-corruption drive, orchestrated by the creators, godfathers
and main
beneficiaries of that corruption!
Chido Makunike is a regular
Harare-based contributor.
Zim Independent
Thumbs up to Moyo and his media group
By Kudakwashe
Marazanye
I HEARTILY applaud Information minister Jonathan Moyo for his
spirited
effort to expose corrupt leaders in both the party and public
service
organisations. Moyo is proving to be the most effective minister we
have had
since independence.
Moyo is galvanising public opinion
against thieving and corrupt public
figures and in getting appropriate organs
of the state like the police to
take action. It is the same Moyo who got the
lifeless academics at the
Reserve Bank to wake up from their slumber and
start rolling up their
sleeves to address the problems bedevilling the
economy. The appointment of
Dr Gideon Gono can be attributed to the campaign
by the public media under
the effective and hands-on leadership style of
Professor Moyo.
Now the parallel market is tottering on the brink of
collapse following the
combined efforts of law enforcement agents and the
public media. Taking a
lead from the public media, the police have for once
done a commendable job
in bringing the force of the law against the exposed
vices and their
perpetrators. The illegal parallel gold market may well be
doomed as the
public media (ZBC and papers in the Zimpapers stable) have led
a vigorous
campaign against this vice. And now Moyo has exploded the myth
that there
are untouchables in society who can commit crimes with impunity
owing to
their political and economic muscle.
To some of us
passionate nationalists it had become embarrassing to
associate ourselves
with the ruling Zanu PF, as the view among the members
of the public has been
that Zanu PF was a haven of thieves and other
fugitives from the law. But now
the chickens are coming home to roost for
those who came to Zanu PF to
protect their ill-gotten wealth. There are a
lot more respectable criminals
still to be exposed.
The law enforcement system has been compromised.
Rich criminals never go to
jail. The long arm of the law only stretches as
far as the high-density
suburbs leaving out criminals ensconced in Borrowdale
and some such places.
White-collar crime in this country is getting out of
hand and the
fashionable thing for these smooth criminals is to join the up
town churches
in the leafy northern suburbs pretending to be born again
Christians. Car
dealers (a polite term for sophisticated car thieves) bribe
people at the
Central Vehicle Registry and other relevant offices. They then
use their
blood money to corrupt Pentecostal pastors (themselves crazy about
earthly
possessions) so they can be given prominent positions in
church.
Some businessmen have been heard to say they are joining Zanu
PF to protect
themselves should they be exposed to be operating outside the
law.
Indigenous businessmen have been known to corruptly buy fuel from Noczim
at
subsidised rates for resale at black market rates at their filling
stations.
Yet others have been known to commandeer maize from the GMB under
the
pretext of distributing it in their wards, only to sell at black
market
prices and pocketing the proceeds.
Some will say coming
hard on these black criminals is an own goal against
indigenisation. But the
discerning will dismiss that claim with the contempt
it deserves. Is it
indigenisation that breeds criminals? Is it
indigenisation that produces
corrupt public officials who pander to the
criminal whims of the few
indigenous criminals hiding their crimes behind
the banner of indigenisation?
No. We went to war not for the right to become
criminals but the right to
have equal opportunities to use our abilities to
make money and better our
living standards. If we do not put a stop to this
seemingly inexorable march
towards the wholesale criminalisation of society,
very soon we will be
exporting criminals - sophisticated though they maybe
like Nigeria yet from
independence to the 1990s we were renowned for
exporting skilled and diligent
workers.
Respectable criminals and corrupt officials inspire more
criminals from the
ranks of our youngsters and public servants. Leaving
white-collar crime to
flourish also deals a felling blow to efforts at
empowering women, as our
beauties are known to make a beeline for smooth
criminals with lots of
money. Corruption is now killing the incentive for
hard work to earn a clean
income. Industry is full of impostors whose CVs are
full of lies about their
qualifications and experience. Many now corruptly
get fake certificates
having paid officials in the education
system.
So to Moyo, the public media and the police we say please
leave no stone
unturned in your efforts to eradicate this vice threatening
our society.
These actions are aimed at wooing back voters who had deserted
Zanu PF en
masse in protest at its collusion with criminal and corrupt
elements. This
is meant to enhance Zanu PF's electoral fortunes in next
year's
parliamentary elections.
Government should consider raising
the economic standing of police and
judicial officers so that they are not
bullied and corrupted by economically
powerful criminals. Government can do
this by paying police and judicial
officers competitive rates. This need not
necessarily be at private sector
rates, but competitive enough to make these
officers respectable, not the
laughing stock of society.
This
competitive salary coupled with the provision of cars and houses will
sure go
a long way in making them less prone to accepting bribes. Through
the
Ministry of Public Construction and National Housing, government could
build
houses for judicial and police officers whose positions make them
susceptible
to corruption. These houses should remain government property.
The
training of police officers will need to be changed from the current
one
where emphasis is put on developing and encouraging the use of brawn and
not
brain by the police force. Now that the native criminal is also a
smart
thinker our ill-equipped baton-stick wielding police officers have
been
found wanting. More resources should now be made available to train
our
police force on how to deal with white collar crime instead of the
current
over-policing of townships which has filled our jails with small time
pick
pockets.
This disproportionate attention to small time
criminals leaves white collar
crime to flourish, yet white collar crime costs
society much more than pick
pocketing which is mostly motivated by need.
White collar crime is always
motivated by greed. These measures will
definitely inspire confidence in
these very important institutions of
government and help in making them more
efficient and
effective.
Kudakwashe Marazanye is a Harare-based freelance
writer.
Zim Independent
Comment
Gono’s magic wand won’t do the
trick
THERE was much jubilation this week when Zimbabweans were told by
the
Central Statistical Office (CSO) that the country’s inflation figure
had
gone down by 20,8 percentage points from a record 620,5% for November
to
598,7% in December.
Some quarters, especially in government, were
quick to point out that
inflation had nose-dived because of Reserve Bank
governor Gideon Gono’s
monetary policy stance.
They said Finance
minister Herbert Murerwa’s prediction that inflation would
stand at 700%
during the first quarter of this year had been made to vanish
by Gono’s
“magic wand” and inflation would now be less than 500% for
this
period.
Economists however point out fatal flaws in these claims.
For one, the
statement was released in mid-December and so inflation figures
would not
have been affected by Gono’s statement as CSO officials were
still
collecting the necessary data.
Inflation figures are collected
using what is termed a basket of goods and
services that the ordinary
Zimbabwean needs for normal day-to-day upkeep.
These include milk,
bread, cooking oil, low-quality meat, and fuel.
Inflation figures are
also calculated on the cost of services such as
transport, accommodation and
medical needs. That information is yet to feed
through for the current
quarter.
Further, basic commodities are still not available on the
shelves of major
supermarket chains but are stacked outside their front
doors. They are
selling at exorbitant parallel market rates. These are not a
part of the CSO
’s calculations.
Fuel is also available on the
parallel market resulting in transport costs
being pegged at these
rates.
Rentals are pegged and in many instances now charged in foreign
currency so
one needs to ask what basket is used when making the inflation
calculations.
Health services are in the intensive care unit and there
are no medicines in
the country. Only the well-to-do with foreign currency
accounts have access
to services outside the country. What basket is used in
such instances one
may ask?
The auction system has been praised for
bringing to an end the thriving
parallel market in the country.
The
system, recommended by the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries (CZI),
has
however already come under fire from the same body that wanted
it
introduced.
The CZI says it now wants a pegged figure of $5 800 to
the United States
dollar as opposed to the $4 195 average currently being
used.
The CZI points out that an “unviably low” auction price in the
initial
period will undermine exporter confidence in the auction system,
delay
investment in export growth, and stimulate foreign currency demand
for
consumptive purposes. The RBZ has thrown out the CZI’s
suggestion.
While the auction system has brought about some sanity in the
financial
services sector there is still a thriving parallel market on the
streets of
Harare and Bulawayo.
One thing is evident though — there is
little money trickling into RBZ
coffers at the moment. Businesses are holding
onto their foreign currency in
anticipation that Gono will soon run out of
steam or face obstacles.
There is a long list of Reserve Bank governors
and Finance ministers who
tried to clean up Zimbabwe’s Augean stable but
eventually met a brick wall
including Gono’s predecessors, Kombo Moyana and
Leonard Tsumba.
The salient fact facing him is that the country is not
earning sufficient
forex to meet its import needs. And inflation is 600%
higher than that of
our trading partners.
Those facts on the ground
are likely to fuel the parallel market — and with
it inflation — for some
time to come.
At the end of the day we have to face another harsh
reality. The government’
s scorched-earth land policies have sabotaged the
country’s means to earn
forex through exports of tobacco and horticultural
goods. And tourists are
staying away in droves as a result of the country’s
well-deserved reputation
for political violence and selective application of
the law.
There will be no foreign investment until the rule of law is
restored. There
is no question of the Bretton Woods institutions
extending
balance-of-payments relief until earlier conditions have been met.
And the
land reform programme will need to be cleaned up and brought into
line with
constitutional guarantees on property rights as the parliamentary
legal
committee’s adverse report on proposed amendments
underscores.
Gono will have difficulty dealing with those basics. While
we don’t want to
rain on his parade, he should be the first to realise that
the current
respite is only temporary.
Sooner or later he will have to
face the hard facts that underthe current
regime a misma-naged economy,
macro-economic distortions, corruption and
shortages have become a way of
life. He may tinker at the margins. But
without the engagement of the
international community and nationally agreed
land and economic policies
Zimbabwe’s future remains bleak.
Zim Independent
Eric Bloch Column
Mixed reactions surround forex
auctions
LAST week witnessed the commencement of Zimbabwe’s foreign
currency
auctions, intended to bring some rationality to the country’s
management of
its very limited resource of critically needed foreign
exchange.
By bringing the auction system into being, the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe
(RBZ) has sought to maximise the flow of foreign currency through
official
channels, as distinct from the long operative parallel and black
markets.
Concurrently, the expectation is that in the absence of a free float
of the
Zimbabwean dollar, the auctions will result in rates of exchange
which
determine the value of the country’s currency at real levels.
Moreover,
although constraints of an insufficiency of foreign currency will
inevitably
continue for the foreseeable future, the auctions are anticipated
to ensure
a greater availability for essential needs, instead of unofficial
markets
enabling diversion of the scarce commodity (hard currencies) to
purposes
unrelated to such essential needs.
But the first two auctions
have evoked very mixed reactions. Importers have
undoubtedly welcomed the
fairly considerable decline in the cost of foreign
currency from the parallel
market rates that prevailed in December 2003. In
mid-December, the parallel
market was operating at rates approximating to
US$1: $6 500, whilst the black
market, mainly operational in the
back-streets of Bulawayo, in proximity to
Harare’s leading hotels, and in
car parks and pathways of Victoria Falls,
operated at rates reputedly about
US$1: $5 500. By contrast, the weighted
average rate at the first auction
was US$1: $4 196,58, whilst at the second
auction the weighted average rate
was marginally lower, at US$1: Z$4
177,16.
Resultantly, some importers were ecstatic, having visions of
funding future
imports at about two-thirds of the cost of like imports only a
month ago. At
the same time, many exporters were cast into almost immediate
panic, for
they foresaw a sharp drop in export proceeds, resulting in an
imminent
collapse of their operations, bearing in mind especially the
continuing
impact of inflation upon their operating costs. And, whilst the
exporters
and the importers had such divergent reactions to the outcome of
the first
auctions, the Minister of Fiction, Fable and Myth, and his minions
in the
state-controlled audio, visual and print media immediately rhapsodised
the
alleged, instantaneous drop in prices of many goods, and eulogised
the
auctions as vehicles to the restoration of national wellbeing and
the
elimination of poverty.
That will not be so, for a temporary
exchange rate drop, concurrently with
rising operational costs, cannot bring
about price reductions.
In practice, all these reactions to the first two
auctions were
ill-considered and misplaced. In the first instance, those
auctions give
very little indication as to probable future rates, for several
reasons. At
the end of the day, the over-riding criteria in determining the
rates that
will be bid for foreign currency, will be the relationship between
supply
and demand. If the amount of currency offered at the auction exceeds
demand,
bids will progressively, from auction to auction, decline. On the
other
hand, if the demand for the currency exceeds supply, bids will
steadily
increase, auction after auction, until they reach levels at which
a
willingness of many to bid diminishes, and ultimately disappears. When
that
occurs, the ratio between supply and demand progressively
changes,
eventually again impacting upon bid levels. And, as bids escalate
the
exchange rate upwards, until importers contract their operations due to
an
inability to maintain viability of operations, those higher rates
provide
enhanced operational viability and competitiveness to exports,
enabling them
to expand export operations. That results in an increased
supply of foreign
exchange, progressively resulting in lower bids at the
auctions.
So, undoubtedly, there will be rate peaks and troughs as time
goes by, as is
the case in open money markets the world over although in most
of those
markets there is usually far less volatility in rate movements than
in a
contracted economy such as Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean economy is subject
to
very radical movements at very short notice in response to
its
roller-coaster political and fiscal policies and usual disregard by
the
political hierarchy for fundamentals of good governance and
economic
well-being.
However, most reactions to the first two
auctions, be they positive,
negative or ambivalent, are premature, for those
auctions could not, and
should not, be benchmarks upon which to draw
conclusions and formulate
future business policies. That they are not
authoritative indicators is due
to several factors.
First of all, they
commenced at a time when the economy is most inactive.
The first auction was
held on the same day as many factories reopened after
their annual industrial
recess, whilst many other factories only resumed
operations this week, and
others have yet to do so. Therefore, few — if
any — industrialists will have
been bidders at last week’s auctions.
Moreover, bids could not be submitted
unless and until approval of the
Exchange Control Authorities had been
received for the payments to be made
with the currency to be sourced at the
auctions.
Although the RBZ aspires to process applications for such
approvals within
24 hours of receipt, the aggregate lead-time in obtaining
approval is
greater, including the administrative processing by the
applicant, then
processing by the relevant branch of the applicant’s bankers,
who must in
turn forward the application to the centralised Exchange Control
division of
that bank, which must lodge the application with the RBZ.
After
determination of the application, the approval has to traverse the
same
routing in reverse. Then an auction bid can be submitted, again
traversing
that potentially extended administration path.
With the
first auction being only 12 days into the new year, there were not
likely to
be many who could have, or would have, done all the necessary to
submit a
bid. In addition, many were ill-disposed to bid at the first
auction, they
adopting a “wait and see” attitude, fearing that their bids at
that stage
could be markedly higher than necessary. They also had no idea as
to the
extent of foreign currency as would be offered at the auction, and
therefore
could not exercise a judgment as to the probable relationship
thereof to
demand, and hence an assessment as to the requisite bid level.
That this was
so was very clearly evidenced by the data of the first
auction. US$5 million
was on offer, but there were only seven bids, seeking
a total of US$477
557,91 (ie only 9,55% of the currency on offer). The bid
range was from $4
000 to $4 900 per US$1, yielding the weighted average
auction rate of US$1:
$4 196,58.
The second auction took place three days later, and potential
bidders were
aware that the amount on offer would be at least US$4 522 442,
being the
carry-over from the first auction, even if no further currency were
to hand
for auction. At a time when very clearly demand would be relatively
low,
with the near inactivity of industry and retail trade in post-Xmas
doldrums,
exacerbated by lesser than expected year-end sales and,
therefore,
overstocked positions, there was every motivation to bid low, and
many did.
In a matter of three days, between the first and second auctions,
the range
of bids widened significantly. At the first auction, the lowest bid
was
US$1: $4 000, and the highest was US$1: $4 900. When the second auction
was
held, the highest bid was only $100 greater, at to US$1: $5 000, whilst
the
lowest bid fell from $4 000 to $3 500. However, it was significant that
the
weighted average bid rate fell by a mere $19,42 to $4 177,16
only.
It is also significant that, although the economic activity
remained in the
usual start-of-year lethargy, nevertheless the number of bids
rose from
seven in the first auction to 50 in the second. Undoubtedly, that
was
because some who were not administratively ready to bid at the first,
were
ready to do so at the second, but it was very probably also because
some
felt that the results of the first auction provided them with
some
indications or guidelines enabling them to decide on their bid
level.
Of course, if the rate does not rise to some significant degree,
many mines,
horticultural enterprises, and industries will be unable to
export without
sustaining massive losses, and most tourism ventures (already
embattled)
will confront immense operational difficulties and their survival
will be at
risk.
Zim Independent
Muckraker
Are they all our ‘beloved
friends’?
THE Zimbabwe Independent is under sustained assault on all
fronts as the
state ratchets up its campaign to silence any criticism of its
failed
policies ahead of next year’s parliamentary poll. It seems to think
that if
the press is trampled on the public won’t notice the economic
devastation
its scorched-earth policies have wreaked.
There is also an
imaginative attempt by the regime’s spokesmen to suggest
the victims of the
government’s current crackdown in the business sector are
all friends of the
Zimbabwe Independent.
“Has anyone noticed,” asked the Sunday Mail’s
political editor Munyaradzi
Huni, “how the Zimbabwe Independent and the
Standard are failing to
understand what has really hit their beloved friends
in the private sector
that they used to present as the cleanest sector in the
land?”
So all the Zanu PF-linked businessmen who were able to build their
fortunes
on their links to political power and who operated for years
unmolested by
the state’s supervisory institutions were our “beloved friends”
were they?
We rather thought we had warned of the dangers of political
cronyism in the
business sector and pointed to the weak institutional
arrangements
surrounding favouritism and selective contracting. Did we not
alert readers
to Roger Boka’s United Merchant Bank, the FNBS scandal and
other systemic
failures? Were those our “friends”?
Nice try Cde Huni.
But you should be asking why it has taken President
Mugabe 24 years to get
around to this latest blitz. How was all this
corruption allowed to grow? And
why doesn’t the blitz include ministers who
became very rich very quickly?
Because let’s get real, while some
inconvenient tall poppies may be cut down
to size because they have offended
the powers-that-be by distributing a few
leaflets in Masvingo seeking the
departure of the old guard, this is by no
means an even-handed campaign. It
will extend only as far as it is allowed
to. The Gono juggernaut will be
halted in its tracks as soon as it approaches
the citadel of power.
One area in which we warned about cronyism and
unregulated business activity
was in regard to the DRC. We shone a bright
light on the dodgy diamond
deals, exposed the mining contracts, and were
suitably sceptical about Arda’
s role in agriculture and forestry. We pointed
out that Zimbabwe’s military
was unqualified to run commercial enterprises,
especially when up against
Laurent Kabila’s shifty ministers and vastly more
experienced Lebanese.
Now our leadership is bitter that the South
Africans have moved in on
“their” turf. Ironically, this, we were told, is
exactly what Zimbabwe went
into the Congo to prevent. And it is interesting
to note that the same sort
of resentment that used to be directed against
Nelson Mandela’s diplomacy in
the region is now being directed at Thabo Mbeki
who last week completed a
highly successful visit to the DRC which his large
business entourage took
full advantage of.
Large contracts were signed
in mining and other sectors, the South African
media triumphantly
reported.
“As he went around doing his business,” the Sunday Mail’s Huni
grumbled,
“did the SA leader ever stop to think what could have happened to
that
country if countries in the region had chosen to be cowards as his
country
did and refused to send soldiers to defend that country from the
invading
rebels?”
Ouch. Something’s hurting here.
The same
author is in an unforgiving mood. On another front he is as mad as
hell with
gay rights campaigner Peter Tatchell for his legal bid to have
Mugabe
arrested on human rights charges. The “gay pig” should have his jaw
torn
apart, Huni wrote. But not content with this savage reprisal, others
who
aided and abetted Tatchell should be treated to a similar fate.
“Ray
Choto and Gabriel Shumba, who joined in the gay pig’s dirty game when
they
testified in court in the stupid case, should also not be spared,”
he
spat.
This jaw-breaking declaration comes as editors in the
government media are
due to pledge — for the benefit of South African
colleagues and donors — to
uphold tolerance and the “highest professional
standards” in the Zimbabwean
press!
The Herald’s Nathaniel Manheru
showed us just what those standards are. In a
poisonous diatribe he described
our editor Iden Wetherell as “a colonial
nomad” who the “sons of the black
African soil have to suffer until the
scythe of time makes its remedial
harvest”. That couldn’t be soon enough he
made clear!
This intemperate
attack led in turn to a bitter denunciation of white
liberals in the 1970s
who, it was darkly hinted, were really Special Branch
spies. Student
demonstrations involving “Wetherell and his ilk” invariably
led to
retribution from the Special Branch, Manheru claimed.
“I happen to be old
enough to know…A number of black students, some of them
my relations, lost
their lives or were disabled for life from torture.”
Who is old enough to
know? Herald editor Pikirayi Deketeke gallantly told a
judge at a chambers
hearing recently that he was the author of the Nathaniel
Manheru column
assisted by colleagues at the paper. But he would have been
about 10 in 1976!
On the other hand the individual most closely associated
with the column in
media reports has been said by liberation war veterans to
have made no
contribution whatsoever to the war — apart from running away
from
it!
Contrary to Manheru’s assertion, Wetherell made no claim about Zapu.
That
came from wire copy. And since when has Manheru been a Zapu spokesman?
But
the malevolent columnist is nevertheless bent upon “retributive
justice”,
suggesting access to the weapons of state power. Let’s hope they
don’t
include a scythe!
Muckraker feels it is time Local Government
minister Ignatius Chombo was
interdicted from interfering in council affairs,
especially those of an
administrative nature. Two weeks ago Harare
councillors gave town clerk
Nomutsa Chideya sweeping powers to implement
council policies. According to
a Herald report, Chideya was given full powers
to hire, fire and restructure
council in line with its objectives to deliver
efficient service.
The following week Chombo resurfaced at Town House to
order that some 22
employees dismissed or sent on forced leave in 2002 be
reinstated because
the reasons for their dismissal or suspension were
“non-professional”. Yet
Chideya’s mandate now, according to the Herald, is to
“eradicate
indiscipline, insubordination, laziness, absenteeism and any other
forms of
misconduct”.
Muckraker wonders whether Chideya will finally
be allowed to carry out his
mandate without waiting for political orders from
Chombo who doesn’t appear
to have better things to do. And why does he want
all issues of “personnel
nature” directed to his office for approval when
there is a fully elected
council to carry out people’s wishes?
Only
last week Chideya reported that council was paying up to 700 workers
who were
“sitting on abolished posts”. Most of these employees, revealed
Chideya,
“only reported for work but quickly disappear to do their
private
jobs”.
Surely there is need for an inquiry to find out if
council is providing
sheltered employment for certain people and what
Chombo’s interest is. After
all, it is ratepayers, not Chombo, who pay their
salaries.
So good news on the economic front. Inflation is down from 620%
to 598%. And
the Zim dollar is firming against hard currencies. Foreign
currency rates
have taken a “massive dip” against the local unit, we are
told. On Monday
the US dollar traded at $3 842 compared to $4 177 last
week.
In what other country in the world would the official press be able
to get
away with claiming that a reduction in inflation from 620% to 598% was
good
news? Or that the local unit, that was worth more than a US dollar in
1980,
is now trading at $3 842 to US$1?
As all the ingredients of
inflation are still feeding into the system, most
notably government
borrowing and money supply growth, there is not much
light at the end of the
tunnel. Forex inflows remain well short of what is
needed to fund imports and
our inflation rate is hugely out of sync with
those of our main trading
partners.
The black market may have been temporarily dampened, but does
anybody really
think Gono is able to resuscitate agriculture or persuade his
friends in
Zanu PF to get the macro-economic fundamentals in order? And why
do we have
to live with arbitrary crackdowns and blitzes instead of
consistent,
predictable policies?
Air Zimbabwe is threatening to sue
the Zimbabwe Independent for suggesting,
it claims, that its managing
director and board of directors are “weak and
inefficient managers who buckle
under pressure from politicians”.
Just to show this is not the case, the
airline rushed to tell the Herald of
its action before the Independent had
been given an opportunity to respond!
The airline claims that all but 18
of its passengers who were due to fly to
London on January 5 were contacted
and told of the rescheduling. Those that
turned up at the airport were either
provided with accommodation or returned
to their homes. There were therefore
no passengers who were stranded, Air
Zimbabwe says. During the week the
president was away no single Air Zimbabwe
flight to London was cancelled or
materially affected except for the
rescheduling that occurred on January 6,
it says.
Any passengers who feel they were inconvenienced on this or any
other flight
as a result of President Mugabe’s use of an Air Zimbabwe plane
should
contact this newspaper with the details. So should travel agents. We
may
need to challenge the airline’s explanations. Your replies will be
treated
in confidence.
In the meantime, Zimbabwe Inde-pendent readers
should be remi-nded that when
making their travel plans they have a choice as
to which airline they use.
This particularly applies to Zimbabweans living
abroad and foreign visitors
to this country. Do you agree with Air Zimbabwe’s
threats against the
Zimbabwe Independent? Do you agree that passengers are
not inconvenienced
during presidential charters? Do you see the airline as
efficiently managed
and free of political pressure as it claims? Tell us what
you think. And
remember, you can make a difference when booking your next
flight.
Muckraker’s tailpiece: Q: What’s the difference between Zanu PF
and a Blair
toilet?
A: The Blair toilet has improved the lives of
millions of Zimbabweans.