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- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Stolen Cattle Found in Zambia

The Herald (Harare)

January 24, 2005
Posted to the web January 24, 2005

Bulawayo Bureau

HUNDREDS of cattle stolen from Zimbabwe have been recovered in Zambia and
efforts are reportedly underway to bring them back into the country,
Matabeleland North police confirmed yesterday.

Some Zimbabwean police officers are in Zambia to work out modalities of
bringing back the cattle, which were stolen by Zambian cattle rustlers who
use boats to ferry them across the Zambezi River.

Although Matabeleland North police spokesman, Inspector Casper Nhepera could
not provide details of the matter yesterday, it is understood that more than
200 beasts have been identified.

"We can not release the details as of now because our officers are still in
Zambia," Inspector Nhepera said.

"But if you can call me tomorrow may be I would be able to provide you with
the details".

He said releasing details could prejudice the ongoing investigations into
the stock theft racket.

Last week, a Binga man was jailed for nine years for stealing two cattle
that he had smuggled to Zambia.

The man, Luckmore Mwembe transported the beasts to a harbour and loaded them
in a boat and crossed into Zambia.

The beasts were worth $2 million and were not recovered as they were
reportedly sold to undisclosed Zambian nationals.

In November last year, police launched an anti-stock theft campaign.

This was after they realised that due to the movement of cattle from one
place to another following the fast-track settlement programme and a desire
for cheaper meat for consumption purposes at home, cattle rustling was on
the increase with 8 894 cases having been recorded in the first half of last

A Stock Theft Act was also passed late last year to curb the crime.

The law provides for harsh punishment to those found guilty of stock theft.
It has a mandatory sentence of nine years.

Police have netted a number of cattle rustlers following the launch of the

Even President Mugabe last year noted with regret that stock theft had
become prevalent in the country to an extent that it threatened the national
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Southern Africa: Zambezi Flood Plain Residents Urged to Relocate

UN Integrated Regional Information Networks

January 24, 2005
Posted to the web January 24, 2005


Residents of flood-prone areas in the path of the rising Zambezi in Namibia
and Mozambique have been asked to move to higher ground, disaster officials
told IRIN.

"The Zambezi has crossed the flood-alert level of 5 metres in Sofala [the
central Mozambican province]. It has not begun flooding yet, but we have
issued the warning to the farmers in the flood plains in the provinces of
Tete, Sofala and Zambezia", said Rita Almeida, spokeswoman for the National
Disaster Management Institute (INGC) in the capital, Maputo.

The Zambezi, the longest river in Southern Africa, rises in northwestern
Zambia and flows along the eastern edge of Namibia's Caprivi Strip to the
border between Zambia and Zimbabwe before continuing through Mozambique to
the Indian Ocean.

Almeida told IRIN that the INGC has had a contingency plan in place since
November 2004; transport, tents and food relief will be sent to affected
areas as soon as the river begins to flood.

In Namibia the Emergency Management Unit (EMU) has issued a warning to
residents living along the Zambezi in northeastern Caprivi to move to higher

Francis Kooper, EMU's acting head, said heavy rains in Zambia and Angola
were expected to swell the Zambezi. Last year about 5,000 people were
displaced and a further 15,000 affected by flooding, the worst in almost 50
years, the Namibia Red Cross said in a statement.

Kooper noted that the water level in the river was increasing by 0.02 m a
day, compared to 0.03 m last year, but "flooding cannot be ruled out."

"We have already begun compiling our supply of tents and water purification
tablets, and making transport arrangements, so that we are well prepared,"
he added.

While the overall availability of food in most parts of the Caprivi region
had improved, the bulletin noted that "the food security situation of a
large number of people affected by floods last year is precarious".

[ This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations ]
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Dead BC Mesmerised By Iranians

Zimbabwe Standard (Harare)

January 23, 2005
Posted to the web January 24, 2005

Rangarirai Mberi

IRANIANS, Iranians. That's all we got from Dead BC for much of last week.

You had Iranians taking 20 minutes of Snooze Hour on Monday, then you had an
hour long Iranian documentary later that night.

Tuesday, the Iranians still owned the news. We followed Mohammed Khatami's
visits everywhere: "The Iranian leader was led through the Victoria Falls
rainforest by Foreign Affairs Minister Stan Mudenge. He was very pleased".
Later that night, we had an Iranian movie (yeah, they do make movies in

Then came Wednesday. Ten "memorandums" of understanding had been signed, we
were told. Quite intriguing to hear the Iranian ambassador to Zimbabwe
remarking: "Implementation is more important than signing". Clearly, our
reputation as empty talkers has spread around the world.

Then we had the usual man-on-the-street "surveys", with one woman telling
us: "Upfumi hwedu hurikubatsirwa nevanhu ivava" (these people are building
our economy).

If you can find anything the Iranians have brought us - except of course the
"state of the art equipment" at Dead BC - $17 in prize money awaits you.
With the rate at which our economic turnaround is going, you will be able to
buy a boat with that by Christmas.

This whole Iranian charade shows how many dummies we have around.

While we crow about our friendship with Iran being a rebuff to the West,
Khatami himself is a reformist leader taking his country into the modern
age. Ignore Bush's accusations about secret nuclear programmes - what's
wrong with a nuke or two anyway - Khatami's economy is on the up.

As for us, according to Judith Makwanya, we are "known around the world as a
fast maturing democracy striving to make Zimbabwe the best place for its
people." Hey Jude, only when you are sleeping.

IF "new state of the art multi-million Euro equipment" has indeed been
installed at Pockets Hill, I'll take Zhing Zhong anytime.

"We apologise for bringing you the wrong clip. That, in fact, was a story on
seven germinating bean seeds in Madhlambuzi. We now return you to the
earlier story where residents of Tsholotsho have called for a
Forgive-Us-Please gala to cleanse the area of evil. No, in fact we bring you
a story in which war veterans say Zimbabwe is prepared for any tsunami".

Then there is that long, empty stare. Here, the newsreader is saying; "What
the hell's going on back there? They are making me look silly here. Is my
make-up OK?" Then the stare breaks. "We'll be back after this break." NTV,
coming soon.

TALKING about lazy people, the party nomination for laziness must go to the
producers of Rockers Vibes, a favourite show of yours truly. How does any
self-respecting producer, and one who has even the slightest regard for his
audience, manage to run off the same videos each and every week.

Reggae lovers have a raw deal as it is already. Terrence Mapurisana talks
too much on his Sunday "Reggae Talk" programme on Sfm. James "Bhabhi" Manyau
talks even longer and louder on Radio Zimbabwe.

Do these guys know what we have to go through to catch Rockers Vibes? Reggae
fans have to worry about their ulcers through Saturday's Snooze Hour before
wading through Mai Chisamba. "Ipfungwa dzakewo" (that's what he thinks), she
keeps saying - a polite way to say: "Do you even have a brain".

(And will somebody please get some of those people jobs. They have become
Mai Chisamba's permanent audience. Stop giving those people free food

Then the reggae fan has to go through the worst type of television viewing
there is - the African (meaning Nigerian) movies.

"Motha, I told this woman long time ehgo I no want har in my house no more",
the dude declares. Mother pleads: "But why Yakubu, she be a good girl now?"
Meanwhile, the wife's wailing is about to split your TV speakers. "No motha
I make up my mind now, this woman, she be a bahd witch. Very bahd witch."
Motha exclaims, hands over the head: "Aah Azuka! You waan kill my son now.
You wicked witch!"

After enduring all this, you give us last week's, and the previous week's
menu. Have a heart, will you. Fire 'pon you!

SO Patrick Chinamasa says "transparent, I mean translucent" ballot boxes
will make vote rigging harder. Big change. Whereas they used to stuff wooden
boxes with ballots before voting began, with the new "transparent, I mean
translucent" boxes, now they will have to stuff ballots AFTER the voting. A
major advancement in our electoral system.

EVEN this Silver Jubilee orgy has its good moments. A pat on the back for
Spencer Banda for his refreshing documentary last Saturday on Proud
Chinembiri, better known as Kilimanjaro.

"Kili", as he was called then, held the African heavyweight boxing title for
a record seven years. He could have taken on the world had he not been
cheated in England when judges claimed he had lost on points to a Pom he had
clobbered all night. Shows you why we will never forgive these maBritish.
Spencer dug out Kili's major fights and - for once - actually interviewed
people who matter. Good on you, Spencer.

SO "the visit of the Iranian leader presents exciting business opportunities
for Zimbabwean businesspeople"? Good. My big brother Stewart, who has been
away trying to convince the Iranians to buy his live pigs, is back next
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Surgeon's Diary: A Medical Don for All Seasons

The Nation (Nairobi)

January 23, 2005
Posted to the web January 24, 2005

Yusuf K. Dawood

Prof Williamson defied both time and space. Time, because at 60, when a
surgeon usually puts his scalpel away, he was wielding it with steady and
dexterous hands. Space, because being the only neurosurgeon in the region,
he piloted a single engine aircraft and was called to all the neighbouring
countries to operate on skulls and spines. I first met him when he invited
me to Harare to examine students for the final MBChB examination in surgery.

UDI - Unilateral Declaration of Independence - had just ended. Rhodesia had
become free, had changed its name to Zimbabwe and Salisbury was now Harare.
However, the colonial organisation and infrastructure was still firmly in
place and everything worked like clockwork, both in the medical school and
the teaching hospital.

"Would you like to join me for ward round tomorrow?' Prof Williamson asked
after receiving me at the airport and escorting me to Harare Club where he
had arranged my accommodation. I felt at home there because it had a similar
historical background to our Muthaiga Club and also had reciprocal
arrangements with it. During my stay there, I found out that in fact it was
considerably older than ours, having been established in the middle of the
19th century. Pictures of Cecil Rhodes, lords and ladies of the domain, lion
and elephant hunters wearing khaki uniform and solar hat, standing beside
their trophies, toting a gun and of Sir Roy Wellensky, the Prime Minister of
the short-lived and ill-fated Federation, abounded in the lounge, the
banquet hall and various bars filled with valuable antiques of the Empire.

"Sure," I said wanting to see local clinical material.

"Fine," he replied. "Pick you up at 5.45 tomorrow morning." As I gasped at
the unearthly hour, he explained: "The sun rises very early in southern
Africa and I start my rounds at six sharp." I almost extricated myself out
of my rash commitment but then changed my mind. It was the first time that
he had looked north to obtain an external examiner. During the time that
sanctions had been imposed against the country for unilaterally declaring
its independence, examiners only came from the South which, under Apartheid
rule, was painted with the same brush. I did not want to blot the copybook
of my successors who might be subsequently invited. Nevertheless I was glad
I went. The energy and the zest of the man was a tonic to watch. It was the
usual professorial ward round - the boss leading the procession with a huge
retinue of lecturers, house surgeons, students and nurses - all in their
rightful places.

"Show me only the problem cases," Prof Williamson said to his junior staff,
"because we are conducting clinical examinations, which start at nine."
Elevating my academic status, he added: "This professor is here from Kenya
as an external examiner and he wants to check the standard of our medical
education." With a side-glance at me, he went on: "Let's not forget that
Kenya became independent in 1963 - while we have just gained our freedom. So
we are already 20 years behind!" The ward round was uneventful except once
when the intern started narrating a long history about a patient. The
professor gently admonished him in a light vein. "Relevance is very
important in history taking. Your history reminds me of a student I had last
year in my batch. I had just told them how family history was important in
hereditary diseases like diabetes and breast cancer. Next day, the student
was assigned a case of a fractured forearm following a car accident and I
heard him ask the patient: 'Was your father or mother ever involved in a car
accident?' " The ward round ended on a hilarious note.

The examination went off very well. As an external examiner, my role was of
a roving nature. My remit was to go round and watch students being examined
and make sure that the examiners remained within the prescribed syllabus and
were neither too harsh nor too soft. All the examiners were paired so that
no candidate was subjected to the whims of an individual. Each student was
assigned a patient and given roughly 20 minutes to go over him or her. The
examiners would then grill the candidate for another 20 minutes.

Prof Williamson was also paired with a colleague and I wandered in their
cubicle just when they had finished examining a candidate. They were
standing there discussing how many marks to give him. As soon as they had
settled the score, the supervisor escorted another candidate - a young
attractive Zimbabwean lady.

"Hello Sylvia," Prof Williamson said as he shook hands with her. As I showed
some surprise on my face at the undisguised familiarity, he explained: "This
young lady is personally known to me and I would rather not examine her."
Then, looking at me, he asked: "Do you mind standing in for me?" The request
was quite in order and I did not mind filling his shoes. Sylvia happened to
be a very bright student and my co-examiner and I literally ran out of
questions. When it came to marking, we both agreed that she deserved credit
marks. At the end of four gruelling days there was a cocktail party, thrown
by a pharmaceutical company to which all the examiners and candidates were
invited. As one surgeon cynically remarked, "All the successful candidates
will soon be writing prescriptions and obviously the drug firm wants to
catch them young!"

The party was a great success and before it finished, Prof Williamson was
asked by the manager of the sponsoring company to make a speech. There was
whistling, foot thumping and loud clapping as Prof Williamson was led to the
microphone. I could see that he was quite popular.

"Working as a surgeon for more years than I care to remember, I have been
called upon to deal with all types of emergencies," he started, looking at
the sea of smiling young faces. "But this is the most acute emergency; to be
asked to make a speech literally at a moment's notice." He swayed a little
as he continued: "This business of examination reminds me of an interview
carried out during the last World War to select women who could cope with
dangerous situations without panicking. The first applicant was English and
the standard question was asked. 'How would you react if you were stranded
on a desert island and you were the only woman amongst 100 men? The girl
considered the question for a while and then replied. "I would separate them
into soccer and cricket teams and keep them busy in sports." The next
candidate, an American, was asked the same question and she replied: "I
would distract their attention from me by setting up a military camp and
assigning them different jobs to run the camp." The last girl was French and
the chairman asked her: "What would you do if you found yourself alone with
one hundred men on a desert island?" When there was no reply from the young
lady, a member of the interviewing committee slowly repeated the question
and then asked: "Have you understood the question?" After a brief silence,
the candidate replied in her seductive French accent: "I understand the
question sir, but what's the problem?"' The story brought the house down.

When Prof Williamson left the podium, he joined Sylvia sitting alone in the
corner of the hall. I watched them hold an animated conversation for quite a
while. I drew my own conclusion but dismissed it outright as too

Our paths crossed a few times since then. A few years later we were both
invited to Lusaka to examine students and, at the end of the examination,
all of us were taken to see Victoria Falls from the Zambian side. We then
crossed the famous bridge, walked over to the Zimbabwean side and saw the
Falls from there as well. We were sitting by the side of Livingstone's
statue, apparently erected on the exact spot from where he saw the cascading
water for the first time. Perhaps inspired by proximity with the great
explorer, the good professor opened his heart out: "You know age creeps on
all of us and we don't realise that. The other day I went to renew my
pilot's licence and I was told that I am age barred." With an air of
resignation in his voice, he added: "Never mind, I have sown enough wild
oats in my time and intend to settle down anyway." This was obviously a
prelude to the big surprise he was going to give me. "You remember Sylvia,
the candidate in surgery who I declined to examine?"

"Very well."

"She is my wife now."

"Congratulations!" I said. Remembering that she was much younger than him, a
naughty thought crossed my mind. By marrying her, he had assured geriatric
care in the sunset years of his life!

We lost touch with each other for a few years. Sad events connected with the
takeover of white farms once again isolated Zimbabwe and travel to and from
that unhappy country was not easy. But last year, I was invited to examine
post-graduate students in surgery by the College of Surgeons and met up with
Prof Williamson. I could see that he was trying to be his old sprightly self
but age had taken its toll. But there was more to it. Lines of aging on his
haggard face were filled with pensive sadness. I soon found the reason. "You
remember Sylvia?" he asked. Before I could even reply he spoke again: "She
died two years ago."

"What?" I screamed.

"Yes, she died of cancer of the pancreas," he replied. "As you know it is a
silent killer. We didn't know until she was jaundiced and by then it was too
late." With a little gurgle in his throat he went on: "It is a quirk of
fate - an irony you might call it. Instead of her nursing me in my old age,
I nursed her young body during her terminal illness. She was only 47 when
she died."

"And how are you feeling yourself?" I wanted to change the subject.

"Well, at 80 I cannot do rounds at 6 am as I used to. In fact, I cannot do
any surgery at all. It would be unsafe even to try!" Then, with a rare smile
on his face, he added: "You know the hospital and the medical school are
full of my ex-students. All the current professors are my proteges. They
realised that I am workaholic and would wither out without work. So they
unanimously voted me into the position of professor of anatomy, working with
the corpses. I suppose they thought I couldn't do any damage there!"
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Sunday Mirror, Zimbabwe

Zanu PF not shaken by ANC statement
Kudzanai Musengi

THE ruling Zanu PF last week made moves to quash speculation doing the
rounds to the effect that recent statements by South Africa's ruling African
National Congress (ANC) demonstrated that the country had changed its stance
towards Zimbabwe and was working with the opposition over and above the
President Robert Mugabe's party.

Zanu PF secretary for information Nathan Shamuyarira dismissed the
speculation saying: "We don't see it that way. There is nothing sinister in
what the ANC secretary general said. We consider the statement as advice
that was given in good faith and we welcome it. "Remember the ANC is an
organisation with which we have strong relations dating back to the armed
struggle and as such the ANC is free to comment and make suggestions on our
situation," he said.

Reports in the South African press said ANC secretary general Kgalema
Motlanthe last week called on Zanu PF to level the political playing field
in order to enable the opposition MDC to freely carry out its campaign ahead
of Zimbabwe's parliamentary elections scheduled for March. According to
South African news agency Sapa, Motlanthe said the fact that the MDC was a
"properly registered party which participated in parliamentary elections and
is actually in charge of several municipalities" but still requires "police
permission to hold its meetings" impeded on its capability to operate

He said the ANC had engaged Zanu PF and pointed out that such a situation
was not conducive for the conduction of democratic elections.

"All of us are committed to ensure that the election goes without any
violence, any intimidation. We are nudging Zanu PF to ensure that the
outcome of the election should really be without the possibility of being
questioned by anybody," he reportedly said. Asked if the ANC had met Zanu PF
to discuss Zimbabwe's forthcoming elections, Shamuyarira said no such
meeting had been held. "As fraternal organisations we often consult each
other and discuss issues that are of mutual concern to us, but in this
particular instance, we have not met the ANC to discuss Zimbabwe's
forthcoming elections," Shamuyarira said.From page 1 Motlanthe's comments
are seen as the first ever remarks by a high-profile South African figure on
the nature of Zimbabwe's political arena ahead of the elections. The remarks
have been viewed as being out of kilter with the well-known South African
stance of "quiet diplomacy" on the Zimbabwean situation and have triggered
speculation that there could be a change of policy by the South African

When contacted for comment, South African Presidential spokesperson Beki
Khumalo maintained that the South African government had not changed its
stance on Zimbabwe.

"Our diplomatic policy on Zimbabwe remains the same," Khumalo said.

Commenting on Motlanthe's remarks, South African Communist Party
spokesperson, Mazibuko Jara, was quoted by a South African weekly as saying
it was imperative for the ANC to come out clearly and reiterate its views on
democracy and human rights. "We have stressed the need for non-equivocation
on issues of democracy. We have to safeguard the moral foundation of our own
revolution," Jara said.

South African president Thabo Mbeki has been under pressure from the
international community to decisively deal with the political standoff
between Zanu PF and the MDC but he has preferred "quiet diplomacy" arguing
that Zimbabwe's problems are best resolved by Zimbabweans
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New Zimbabwe


      Thank God for Condoleezza Rice
      Last updated: 01/24/2005 22:39:04
      THE confirmation of Ms Condoleezza Rice as the USA Secretary of State
has ushered in a new political phrase that has become successor to the 'axis
of evil', which President George W. Bush had previously coined. The new
political phrase ably introduced by Rice alludes to 'the out-posts of
tyranny'. Ms Rice went on to nominate six countries who belong to this

      Our motherland, our good land that used to flow with the proverbial
but elusive milk and honey finds her nominated in this category. Most
Zimbabweans have troubled souls that yearn for unfettered freedom from the
claws of Mugabe. As far our political freedom is concerned though, it is no
invention of novelty that the wickedness pervading in Zimbabwe is given such
prominence. Rather, we think that it has come in too late after irreparable
damage to the core of humanity has been done.

      The sudden attention on our country is still gratefully welcomed
though! Better late than never! This is a late obligation by a member of the
global village to expose Mugabe's human rights abuses on an international
platform. Mr. Robert Gabriel Bellamine Karigamombe Gushungu Mugabe has
managed, single-handedly, to turn our beloved motherland into a pariah
state! Ms Rice merely stated facts that should have been said by Margaret
Thatcher, Ronald Reagan, John Major of then and the noble but cowardly Thabo
Mbeki and others of now.

      It is not the creative word power of Ms Rice that defines and makes
Zimbabwe what she is. The actions of Robert Mugabe make Zimbabwe the
un-homely state she has become. This is not a matter of giving a dog a bad
name and then hanging it. Rather, the country has been given to the dogs by
Mugabe, prompting Ms Rice to tell the truth on Zimbabwe as it is, not as
Mugabe would want the world to believe.

      Ms Rice did not invent an imaginary pariah state called Zimbabwe. She
gave her truthful views on the Zimbabwe that has been born out of Mugabe's
tyranny. She spoke honestly about this out-post of tyranny that Mugabe has
carved out with the culpable approval and assistance of his acolytes, his
goons and others of his political ilk. She spoke the truth and the suffering
people of Zimbabwe are grateful that their plight is being acknowledged by
some people who hold the values of life with esteem. The majority of the
people of Zimbabwe do appreciate such moral support.

      To be fair to those on the immoral side of this argument, it is
necessary to give them an impartial hearing by listing the crimes that
militate against them. It is not that they do not recall the crimes they
have committed, but they may be thinking that the people do not keep a
record of their evilness. They have to be made aware that their crimes are
well documented. Mugabe could be committing those heinous crimes against his
own people taking solace and protection from the people's silence. Our
silence makes Mugabe think that we do not keep a record of his wickedness.

      An abridged version of Mugabe's crimes may whet the appetite of
freedom for the oppressed and suppressed people. For starters, we will begin
in the beginning and end with a distasteful wash-down on his latest crimes.

      In the beginning, there was ZAPU, and ZAPU was the people's chosen
political representative party. Mugabe saw a glaring opportunity to usurp
political power from the meek Joshua Nkomo. He went on to form ZANU with the
likes of the conniving and back-stubbing Ndabaningi Sithole, Enos Nkala and
others. As the General Secretary of the new party, Mugabe felt that his ego
was undermined; and so he set on a litany of plotting, planning, elimination
and cover-ups.

            "In mitigation, Mugabe says his Zimbabwe is a sovereign state.
In litigation, we say even Adolf Hitler's Germany was a sovereign state!"
      It was a matter of time before a power-hungry and brutal
pseudo-Marxist emerged from the bunkers of political shame as the new
leader. He was ever seething with an appetite for an autocracy. Unknown to
the unsuspecting people, an epitome of vile cruelty had just been made.
Political opponents started falling by the wayside. Ndabaningi Sithole was
ostracised, Herbert Chitepo died mysteriously and Josiah Tongogara
shamefully faced a suspicious accident when he was preparing to return home
after leading a protracted military struggle.

      On assuming the premiership, Mugabe saw a threat from the mere
existence of Joshua Nkomo as the leader of the opposition. He began to plot
Nkomo's political downfall and exit. In a short space of time, Nkomo had
fallen from grace with his followers facing satanic military operations from
the iniquitous Fifth Brigade. The blood letting and general lawlessness that
was ushered by Mugabe's men on the people of Matebeleland remains a talking
point on Mugabe's mastery of the art of brutality.

      The shock and awe operations that defined the military operations
against Nkomo's people taught Mugabe a life-long lesson on the dividends
that accrue from cruelty. From those operations, Mugabe concluded that the
world was too busy fighting an undeclared cold war to notice his 'little
massacres'. He realised that he could escape censure and also get away with
murder by systematically eliminating his opponents whilst paying political
allegiance the Non-Aligned Movement and pleasing all the super-powers.

      With the cold war raging, Mugabe managed to cull the population of
Matabeleland with all malicious political intents. True to his wishes, whims
and ambitions, he managed to pulverise Nkomo's political will and
determination into a hasty submission. Nkomo was defeated in his home ground
by the cruel and ambitious Mugabe.

      After the defeat of Nkomo, which resulted in him signing the
capitulation documents, dubbed the Unity Agreement, Mugabe continued to
exercise his cruelty with chilling efficiency. Those who supported him went
on to succeed whilst those who showed dissent suffered the consequences. He
openly declared that he wished for a one-party state, a thinly veiled
pretext to a monocracy with him as the paramount chief.

      With Joshua Nkomo safely tucked in Mugabe's satchel of dirty political
tricks, Mugabe went on to brag that he longed for a viable opposition to
give him a run for his money in the election process. When such opposition
emerged from the economically battered labour force, Mugabe went mad with
rage. He quickly invoked the evil ways that had won him painful votes
earlier on when Mr. Nkomo was the most significant, albeit regional
political threat.

      The organs of torture were suddenly resuscitated. Men, women and
children sprang up in the guise of liberation war veterans and out-ran all
the facets of law enforcement, as they became the law upon themselves.
Mugabe applauded them as guardians of 'sovereignty' as they exercised the
type of brutality that had previously been seen in Matebeleland. This time
the torture, the evil, the wickedness and the mayhem had been spread all
over the country to counter the new political force that had emerged.

      From the day the political opposition set foot in the political
playground, the people of Zimbabwe have never known, seen, heard or smelled
sense from Mugabe. He has been breathing dragon breath in an effort to
demonise the opposition. He has done so many bad things he would not have
normally done had his political future not been threatened. He has brought
woe unto those who support the opposition; at times threatening the country
with war should his political party be defeated in the elections.

      To cement his stranglehold on power, Mugabe has promulgated harsh laws
that make it even difficult to dream freedom as one sleeps. He has
instigated the passing of restrictive press laws that have so far won the
scalp of one of the independent newspapers. The youthful brigades of torture
and the brigands of moronic war veterans make sure the laws of the jungle
are adhered to. The political death sentence has been passed on members of
the opposition. The kangaroos are the jury!

      In trying to strengthen his political grip on the country, Mugabe has
unwittingly ignored the economy. The economy has resolved to dissolve
itself, as there is nothing for it to hold on to. This has further
precipitated the plight of the people of Zimbabwe. An unemployment rate of
seventy percent has been cited. This is economic misadministration brought
by Mugabe spending valuable time and money on issues of political

      In mitigation, Mugabe says his Zimbabwe is a sovereign state. In
litigation, we say even Adolf Hitler's Germany was a sovereign state!

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Seduced by Vic Falls    Murray Williams
          January 24 2005 at 12:19PM

      "Going to Vic Falls?"
      "The Zambian side, I hope?"

      With hope in our hearts, we set off for Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe - it
depends who you talk to. It's either being raped by a tyrant or gang-raped
by the West. Either way, it's in some turmoil.

      But two great African landmarks had beckoned - one created by God, one
by man: Victoria Falls, one of the great natural wonders of the world. And
the Victoria Falls Hotel, one of the continent's most celebrated buildings,
the "Grand old lady of Africa", 100 years old.

      The water crashing over these falls is the mighty Zambezi - a 3
000km-long artery that flows through four sub-Saharan countries: Zambia,
Angola, Zimbabwe and Mozambique into the Indian Ocean.

      To the north-west Zimbabwe it crashes violently down into a 250m-deep
chasm. Breathtaking. For thousands of years the locals called it
mosi-oa-tunya - the smoke that thunders.

      The first white people to see the falls were so gobsmacked they built
a town there. And at its heart was a hotel, open since 1904. In the past
century it has come to be compared with the world's most famous - Raffles in
Singapore, the Mount Nelson in Cape Town, the Savoy in London and the Ritz
in New York.

      Late in the 1930s, a beautiful young nurse travelled to this elegant
Edwardian edifice. Her companion was a trainee air force pilot, preparing
for battle in World War 2.

      Their time together was brief and precious, but bound by the times.

      Soon afterwards they were married, but he left immediately for further
training. A rare opportunity arose for them to meet. But as the young nurse
raced down to Durban in a borrowed cabriolet, her fighter-husband steamed
out of Durban harbour. She never saw him again.

      He was based in Cairo. They wrote treasured letters for 18 months. And
a week before he was due to return home, he was shot down after a bombing
raid deep into Poland.

      Their time at Victoria Falls Hotel was the closest they came to a

      Seventy years later, two generations later, two newlyweds headed north

      In the intervening years, history had tried to rip Zimbabwe - formerly
Rhodesia - to pieces.

      Had the falls and the hotel finally succumbed, drowned in yet another
decade, yet another century of conflict and strife?


      The hotel sits on a cliff-top above the kilometre-long canyon below
the falls. It stares up at the railway bridge that Cecil John Rhodes sited
so passengers could feel the spray from their carriages. On their way north,
from Cape to Cairo.

      Out of the muggy December heat, the hotel's soaring ceilings bring
cool. Stoeps are polished red. The rooms are giant, the bathrooms Victorian.
Five days of gracious living lay ahead.

      Breakfast time: a battle was brewing. An armed guard stood with rifle
at the ready. It was man versus monkey.

      An outlandishly extravagant buffet lay spread before guests. But the
trees up above were even more heavily laden with mangoes. The chefs wanted
them for their fruit salads, the monkeys for their brunch. In a series of
daring raids, the troupe made darting forays into the branches, while the
guard shook his (unloaded) rifle butt at them menacingly. Monkeys 1: Man 0.

      Breakfast included nine other fresh fruits.

      White-water rafting: A mid-morning menu of scenic chopper flights,
microlight flights, bungi jumps, foefie slides (across the gorge), game
drives and elephant rides was presented. But there was no choice really.

      Gaze upon the mighty Zambezi. Then get the hell into it.

      Shearwater Adventures is the oldest operator. A plunging, leg-shaking
decent leads to the foot of the falls. Clamber into an eight-man inflatable
to be washed into Stairway to Heaven, Gnashing Jaws of Death and The Devil's
Toilet Bowl - a battalion of 18 waiting rapids.

      Heart-stomping collisions with warm, over-excited waves, whoops all
round and a braai on the beach. Crocs, grown up babies who have survived
being washed over the falls, lurked nearby.

      There's a warthog on my stoep: In the humidity of midday, a hint of
thunder rolled overhead. As the first heavy drops fell, bar staff in white
jackets raised their brollies and served lunch trays beneath the thatched
pergolas. A warthog, head held high, led its little family of mini-hogs out
on to the lawns for a graze.

      Village life: In the town of Victoria Falls sat several hundred
crafters, in the heat. In front of them lay several thousand carvings in
wood and stone. Just two tourists picked their way through this vast
display. "You don't want to buy? Then maybe trade," begged several, asking
for anything - T-shirts, my Billabong hat - in exchange for a beautifully
sculptured giraffe. The drop in tourist numbers is hurting hard.

      High tea: If 99 percent of all things colonial were bad, this is the
one percent redemption. Triple-decker tea trays laden with cucumber, egg and
smoked salmon sandwiches, scones, chocolate eclairs, fruit tartlets and

      The sunset cruise: Sucking on a Zambezi beer on board the river boat,
we watched crocodile, hippo, buck, vultures and elephant. The Zambezi is a
rich green.

      It was this place that gave the hotel's outdoor restaurant its name:
Jungle Junction.

      In 1948, Imperial Airways, forerunner to British Airways, introduced a
unique flight: from England to Johannesburg by flying boat, from Southampton
to the Vaal Dam via Augusta in Italy, Cairo, Luxor, Khartoum, Lake Victoria
and Victoria Falls. The planes would land on a flat, wide stretch of river
up-stream of the falls. Guests would be ferried to the hotel for the night
and the pilots called the meeting spot Jungle Junction.

      A fine dine: A cooler on Stanley's Terrace in the balmy twilight. The
Jungle Junction's ostrich shell chandeliers light up a massive braaied
buffet of crocodile steaks and venison. Back inside the hotel is the formal
dining room, the air-conditioned Livingstone Room. Jacket and tie are

      But there were only eight diners that night. Yet every glass at all
180 settings sparkled, every piece of silverware shone. Despite the lack of
guests, standards have not faltered.

      Lovemore Moyo, a waiter, bowed and said: "Thank you for being here.
Without you, we wouldn't be here.

      "That's why we do our best."

      His colleague, Patson Moyo, delicately brushed crumbs from the table
with a folded napkin, held in silver tongs.

      For a century this destination - the hotel in the mists of the falls -
has hosted the world's rich, adventurous and famous.

      It closed for the first time in 1996 for a massive refurbishment to
keep up with demand - including a new wing. Every inch was restored to its
Edwardian theme. The future looked bright only eight years ago.

      Staff have taken its colonial theme, stripped it of its oppression and
claimed its history as their own.

      The Victoria Falls and its famous hotel will again thrive. The tables
are laid, the napkins are starched. They're hoping to be busy this summer.

      Victoria Falls' guardians are still standing tall. And, most
spectacularly, the smoke still thunders.

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Enough is Enough



We have a fundamental right to freedom of expression!



“Mauritius Watch”


The Zimbabwean Elections:

(Monitoring SADC Protocol Violations)


Issue 12.   17 January 2005


On 17 August 2004, SADC leaders meeting in Mauritius adopted the SADC Protocol – Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections.  Zimbabwe, as a member of SADC, also signed the Protocol and committed itself to implementing its standards.


“Mauritius Watch” provides a regular, objective and non-partisan assessment of Zimbabwe’s compliance with the Protocol.  In the run-up to the 2005 Parliamentary Elections we note any significant failures to adhere to the SADC standards.





SADC standards breached




On December 16 2004, Zimbabwe’s opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) through its Information and Publicity Department, published a report on the human rights abuses perpetrated on its members and supporters by the ruling party ZANU PF, assisted by its supporters, the youth militia, state agents and so called war vets during the year 2004.


The detailed report, which makes horrifying reading, lays to rest once and for all the notion that the ruling party no longer harasses and intimidates the opposition by violent and lawless means.  On the contrary, the report reveals a countrywide and sustained assault upon MDC supporters and those perceived to be sympathetic to the popular opposition party.


The violence, though almost constant, can be seen to peak at times of political tension such as during the Zengeza By-Election in March and the Lupane By-Election in May.  One noteworthy feature of the violence is the impunity which the perpetrators appear to enjoy in nearly all cases.  No arrests were made, even where those responsible were clearly identified and full details supplied to the police.


The catalogue of violence and brutality begins with a brief account of a bomb attack on January 4 2004 on the house of an MDC ward councillor from the Midland Province.  Simon Dick’s home was destroyed in the attack and, though in the house at the time, he narrowly escaped injury himself.  A petrol bomb was found in his car the following morning.


At 23h00 on the same day in Shamva in Mashonaland Central Province, ZANU PF supporters went on the rampage, moving from door to door and attacking MDC supporters.  A 53-year old activist, Alexander Chigega, was so seriously injured that he died soon afterwards at the police station where he was carried by friends who were trying to secure from the police the necessary authority to have him admitted to hospital.


On January 5 2004, 27 “war veterans” abducted headman Sikombingo from his home in Lower Gweru.  The headman had previously been threatened with violence by ZANU PF on account of his perceived sympathy for the MDC. 


Again on January 5 in Hwange (Matabelenad North) Ms Prisca Sibanda, an MDC activist, was attacked by ZANU PF youth militia. This was the second violent attack Prisca had suffered. In the run-up to the presidential elections in 2002 she had suffered several broken ribs at the hands of the youth militia.  On this occasion she was pregnant. The attack caused her to go into labour prematurely and she did not survive. She leaves a two-year-old infant.


(The full report may be seen on the ZWNEWS web site at


2.1.2         Freedom of association


2.1.3        Political tolerance


4.1.1        Constitutional and legal guarantees of freedom and rights of the citizens


4.1.2        Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections

7.4              (Government to) safeguard the human and civil liberties of all citizens including the freedom of movement, assembly, association, expression and campaigning … during the electoral process …


7.5              (Government to) take all necessary measures and precautions to prevent the perpetration of fraud, rigging or any other illegal practices throughout the whole electoral process, in order to maintain peace and security


7.7   (Government to) ensure that adequate security is provided to all parties participating in elections









The African Commission for Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR) will in April or early May this year hear a case in which a human rights lawyer is suing the Zimbabwe government for torture and other human rights abuses.


Zimbabwean lawyer, Gabriel Shumba, appealed to the Africa human rights watchdog after being severely tortured by state security agents in violation of the Africa charter on human and people’s rights to which Harare is a signatory.


The lawyer, who was subjected to electric shocks and was urinated upon by state agents – and who subsequently fled to South Africa – said he was hoping the commission would ask Harare to compensate victims of torture and to punish those guilty of human rights violations.


(See the report in Zim Online: 15.01.05)

4.1.1        Constitutional and legal guarantees of freedom and rights of the citizens

4.1.2        Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections


7.4.            (Government to) safeguard the human and civil liberties of all citizens including the freedom of movement, assembly, association, expression and campaigning … during the electoral process …


7.5   (Government to) take all necessary measures and precautions to prevent the perpetration of fraud, rigging or any other illegal practices throughout the whole electoral process ..





Ruling ZANU PF party councillors and the police have taken over the vetting of hungry villagers requiring food under new distribution procedures that could see opposition supporters sidelined.


Under the new procedures, witnessed by reporters in the Midlands province and in some parts of Manicaland, villagers must first get a letter from the ZANU PF councillor of their local ward stating that they should be allowed to buy cheaper priced maize from the Grain Marketing Board (GMB), which is firmly under the control of the ruling party. But the prospective buyer must first produce a ZANU PF membership card to get the letter of recommendation from their councillor.


There have been several reports from rural areas confirming the politicisation of food aid, and the opposition MDC shadow minister of agriculture, Renson Gasala, also confirmed that his party’s supporters were being denied the letters allowing them to buy maize if they failed to produce ZANU PF membership cards.


(See the report in Zim Online: 13.01.05)

4.1.1.      Constitutional and legal guarantees of freedom and rights of the citizens


4.1.2        Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections


7.4              (Government to) safeguard the human and civil liberties of all citizens …


7.5              (Government to) take all necessary measures and precautions to prevent the perpetration of fraud, rigging or any other illegal practices throughout the whole electoral process …





The Mugabe regime has deployed secret service agents at schools to spy on teachers sympathetic to the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party.


Intelligence sources speaking on condition they were not named, confirmed that agents and informers of the state’s dreaded Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO)* have been seconded to state-run schools mainly as teachers to prevent pro-MDC teachers from influencing communities to support the opposition party ahead of March’s general election.  Teachers suspected of supporting the MDC are to be suspended or fired from government service, according to the sources.


Teachers are viewed as community leaders, especially in remote rural areas where they are also a source of vital information for illiterate villagers. But many teachers, disgruntled by poor pay and working conditions, have turned to the MDC, earning the wrath of the ruling party.


The Progressive Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe said it was conducting an exercise to warn teachers of the presence of spies at schools.


(See the report in Zim Online: 14.01.05)             


Note: The Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) secret service, which falls directly under Mugabe's office, received a massive budget hike for 2005 under the special services allocations which is not subjected to parliamentary scrutiny.

The huge surge in proposed expenditure by the CIO, Z$395 billion, is six times more than the Z$62 billion which was approved for 2004. 


2.1.1        Full participation of the citizens in the political process


2.1.2        Freedom of association


2.1.3    Political tolerance


4.1.2       Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections


7.4                (Government to) safeguard the human and civil liberties of all citizens including the freedom of movement, assembly, association, expression and campaigning …









Provoked by comments made by Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku that the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) had delayed the hearing of its leader Morgan Tsvangingirai’s application challenging Robert Mugabe’s election victory in 2002,  the MDC has responded strongly, pointing out that the judiciary itself was responsible for the inordinate delays.


MDC legal affairs secretary, David Coltart, was in no doubt that the delays in processing Tsvangirai’s case, and the 40 other petitions brought by MDC candidates arising from the parliamentary elections in 2000, were caused by “downright sloppiness” by the courts.  The MDC for its part had done all in its power to expedite the hearings.


Coltart cited as an example the petition challenging the victory of the ruling ZANU PF party’s Kenneth Manyonda in the Buhera North constituency in the 2000 parliamentary elections, where he said the court record vanished.


“In the Buhera North poll challenge, the entire court record disappeared and because of this we have not been able to pursue the matter.  The High Court lost the entire proceedings,” said Coltart.


As a result of these unprecedented delays the challenge to the presidential poll result of 2002 has still not been determined, and ZANU PF members of parliament who won their seats in the 2000 poll by fraudulent and violent means have been able to retain their seats throughout the whole life of the present parliament, which is expected to terminate in a couple of month’s time.


(See the report in Zim Online: 12.01.05)

(See also the full report on the election challenges brought by the MDC on the ZWNEWS website: -“The Political Violence Report 2004”)

2.1.7        Independence of the Judiciary and impartiality of the electoral institutions


2.1.10    Challenge of the election results as provided for in the law of the land


7.3            (Government to) establish impartial, all-inclusive, competent and accountable national electoral bodies staffed by qualified personnel, as well as competent legal entities including effective constitutional courts to arbitrate in the event of disputes arising from the conduct of elections
















The Media and Information Commission established under the infamous Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) and firmly under the control of the ruling ZANU PF party, has threatened to close down Zimbabwe’s latest newspaper, the Weekly Times, within seven days.


In a letter to Mthwakazi Publishing House, publishers of the community-based paper, the Commission chairman, Tafataona Mahosa, accused the publishers of lying that their paper would be a general news product when, according to him, it was “running political commentary through and through.”


Mahosa takes offence that the paper, which published its first issue last week, had given space to Catholic Archbishop Pius Ncube, an outspoken critic of the Mugabe regime. He also objected that the paper appeared on the streets before the Commission received copies.


Mahosa gave the publishers seven days to show cause why their publishing licence should not be suspended or cancelled.


Three newspapers, including the country’s only independent and largest circulating daily paper the Daily News, have already been shut down in the last two years under tough state media laws.


(See the report in Zim Online: 11.01.05)


2.1.5        Equal opportunity for all political parties to access the state media


4.1.2        Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections


7.4            (Government to) safeguard the human and civil liberties of all citizens including the freedom of … expression … as well as access to the media on the part of all stakeholders …





Exactly a year after arresting four top Zimbabwean journalists on charges of criminal defamation against Robert Mugabe, the state withdrew the charges and the four were removed from remand.


On January 10 2004, Dumisani Muleya, Vincent Kahiya,  and another, together with Iden Wetherell, the then editor of the Zimbabwe Independent, were arrested and detained for two days on the orders of Information Minister Jonathan Moyo.  They were charged with defaming Mugabe in connection with a story in which it was stated that he had “commandeered” an Air Zimbabwe aircraft for his holiday in the Far East.  In a hysterical outburst at the time Moyo claimed the story was “blasphemous”.


Muleya claims that the story was “materially and substantially true”, and his assertion seems to be borne out by the state’s failure to proceed with the case against the four and eventually the dropping of the charges at the instigation of the Attorney General’s office.  After numerous delays by the state and further remands through the year, the Court itself was becoming impatient with the lack of progress. In October the state was ordered to set a trial date by January 10 or have the four accused removed from remand.


Commenting on the case which in his words had become an “albatross” around their necks, Muleya said, “It had become a monumental waste of time and money, tying us up in legal costs and diverting our energies from the newsroom …”


The opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) has said much the same about the legal harassment to which the leaders of their party have been subjected, time and again, by the partisan law enforcement agents in Zimbabwe.


(See Dumisani Muleya’s article “Playing solitaire with a deck of 51 cards” in the Zimbabwe Independent: 14.01.05)

4.1.1        Constitutional and legal guarantees of freedom and rights of the citizens


4.1.2.      Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections


7.4      (Government to) safeguard the human and civil liberties of all citizens including the freedom of … expression …






Amnesty International has warned that the Mugabe regime could take advantage of the international spotlight shifting to tsunami-hit south east Asia to intensify repression against the opposition ahead of the general election in March.


The world human rights watchdog’s South Africa office said the tsunami, which killed more than 150 000 people in Asia, was a convenient cover for governments such as Zimbabwe’s and Sudan’s to crack down on opponents.


“We are reminding the media and human rights organizations that we must continue to monitor, capture and highlight abuses in countries like Zimbabwe and Sudan,” Amnesty’s chairperson in South Africa, Samukelo Mokhine, said.


(Reported in Zim Online: 11.01.05)



Note:  The fraudulent and violence-ridden elections of 2000 and 2002 were narrowly “won” by Robert Mugabe, who has maintained his iron grip on the country by using strategies designed to annihilate all forms of opposition.


Although a date has not been given yet for the Parliamentary Elections which Mugabe has indicated will take place some time in March,  already it can be seen that there is no prospect that those elections will be fair and free.  During the twelve weeks that Sokwanele has been systematically tracking and recording developments, it has become increasingly apparent that the regime is moving further away from the SADC Protocol on Democratic Elections, rather than towards compliance.  The regime is going to some lengths within the region to portray itself as moving to meet those criteria, but the reality is totally different.  Behind the façade of democracy, every institution or legal principle which would favour a free and fair election, has been systematically destroyed to ensure that the poll will produce a pre-determined result favouring the ruling party.


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Zimbabwean Community Campaign to Defend Asylum Seekers


Contact: ZCCDAS Press Officer Brighton Chireka on 07960209253

Hundreds of Zimbabweans from across Britain will be joining a mass protest
outside the Home Office on Saturday 29 January 1.00-5.00pm against the
resumption of forced removals of so-called 'failed' asylum seekers to

Tony Benn and Tim Lezard, Deputy President of the NUJ, will be addressing
the Stop the Removals demonstration. The demonstration is also being backed
by Labour and other MPs, and prominent trade unionists like Billy Hayes of
the CWU. Further speakers are currently being confirmed - full details will
be released to the press at the end of this week.

Many black Zimbabweans have been deported since the Home Office resumed
forced removals on 16 November 2004. The majority were 'snatched' over
Christmas, mainly from detention centres or when signing on. Force has been
used. New cases are emerging daily.

Despite Home Office assurances that no one removed is in danger, ZCCDAS has
evidence that every deportee is handed over to the authorities on arrival in
Harare and detained for questioning. The Zimbabwean government regards them
all as a threat. Information Minister Jonathan Moyo has said: "we have a
right to ask whether these would be deportees or Blair's mercenaries of
regime change". ZCCDAS fears for the fate of several who have disappeared
and others who we know have been beaten and threatened after deportation.
Lawyers are currently fighting for the return of some of those under threat.
Some asylum seekers, like the journalist Adolf Mukandi, are now
contemplating suicide rather than being sent back home.

The resumption of deportations in November 2004 overturned an earlier Home
Office decision to suspend removals to Zimbabwe in 2002. The suspension
followed the protests of refugee groups, human rights lawyers and the UNHCR
who highlighted the dire human rights situation in Zimbabwe and the fact
many deportees were facing imprisonment and torture on their return. Little
has changed since. Only six days before forced removals were resumed, the
Foreign and Commonwealth Office stated: "The human rights situation in
Zimbabwe remains in crisis. On-going violations of human rights include the
stifling of democratic opposition, police abuse, torture and absence of
freedom of expression and association". The UNHCR reiterated that Zimbabwe
remains unsafe for forced returns on 14 December 2004.

The Stop the Removals demonstration has been called by the Zimbabwean
Community Campaign to Defend Asylum Seekers. ZCCDAS is a politically
independent group led and run by black Zimbabweans that organizes refugees
and migrant workers living in Britain. It is affiliated to the Campaign
Against Immigration Slavery (CAIS), Committee to Defend Asylum Seekers
(CDAS), National Coalition of Anti-Deportation Campaigns (NCADC), and
Refugee Asylum and Migration Network (RAMN). All are backing the

ASYLUM SEEKERS (UKZCCDAS) Tel 07960209253 or   07787591904
To those who choose silence, let me adapt the Rev Niemoller's famous
SPEAK OUT. Then they came for the farmers, but I was not a farmer, so I did
not speak out. Then they came for the farm workers, homosexuals and the
trade unionists, but I was neither, so I remained silent. Then they came for
the journalists, but I was not a journalist so I did not speak out. And when
they came for me,there was no one left to speak out for me. STOP THE

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Herewith, as promised, Friday's Herald (21st January 2005) new listings of
Section 5 notices, under Lot No. 161 with 41 properties listed.

Please not that there are 30 DAYS time to lodge objection (till 21st
February 2005) to these Section 5 listings.



Preliminary Notice to Compulsorily Acquire Land

NOTICE is hereby given, in terms of subsection (1) of section 5 of the Land
Acquisition Act (Chapter 20:10), that the President intends to acquire
compulsorily the land described in the Schedule for resettlement purposes.

A plan on the land is available for inspection at the following offices of
the Ministry of Special Affairs in the Office of the President and Cabinet
in Charge of Lands, Land Reform and resettlement between 8 a.m. and 4 p.m.
from Monday to Friday other than on a public holiday on or before 21st
February 2005.

(a) Block 2, Makombe Complex Cnr Harare Street and Herbert Chitepo Avenue,
(b) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, CF 119, Government
Composite Block, Robert Mugabe Way, Mutare;
(c) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, 4th Floor, Block H
Office, 146, Mhlahlandlela Government Complex, Bulawayo;
(d) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, M & W Building, Corner
Park/Link Street, Chinoyi;
(e) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, 1st Floor, Founders
House, The Green, Marondera;
(f) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, 19 Hellet Street,
(g) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, Exchange Building,
Street, Gweru;
(h) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, Mtshabezi Building,
First Floor, Office No. F20, Gwanda;
(i) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, Ndodahondo Building,

Any owner or occupier or any other person who has an interest and right in
the said land, and who wishes to object to the proposed compulsory
acquisition, may lodge the same, in writing, with the Minister of Special
Affairs in the Office of the President and Cabinet in Charge of Lands, Land
Reform and Resettlement, Private Bag 7779, Causeway, Harare, on or before
21st February 2005.

J L NKOMO Minister of Special Affairs in the Office of the President and
Cabinet in Charge of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement

Minister of Special Affairs in the Office of the President and
Cabinet in Charge of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement.

LOT 161 SECTION 5, 21st January 2005


Grouped by District, Listed by:
Paper List No.
Deed of Transfer.
Farm Name.
Size (units).

Lot 161 SECTION 5 21st January 2005.

1. 6348/86, John Henry Du Rand, Chipinga, Lot 4 of Smithfield, 207.2186 ha.

2. 15160/02, Takta Investments P/L, Goromonzi, Insha Allah Portion of
Grove, 199.5687 ha.
3. 15160/02, Takta Investments P/L, Goromonzi Insha Allah annexe, 225.1062
4. '410/02, Starnal Zimbabwe P/L, Goromonzi, East Anglia, 92.4800 ha.
5. 8745/98, Watermount Estates P/l, Goromonzi, the Remainder of Craig Crag
Estate, 600.9072 ha.

6. 4106/76, Rhoda Elizabeth AgnesFryser, Inyanga, , Remaining Extent of
Rukotso of Inyanga downs of Inyanga Block, 765.7126 ha.
7. 3110/66, Inyangani Farm P/L, Inyanga, Nyazengu of Inyanga block, 2
632.8781 acres.
8. 4832/83, forest and timber Sales P/L, Inyanga, chingamwe Estate, 3
806.9336 ha.
9. 5901/81, Michael John Gebson, Inyanga, Blue Haze Portion Liverpool,
63.9300 ha.
10. 12578/99, spring Valley Estates P/L, Inyanga, Newhaven Estate A,
329.6331 ha.

11. 5254/84, Michael J.K. Freeland, Makoni, 26A of Lawrencedale Estate, 1
209.8845 ha.
12. 1060/86, Sherwood Farm P/L, Makoni, Fernicarry, 850.5224 ha.
13. 6809/85, Willie Raymond Van der Vyver, Makoni, Plumpton, 902.7700 ha.

14. 3106/94, Maryhill Farm P/L, Mazoe, Remainder of Netherfield, 700.5891

15. 1354/67, Aromabe P/l, Ndanga, Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 1,
487.3840 acres.
16. 1582/91, Fay d'Herbe Holdings P/L, Ndanga, The Remaining Extent of Lot
3 of Buffalo range, 985.3723 ha.
17. 1274/80, Aromabe P/L, Ndanga, Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 2,
214.2099 ha.
18. 461/66, Bendezi Sugar Farm P/L, Ndanga, Hippo Valley Settlement Holding
4, 588.6756 acres.
19. 2176/72, Poudre d'OR P/L, Ndanga, Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 18,
90.2685 ha.
20. 2934/78, Fantaisie Farm P/L, Ndanga, Hippo Valley Settlement Holding
24, 189.9952 ha.
21. 1289/80, Fantaisie Farm P/L, Ndanga, Hippo Valley Settlement Holding
27, 147.7585 ha.
22. 4764/72, Fantaisie Farm P/L, Ndanga, Hippo Valley Settlement Holding
29, 120.0620 ha.
23. 2092/86, Bon Espoir P/L, Ndanga, Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 37,
137.1074 ha.
24. 7243/72, bon Espoir P/L, Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 38,
144.7382 ha.

25. 672/93, O.W. Thawaites P/L, Umtali, Lot 5 of Lot 1 of Mazonnwe,
762,6040 ha.
26. 9571/89, A.P. Sanderson P/L, Umtali, Lot 1 of Tobruk of Clare Estate
Ranch, 385,4713 ha.
27. 5998/91, Brightside Farm P/L, Umtali, Lot 1 of Fangundu, 251.4106 ha.
28. 338/90, Tumbka P/L, Umtali, Odzi Drift Estate, 553.5915 ha.
29. 10424/2000, Bart Van Niekerk and Peta Lynn Niekerk, Umtali,
Copplestone, 103.0394 ha.
30. 2699/2000, Brandhill P/L, Umtali, Lot 7 of Lot 1 of Mazonwe, 272.7641
31. 4187/92, Rupurara Trout Farm P/L, Umtali, Remainder of Rupurara, 1
374.2128 ha.
32. 8586/91, C.P. Bezuidenhout P/L, Umtali, Welverdiend Estate, 533.01 ha.
33. 1807/64, B.A. Van Buuren and Company P/L, Umtali, Lot 2 of Lot 1 of
Mazonwe, 1 138.4673 acres.
34. 5866/90, Sala Holdings P/L, Umtali, Lot 1 of Lot 12A of Bunga, 118.1740
35. 660/02, Firkinn Investments P/L, Umtali, Lot 12A of Bunga, 151.655 ha.
36. 744/89, I.L. Cripps, Umtali, Remainder of Lot 1 of Cloudlands, 107.1483
37. 5990/88, Hillbilly estate P/l, Umtali, Lot 1D of Highlands, 102.3411
38. 6292/96, Chinamata Farm P/l, Umtali, Lot 1 of Subdivision M of
Manchester, 204.5362 ha.
39. 3226/81, Alvern Farming P/L, Umtali, Lot 1 Vooruitsig of Clydesdale, 1
181.2093 ha.
40. 1111/03, Prince Julia Investments P/L, Umtali, Devon of Umvumbu,
244.1564 ha.
41. 4939/71, West Away Farm P/L, Umtali, Lot 2 of Cloudlands Estate,
538.8640 ha.


JAG Hotlines:
(091) 261 862 If you are in trouble or need advice,
(011) 205 374
(011) 863 354 please don't hesitate to contact us - we're here to help!
263 4 799 410 Office Lines
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Daily News online edition

      COSATU sticks to its guns on Harare trip

      Date: 24-Jan, 2005

      THE Congress of South Africa Trade Unions (COSATU), is sending a
second fact-finding mission to Zimbabwe next week despite threats by
Zimbabwe's Labour Minister, Paul Mangwana that the labour body is not

      COSATU secretary-general, Zwelinzima Vavi announced in Cape Town at
the weekend after meeting his Zimbabwean counterpart, Wellington Chibhebhe
that the meeting had been prompted by lack progress in levelling the playing
field for the March parliamentary poll.

      He said COSATU was worried that with about two months before the
elections, there is still no levelling of the playing field.

      "It's almost impossible for a free and fair election to happen," said

      After its first mission was kicked out of Zimbabwe last October,
COSATU initially thought a second mission would be futile but was persuaded
by Chibhebhe. Vavi said the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) was
firm that the visit should go ahead to help "unmask...the heap of lies by
our government."

      He could however not say what would happen if the mission which would
include himself and other top COSATU officials were barred from entering

      But Mangwana last week warned COSATU to confine itself to the labour
politics of South Africa and not Zimbabwe.

      Chris Marilong said anything that kept Zimbabwe in the limelight and
keep pressure on the Southern African Development Community to act on
Zimbabwe was welcome.

      "In that view, I think the COSATU fact-finding mission will be
beneficial," said Marilong.

      But the Pan Africanist Congress party has said that with South African
spies having been arrested in Zimbabwe recently, COSATU's fact-finding
mission would make South Africa look more "suspect."

      PAC president, Motsoko Pheko said there was more work for COSATU in
South Africa than in Zimbabwe.

      He said the battle for workers and the unemployed must be addressed by

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Zim Online

Mon 24 January 2005
  CAPE TOWN - The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) declared
yesterday that there was no chance of holding free and fair elections in
Zimbabwe in March because the electoral playing field remained uneven.

      COSATU also vowed to send another fact-finding mission to Zimbabwe
early next month despite being deported during a similar attempt last year.

      COSATU general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi told a press conference
yesterday that his federation was worried that with less than three months
to the parliamentary polls, the playing field remained very uneven.

      Problems ahead of the March parliamentary poll included the lack of
access to the media by the opposition and regulations requiring the
opposition to seek permission to hold rallies.

      Vavi said COSATU was worried that no tangible steps were being taken
to implement measures that would guarantee free and fair elections. "We are
worried those things are not happening, making it almost impossible for that
(free and fair elections) to happen."

      Vavi spoke after a three hour meeting with his Zimbabwean counterpart,
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) secretary general Wellington

      Vavi's remarks were a major U-turn from his earlier stance that
proceeding with the trip without government permission would be a futile
exercise as COSATU was likely to be turned away at the borders after the
Zimbabwe government signalled the labour union was not welcome.

      Labour Minister Paul Mangwana told the Financial Gazette last week
COSATU would not be allowed into the country. He said COSATU should confine
its labour politics to South Africa as Zimbabwe was not a province of South

      But Chibhebhe successfully persuaded Vavi to proceed with the mission
despite all the risks. The COSATU mission, led by Vavi, would now leave for
Zimbabwe in the first week of February. He would not say what COSATU would
do next if its mission was re-denied entry into Zimbabwe.

      "If that happens we will cross that river when we are there," he said.

      COSATU'S first mission to Zimbabwe failed after its 13-member
delegation was deported shortly after arrival. The aborted mission caused a
major row between the labour federation and its alliance partner, South
Africa's ruling African National Congress (ANC), which is strongly opposed
to the planned second mission.

      But Vavi has insisted that COSATU has a right to express solidarity
with a fellow repressed labour federation despite the whims of the ANC.

      He said COSATU had this time round followed the right procedure by
first applying for permission to go into Zimbabwe. Vavi said COSATU had
written "a very, very decent and humble letter" to  Mangwana, asking for an
audience with him and others.

      COSATU is however still to receive a response from Mangwana even
though the letter was sent a month ago. In these circumstances, COSATU would
go ahead with its mission because permission to visit its fellow trade union
federation in Zimbabwe was not necessary in the first place but had been
done out of respect for Zimbabwean authorities.

      "The issue here is not just about escaping to be mistreated by the
Zimbabwe police, the issue is to highlight what they (ZCTU) have to go
through," Vavi said. "We must demonstrate practical solidarity and maybe
taste the medicine that they have to swallow almost every day."

      Chibhebhe said space for trade union and other democratic activities
continued to shrink in Zimbabwe. "The main threat to trade unionism in
Zimbabwe is the shrinking of the democratic space. We are a mandate-driven
organisation, but how can we operate if a meeting of four people requires
clearance from the police?"  - ZimOnline
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Zim Online

Government media commission summons new weekly's bosses
Mon 24 January 2005
  BULAWAYO - The government's Media and Information Commission has summoned
management of the Weekly Times newspaper to appear before it today and
explain why the papers' licence should not be cancelled.

      The paper's lawyer Kucaca Phulu confirmed yesterday that they will be
meeting commission chairman Tafataona Mahoso today to "explain a few

      "We will be meeting Mahoso on Monday and we sincerely hope that he
will understand and be convinced with all the information that he says he
wants from us," Phulu said, refusing to comment on reports that Mahoso could
order the closure of the Weekly Times after today's meeting.

      Mahoso, who two weeks ago wrote to the paper's publishers, Mthwakazi
Publishing House, accusing them of violating the conditions of the licence
issued to them by publishing a one-sided political commentary instead of a
general news newspaper, is under pressure from the government to shut down
the paper, according to sources.

      According to sources, the Department of Information in President
Robert Mugabe's office wants the community paper closed for fear it could
promote anti-government feelings in Bulawayo and surrounding areas, where it
is distributed.

      State security agents two weeks ago raided the Weekly Times' offices
in Bulawayo demanding to see if the paper was properly licensed. They left
when showed the papers' publishing licence. - ZimOnline
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Zim Online

Mbeki urged to ensure safety of SA spy held in Harare
Mon 24 January 2005
  JOHANNESBURG - South Africa's main opposition party, the Democratic
Alliance, yesterday implored President Thabo Mbeki's government to take
measures to ensure the safety of a South African spy agent arrested in
Zimbabwe late last year.

      DA intelligence spokesman Paul Swart spoke as the Pretoria-based
Institute for Security Studies (ISS) reported that the unidentified
48-year-old agent had been severely tortured by the CIO in a bid to force
him to name those he worked with in  the ruling ZANU PF party .

      "Zimbabwe's security forces, and especially its Central Intelligence
Organisation (CIO), have an infamous reputation for severe human rights
abuses. The DA therefore calls on Parliament's Joint Standing Committee on
Intelligence to hold a special sitting in order to address this matter,
particularly in light of possible human rights violations against a South
African citizen," Swart said in a statement.

      Swart issued his statement as the SA government said it did not expect
the spy saga to sour its warm relations with President Robert Mugabe's

      SA deputy foreign affairs minister Aziz Pahad said there were ongoing
consultations between the two governments over many issues and relations
remained cordial.

      Swart said despite the embarrassment and the diplomatic difficulties
regarding the spy matter, the South African government had to insist that
the Mugabe government ensured  the safety of the arrested agent and
prevented any abuses against him.

      ISS analyst Chris Maroleng told South African Press Association at the
weekend that he was concerned that the SA Secret Service agent had been
forced into agreeing to co-operate with the CIO.

      The spy was reportedly arrested by CIO officials at Victoria Falls
after he was lured to enter Zimbabwe and cancel a meeting he was due to have
with a CIO agent he was trying to recruit in Livingstone, Zambia.

      Maroleng said the spy would not have voluntarily agreed to work with
the CIO as claimed  and would only have done so because he had reached his
"pain threshold". "The Zimbabwean CIO are renowned worldwide for their
torture techniques and for their ability to extract information."

      The spy was reportedly involved in a high-risk operation to try and
win over the head of the Zimbabwean counter intelligence. Marolong said the
development was a major blow to South Africa's policy of 'quiet diplomacy'
towards Zimbabwe.

      Six senior ZANU PF members including flamboyant businessman Philip
Chiyangwa were arrested in December over the  spy issue. Godfrey Dzvairo,
Zimbabwe's ambassador-designate to Mozambique, ZANU PF's director for
external affairs Itai Marchi, top security officer Kenny Karidza, and banker
Tendai Matambandazo, are also in custody over the spy matter. - ZimOnline
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Zim Online

PAC attacks COSATU over planned Zimbabwe visit
Mon 24 January 2005
  JOHANNESBURG - South Africa's Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) opposition
party has criticised plans by the country's labour leaders to send a
fact-finding mission to Zimbabwe saying they should focus their energies on
workers' problems here.

      PAC president Motsoko Pheko at the weekend said the Congress of South
African Trade Unions (COSATU) planned visit was also provocative given last
month's arrest of a South African spy by Zimbabwean authorities.

      "The battle for workers and the unemployed is in South Africa, not in
Zimbabwe," said Pheko. He added: "COSATU's so-called fact-finding mission to
Zimbabwe is provocative and can only make South Africa a suspect."

      PAC, which is fast fading out of South African politics, is a former
ally of President Robert Mugabe and his ruling ZANU PF party during the
liberation struggle.

      The South African opposition party has regularly cheered some of
Mugabe's controversial policies including his chaotic and often violent
seizure of white-owned farmland blamed for causing severe food shortages in

      COSATU, which was kicked out of Zimbabwe last year while on a similar
fact-finding mission, has written to Mugabe's government to be allowed to
visit the country again. There has been no response to the union's request
yet from Harare. But indications are that it will be turned down.

      South Africa's ruling African National Congress (ANC) party has also
spoken against COSATU's plans to visit Zimbabwe while the South African
Communist Party (SACP) has supported the visit. The ANC, COSATU and SAPC
form a tripartite alliance in power since the fall of apartheid in South
Africa. - ZimOnline
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Zim Online

SA deports 1 000 illegal Zimbabwean immigrants
Mon 24 January 2005
  JOHANNESBURG - South Africa has deported about 1 000 illegal immigrants
from Zimbabwe after holding them in detention over the festive season.

      The Zimbabweans were part of more than 4 000 illegal immigrants from
various countries held at Lindela Repatriation Centre, just outside
Johannesburg, over the Christmas and New Year's holidays when deportations
where temporarily suspended.

      Home Affairs Minister Nosiviwe Mapiso-Nqakula stopped the repatriation
of illegal immigrants over the festive season saying many had taken
advantage of the exercise to hitch a free ride home only to re-enter South
Africa illegally after the holidays.

      Mapiso-Nqakula's communications director, Nkosana Sibuyi, said a train
carrying Zimbabwean immigrants left for Beitbridge border post last

      Sibuyi said contrary to claims by civic groups that South African
authorities targeted Zimbabweans for  deportation, Mozambicans were the
largest single group out of the total number of immigrants expelled last

      "Zimbabweans are not the largest group. The largest single group of
the illegal immigrants were Mozambicans with 22 percent," said Sibuyi.

      Civic groups accuse South African immigration officials of harassing
and victimising Zimbabwean immigrants and sometimes unfairly deporting them.

      At least 2.5 million Zimbabweans are said to be living in South
Africa, most of them illegally after fleeing their home country because of
economic hardship and political violence. - ZimOnline

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Daily News online edition

      In the name of African unity let COSATU come in

      Date: 24-Jan, 2005

      LAST year, the government of President Robert Mugabe barred a
delegation from the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) from
carrying out a mission in Zimbabwe.

      They were expelled from Zimbabwe in a disgraceful display of unAfrican
churlishness. A group of white extremists from the Broederbond would not
have fared any worse.

      Mostly, their intention was to interact with their Zimbabwean
counterparts, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU). But the
government in Harare thought they were up to no good.

      The specific suspicion was that they were going to consort with the
MDC, whose origins have trade union roots. President Thabo Mbeki, reacting
to this nasty incident, seemed to take President Mugabe's side.

      But it must have occurred even to him, as it did to many others who
cherish the cause of African unity, that there was an element of

      What conceivable damage could the COSATU delegation have caused to the
political fabric in Zimbabwe? Would their meetings with the MDC, the ZCTU
and any number of civil society organisations have led to the overthrow of
the government?

      The sovereignty of the government is not in question and it is proper
for any foreign mission to come into the country only after being guaranteed
of a government welcome.

      Yet as political and economic neighbours of long standing, there ought
to be a modicum of respect between the countries and their respective
non-governmental organisations.

      After the COSATU debacle last year, many citizens on both sides of the
border must have felt that the Mugabe government had much to hide. In any
case, nobody can be unaware of the government's almost pathological dislike
of any so-called "foreign interference" in its affairs.

      Some of this persecution mania is rooted in the government's and Zanu
PF's misconception of the purpose of criticism. As far as they are
concerned, any criticism of its policies amounts to downright condemnation.

      This ultra-sensitivity was largely responsible for the wild reaction
to criticism of the excesses of the land reform programme, in which there
was cold-blooded murder.

      Most of the countries with which Zimbabwe has fallen out can trace the
moment of their parting of the ways to the moment they criticised the

      The government's attitude to criticism is subjective and recently this
subjectivity has been magnified by the intolerance displayed by its chief
propagandist, Jonathan Moyo.

      If there had been a sober and reasoned reaction to COSATU's planned
tour last year, there never would have been so much upheaval. For the sake
of African unity and good neighbourliness, the government should allow the
COSATU mission into the country this time.

      It could do its international reputation a world of good, outweighing
any potential damage to a ban.

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Zimbabwe board admits to player approaches

Steven Price

January 24, 2005

Zimbabwe Cricket has issued a statement denying reports that Max Ebrahim,
its chief selector, had been luring players away from Takashinga, one of the
country's leading club sides. But, in a remarkable about-turn, it admitted
that it had been doing so all the time.

Ebrahim had been accused of telling Takashinga players that if they remained
at the club then they would not be considered for national selection, a
charge he angrily denied. But now it emerges that the switching of players
has been happening as part of a policy decision made by the board and that
Ebrahim was acting on orders.

"For a number of years, we have had this provision in every player's
contract that they are subject to such movement in their best interest of
continuing to play at the highest possible level and in the interest of the
quality and standard of the league," Peter Chingoka, the ZC chairman said.
He added that the move had resulted from Takashinga's boycott of the
national league in support of Mashonaland's dispute with the board. "It was
imperative therefore that [the players] remained competitive," he added,
insisting that it was only ever going to be an interim measure.

Takashinga and Old Georgians stood firm in the dispute with ZC over its
expensive rebranding exercise. Stephen Mangongo, Takashinga's chairman and
Ebrahim's predecessor as chief selector, has been engaged in an increasingly
bitter war of words with the ZC and there is every indication that ZC's
action is aimed at undermining Mangongo as well as acting as a thinly-veiled
threat to any other clubs considering joining the revolt.

The statement refers to a deployment exercise, but it is strange that this
has only come to light now after many players reported they had been
approached in a less than official way. Cricinfo has been contacted by
witnesses to players being contacted by ZC officials, and this explanation
is far too convenient. If it was a genuine policy decision, then why wasn't
it made public at the outset?

Whatever the whys and wherefores, Takashinga ended its dispute over the
weekend and so, ZC stated, all the players who had been moved elsewhere
would be returned to it.

So ends a bizarre and unsatisfactory fortnight. The players are back where
they started and the Zimbabwe board has sent out a clear signal that anyone
not toeing the party line will face similar Draconian action.

© Cricinfo
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