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Traditional leaders say 'will not feed the
enemy'
Zim Online
Wednesday 31 January 2007
MASVINGO -
Zimbabwe's Council of Chiefs has ordered traditional leaders in
rural
Chiredzi South constituency to deny state-supplied food aid to
opposition
supporters, council president Fortune Charumbira said on Monday.
Chiredzi
is due to hold a by-election on February 17 to replace former ZANU
PF
legislator Aaron Baloyi who died last year.
Charumbira said in addition
to denying food to opposition supporters - who
he described as the enemy -
chiefs had also been instructed to campaign for
ZANU PF, adding that the
traditional leaders should know "which side their
bread is
buttered".
"We have advised all chiefs in Chiredzi south to campaign for
the ruling
party,' said Charumbira.
"We have also ordered them that
they should consider only ZANU PF supporters
on programmes initiated by the
government (including food aid). We cannot
afford to continue feeding the
enemy because they are sellouts," he added,
virtually confirming the use of
food aid as a political weapon to coerce
villagers to support the governing
party.
Traditional leaders hold largely ceremonial powers but wield
immense
influence in rural areas where President Robert Mugabe and ZANU PF
draw most
of their support.
The opposition, human rights and
pro-democracy groups accuse chiefs of using
their positions to intimidate
their subjects to back Mugabe's party, a
charge they have until now
denied.
ZANU PF and the government deny refusing food to opposition
supporters and
insist it is their policies alone that have won them support
in rural areas.
A ZANU PF stalwart in Masvingo province, under which
Chiredzi falls,
Dzikamai Mavhaire, said anyone caught politicising food aid,
should be
arrested by the police.
"It is not government policy and
will never be our policy. All people in
need of food aid should be given
food despite their political affiliation.
Anyone politicising food aid
should be reported to the police and he should
be arrested," said Mavhaire,
who is also a Senator of the ruling party and a
member of its inner
politburo cabinet.
But villagers from Chiredzi and opposition officials
said chiefs were
ordering supporters of the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) and the
United People's Party (UPP) to denounce their parties first
before they
could get food aid.
For example, Patrick Malaba, a
villager from Sangwe area in Chiredzi, said
his local chief had told him
that he was not going to get food from a ZANU
PF-led government because he
supported the UPP.
Malaba said: "I am a supporter of UPP and the chief
has since advised me not
to expect free food from a ZANU PF-led government.
I was denied food on
several times the reason being that I support an
opposition political
party."
An MDC official in Masvingo, Elson
Chauke said the by-election will not be
free and fair because opposition
supporters were being coerced to back ZANU
PF in return for
food.
"This is electoral fraud. Why are they denying our supporters food
aid? It
is clear that the elections will never be free and fair" said
Chauke.
Immaculate Makondo and Nehemiah Zenamwe from the two MDC
factions, Callisto
Gwanetsa of ZANU PF and Savious Chauke will battle it out
in the poll, whose
result - which ever way it goes - will not alter much the
balance of power
in both Houses of Parliament where the ruling party has
absolute majority. -
ZimOnline
Media commission refuses to renew newspaper's
licence
Zim Online
Wednesday 31 January
2007
HARARE - The government's Media and Information
Commission (MIC) is refusing
to renew the licence of one of Zimbabwe's
biggest business newspapers, The
Financial Gazette, demanding the paper
first discloses its owners.
Under the government's tough media laws,
newspapers cannot publish unless
they have a licence from the MIC, with
papers that breach the rule forced to
close while their equipment is seized
by the police. Newspaper company
executives can also be jailed for
publishing without permission from the
commission.
The Fingaz, as it
is also popularly called in the streets of Harare, is
believed to be
majority-owned by Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor
Gideon
Gono.
But the Fingaz's main rival, the Zimbabwe Independent, has claimed
that the
feared state spy Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) - and not
Gono - is
the controlling shareholder in the paper.
MIC chairman
Tafataona Mahoso confirmed that his commission had not renewed
the Fingaz's
licence but refused to be drawn to disclose further details.
"It must be
known that it is not an automatic renewal, there are things that
we look at
and get satisfied before granting a licence and we are still
looking at
their application," Mahoso told ZimOnline. He added: "We are not
saying they
will get a licence or not."
Newspapers renew their publishing licences
after every two years while
journalists, who also require licences to
practice, must renew theirs after
every 12 months.
Fingaz general
manager Jacob Chisese confirmed the paper, that is the oldest
business and
financial paper in the country, was still to receive a new
licence from the
MIC. Chisese refused to disclose details for
confidentiality reasons but he
expressed hope that his paper would soon have
its licence renewed.
He
said: "I can confirm we have not received our licence and we hope to get
it
as soon as possible like the others. Issues to do with licences are
confidential so we cannot just go public over the matter because there are
still issues we are clearing (with the MIC)."
But senior journalists
at the Fingaz and officials at the MIC suggested that
the real reason the
paper was being denied a licence had more to do with the
vicious battle
raging within the ruling ZANU PF party over the succession of
President
Robert Mugabe.
They said powerful politicians in the ruling party did not
trust Gono's
political ambitions and wanted to cripple the Fingaz, fearing
the RBZ
chief - a blue eyed boy of Mugabe - might in the future want to use
the
paper to build a platform to position himself to succeed the veteran
president.
"All this is part of the succession wars. There are many
in ZANU PF who fear
Gono could use the paper either to campaign for himself
or to back someone
not of their liking," said an MIC official, who declined
to be named.
ZimOnline was unable to independently confirm these claims
either with Gono
or the senior ZANU PF politicians said to be after
him.
However, Gono has in the past denied harbouring political ambitions.
But
Gono's failure to publicly declare whether he owned the Fingaz - even in
the
face of damaging claims that the CIO controls the paper - has left a
huge
question mark over who really owns the paper. - ZimOnline
University lectures strike as teachers embark on "go
slow"
Zim Online
Wednesday 31 January
2007
HARARE - Zimbabwe university lecturers
went on strike earlier this week
while teachers' unions said their members
were on a "go-slow" and would
abandon classes altogether beginning next
Monday to press for better pay and
working conditions.
The university
lecturers join a long list of state workers that includes
doctors and nurses
who have been boycotting work to push President Robert
Mugabe's
cash-strapped government to improve their salaries.
Doctors, who have
been joined by nurses, have been on strike over the past
seven weeks,
straining a public health sector that is barely functional at
the best of
times due to shortages of essential medicines and an overload of
HIV/AIDS
cases.
Lecturers at the state-run National University of Science and
Technology
(NUST) and Lupane State University say they were miffed over the
recent
salary increments awarded in January which they say are still way
below
their expectations.
A spokesman of the Zimbabwe State
Universities Union of Academic
Associations, Bernard Njekeya, said the
lecturers were not happy with the
300 percent salary increment awarded by
the government this month.
"Lecturers were just given the 300 percent
that was awarded to other civil
servants and we are striking for an
opportunity to negotiate as determined
by the Labour Act. There is need for
the employer and the employees to sit
down and negotiate," Njekeya
said.
Njekeya said other universities were expected to join the strike in
the
coming weeks after their notices to embark on industrial action have
expired.
"The salaries for lecturers are very low and we as an
organisation are
demanding a salary that would sustain lecturers. We are
asking for salaries
that have value," Njekeya said.
In Harare,
secretary general of the militant Progressive Teachers' Union of
Zimbabwe
(PTUZ), Raymond Majongwe, said teachers will embark on a "go slow"
ahead of
a full-fledged strike next Monday.
"Starting on Wednesday, we are going
on a go-slow and then on Monday, it
will become a full-fledged nation-wide
strike," said Majongwe.
Zimbabwean teachers earn an average of about
Z$157 000 a month, which is way
below the $344 000 that the Consumer Council
of Zimbabwe says an average
family of five needs per month to
survive.
Strikes by university lecturers and teachers over poor pay are
common in
Zimbabwe as the southern African nation battles an economic
meltdown
described by the World Bank as the worst in the world outside a war
zone.
Zimbabwe's education system once lauded as one of the best in
Africa is in
shambles after years of under-funding and mismanagement by the
government. -
ZimOnline
Central bank chief to present monetary policy
statement
Zim Online
Wednesday 31 January
2007
HARARE - Zimbabwe's central bank governor Gideon
Gono this morning finally
presents his long-awaited monetary policy
statement, with the market
expecting a devaluation of the local dollar to
boost exports.
The presentation is expected to put to rest speculation,
which had gripped
the market for the past three weeks, triggering a major
plunge in the value
of the Zimbabwe dollar against major
currencies.
The unstable currency has lost 50 percent of its value
against the United
States dollar in the last two weeks as traders held on to
hard currency in
anticipation of a devaluation of the Zimbabwe
dollar.
However, analysts said devaluation would in the short term stoke
inflation -
already the world's highest rate at 1 282 percent in
December.
Gono was supposed to present the policy statement last week but
was forced
to defer it because President Robert Mugabe who was on leave had
not
approved it.
A Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) spokesperson
confirmed the policy would be
presented today at the central bank's
auditorium.
"People are supposed to be seated by 8.30am and the
presentation will start
at 9am," said the spokesperson.
The RBZ
public relations department only started distributing invitation
letters for
the presentation yesterday.
"We were only told yesterday (Monday) morning
to start working on the
invites. We hope most of the invited people will be
able to attend," said an
official in the RBZ's public relations
office.
The market, however, remains wary that Gono could spring a
surprise like he
did when he ordered a currency change last year, giving
Zimbabweans only
three weeks to hand in their old money and causing major
inconveniences for
millions of people.
Sources said Gono could
introduce another new currency as he had promised in
his last statement in
July.
"As banks we remain careful that the governor could just come up
with
surprises. He has done so in the past," said an economist with a Harare
commercial bank.
Gono will meet bank chiefs first before presenting
the policy statement. --
ZimOnline
League boss wanted to fund Mugabe birthday
bash
Zim Online
Wednesday 31 January
2007
HARARE - Premier Soccer
League (PSL) chairman, Tapiwa Matangaidze is
at loggerheads with fellow
members of his management committee after he
unsuccessfully tried to force
the league to make a cash donation to the
ruling ZANU PF, ZimOnline has
gathered.
Matangaidze is said to have attended a ruling party
fund-raising
meeting at which ZANU PF's youth league was raising funds for
President
Robert Mugabe's birthday party scheduled for the 21st of
February.
A highly placed PSL official said yesterday that they
refused to be
part of the proceedings as it would damage the image of the
game to be seen
to be helping a political party.
"Matangaidze
explained that it was in our best interest to support
ZANU PF projects. He
claimed that the ruling party viewed the PSL as full of
MDC (opposition
Movement for Democratic Change) supporters so he wanted to
pacify them. He
said they wanted support from government officials so they
needed to blind
them with cash.
"But most members of the management committee
refused to part with
money. Morally it would not make sense to give money to
be splashed for
someone's birthday party when our clubs can hardly survive
under these
trying times.
"Besides, as a professional league,
we don't vet people who come to
watch matches for their political
affiliation. What we made clear to the
chairman (Matangaidze) is that it
would be a scandal to give money to ZANU
PF.
"What are we going
to do if the MDC or any other political party comes
to us asking for the
same assistance? If Matangaidze wants to donate money
for whatever reasons,
he must do so in his personal capacity and not drag
football into the
political mud," said the PSL official.
He added that for such a
donation to be made, the PSL had to consult
and get approval from the
clubs.
Matangaidze could not be reached for comment on the matter
last night.
ZimOnline also understands that after some officials
refused to be
part of the ZANU PF project, they have already started being
threatened with
victimisation.
The ruling party is well-known
for victimising people who refuse to
dance to their tune. -
ZimOnline
Zimbabwe Farm Workers, Employers Deadlocked On Wage
Increase
VOA
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
30
January 2007
The General Agricultural and Plantation Workers Union of
Zimbabwe said
negotiations with farmers have deadlocked, forcing the union
to go back to
its members Wednesday for consultations.
Farm workers
want Z$100,000 a month (US$24) a month compared with an average
of Z$8,320
(US$2) a month today. Employers have yet to put an offer on the
table, but
one source said some in the sector propose a Z$50,000 minimum
monthly
wage.
Chairman Clever Kugotsi of the National Employment Council for
Agriculture
said that employers are finding it hard to meet demands, but
hope to reach
an agreement. He attributed the shortage of farm workers to
land reform:
some former farm workers who benefited from land redistribution
are now
farmers in the A1 commercial class.
General Agricultural and
Plantation Workers Union General Secretary Gertrude
Hambira told reporter
Jonga Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that
workers simply want to
earn enough to get through the month as prices
continue to rise.
Harare Agency Now Controls Diamond Mine - Chinese Seen In
Wings
VOA
By Blessing Zulu
Washington
30 January
2007
The Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation has received
a license to
exploit the Marange diamond concession following revocation of
a license
held by British-based African Consolidated Resources by Minister
of Mines
Amos Midzi.
But Mines Ministry sources said the ZMDC does
not have the capacity to
operate the mine, and that the takeover by the
government could be a step
towards awarding the alluvial diamond claim to
Chinese investors. Such a
move would be in keeping with President Robert
Mugabe's "Look East" economic
policy, and could be attractive to the
strapped Harare government in terms
of the potential for a cash
infusion.
For the past 10 years the Mining Development Corporation has
had to close or
offload loss-making mines due to mismanagement, experts
said, among them
Kamativi Mine, closed down in 1994, Sabi Gold Mine, shut in
2000 and Madziwa
Nickel Mine.
Given a mandate to revive closed mines
last year, the ZMDC has also failed
dismally there. Projects earmarked for
revival included Mhangura Copper
Mines, Lomagundi Smelting and Mining and
Sanyati Copper Mines, where a
geological study indicated large ore deposits.
But mining experts say ZMDC
lacks resources and know-how.
The agency,
in association with Zimbabwe Defence Industries, or ZDI, also
entered a
joint venture with Norinco to develop chromium deposits on its
claims in
Ngezi, but the deals have failed to materialized. The discovery of
diamonds
in Marange sparked a rush by indigent peasants into the area,
leading the
army and police to seal it off.
The Marange diamond mine has come under
investigation by the Kimberly
Process following reports that some of its
output was being smuggled into
South Africa.
Chief Executive Officer
Andrew Cranswick of African Consolidated Resources,
which asserts a legal
claim to the Marange mine, told reporter Blessing Zulu
of VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe that if it cannot regain access through
negotiations it will file
suit.
Director Godfrey Kanyenze of the Labor and Economic Development
Research
Institute studied the operations of the Zimbabwe Mining Development
Corporation and told reporter Zulu that he found gross mismanagement at the
agency.
Hampered By Zimbabwe Security Forces, NGO Opens Jo'Burg
Office
VOA
By Patience Rusere
Washington
30 January
2007
Zimbabwe's National Constitutional Assembly, which has taken a
leadership
role in the broad civil opposition to the government of President
Robert
Mugabe, has set up an office in Johannesburg, South Africa, to
counter
pressure from home security forces.
NCA chairman Lovemore
Madhuku said state security agents have interfered
with the routine
operation of his organization. The civic group has staged a
number of
protests in Harare in recent weeks and seems to be building
support for mass
protests given the collapse of the economy under the weight
of inflation
exceeding 1,200%.
Police called Madhuku to Harare Central Police Station
on Monday to ask that
he give them prior notice of protests, which the
activist, a professor of
constitutional law at the University of Zimbabwe,
refused to agree to do.
He told reporter Patience Rusere of VOA's Studio
7 for Zimbabwe that the NCA
will keep its focus on protests despite the
opening of a South African
office.
Zimbabwe's Ignominious Implosion Continues
Apace
World Politics Watch
Dan Teng'o | 30 Jan 2007
World Politics Watch Exclusive
It is no
longer possible to chin up in Zimbabwe. Not with the profusion of
woes
rending the country each passing day.
Dozens are dying at the country's
public hospitals following a monthlong
strike over pay by the few remaining
doctors, inflation is fast approaching
the 1,300 percent mark and political
oppression has reached epidemic
proportions.
Formerly a
major tobacco producer and breadbasket for southern Africa,
Zimbabwe
continues to hurtle down the tubes, producing an endless stream of
sob
stories.
It rivals war-torn African countries in spewing out displaced
people and
refugees running away from the country's socio-economic meltdown.
A quarter
of the country's 12 million citizens have fled debilitating
hunger, crushing
poverty and repression, the country's current calling
cards.
For those stuck in Zimbabwe, life is an endless slog under the
country's
moth-eaten economy, circumscribed by food and fuel
shortages.
The bane of Zimbabwe's existence? President Robert Mugabe, the
oldest
surviving leader in Africa and the whole world.
Mugabe,
82, a guerilla fighter who led the country to independence in 1980,
worked
hard to make the country a regional powerhouse. Now he is busy
destroying
it.
In 2000, he launched a controversial land reform program to redress
the
imbalances in land ownership from the colonial era. His government
simply
parlayed the masses' desperation for land into the populist seizure
of
hundreds of white-owned commercial farms to benefit black
Zimbabweans.
Now patchy fields and grass-thatched huts stand on what were
once highly
productive farms, keeping the country's agriculture-based
economy on the
skids.
The politicos who grabbed multiple farms seized
from the white farmers are
now tripping over each other as they jostle for
deposits of precious
minerals recently discovered in the eastern part of the
country.
They are unbothered that the country's gross domestic product
seems to
shrink by the minute, unemployment is precariously hovering above
the 80
percent mark and shortages ranging from foreign currency to food are
chomping away at the quality of life for Zimbabwe's
poor.
Belt-tightening is a national art. In the capital, Harare, a loaf
of bread
is now a luxury that many Zimbabweans cannot afford even if they
had the
fortitude to line up for it for hours on end. Prices of basic goods
jump by
the day.
Ordinary Zimbabweans lug money in boxes of notes and
coins to pay mundane
bills like bar bills. School fees in primary, secondary
and tertiary
institutions were recently hiked by between 500 and 2000
percent.
The government has slashed three zeroes from the "old currency"
and devalued
the Zimbabwean dollar endlessly. The currency exchange rate is
anything
between 300 and 500 Zimbabwean dollars to the U.S.
dollar.
Despite the country's hyperinflationary environment, the
government
continues to implement wooly-headed policies such as stiffer
price controls,
which only send producers scurrying underground.
On
Jan. 23, the U.S. embassy in Harare said several major American
corporations
had scaled down operations in Zimbabwe while some had closed
shop altogether
over the past five years, as foreign investors lost
confidence in the Harare
administration.
An unsigned statement by the embassy blamed the country's
economic crisis on
government mismanagement and cited corruption and
reckless fiscal practices,
including the wholesale printing of
money.
The government's urban slum demolition drive in 2005 also
continues to haunt
the country. It left some 700,000 people without jobs or
homes, according to
U.N. estimates.
Cloaked by the government as an
effort to boost law, order and development,
it turned out to be a vindictive
stratagem to dismantle the opposition's
urban support
base.
Debilitating political persecution and repression remains rife in
Zimbabwe.
The capital, Harare, is crawling with police informers. Too scared
to act,
speak out or protest, ordinary Zimbabweans are always looking over
their
shoulders.
The media particularly remains firmly under Mugabe's
thumb. All the
independent media outlets operate from outside the country.
The Zimbabwean,
a weekly newspaper, is produced in London; and SW Radio
Africa also operates
from the U.K.
The Voice of the People radio uses
a leased shortwave transmitter in
Madagascar, whilst the Voice of America
runs Studio 7, a twice-daily service
for listeners in
Zimbabwe.
Recently, state security agents confiscated radio sets in rural
areas,
allegedly to stop people listening to such independent radio
broadcasts.
"Today, the government hands over far more to Chinese arms
manufacturers
than it spends on education for our children," editorialized
The Zimbabwean
on Jan. 25.
"Imported weaponry is used to crush
internal dissent and criticism. Millions
of children roam the countryside
and city streets, their minds as ragged and
hungry as their bodies," opined
the newspaper.
Many Zimbabweans are trying to flee the country. South
Africa, their
neighbor to the south, deports 400 Zimbabweans every day. But
most of the
deportees quickly find their way back into South Africa through
makeshift
entry points along the crocodile-infested Limpopo
River.
They can no longer repose their hopes in the opposition, formerly
viewed as
a veritable challenger to Mugabe. The main opposition party, the
Movement
for Democratic Change, is a pale shadow of its former self, after
endless
schisms and wrangling among its officials.
The opposition's
impotency has emboldened Mugabe. Towards the end of last
year, his ruling
party voted to extend his dictatorial rule from 2008 to
2010, giving a new
lease on life to the country's aging, intransigent,
corrupt, melodramatic
and delusional leadership.
During his 26-year rule, Mugabe has had
dealings with at least four U.S.
presidents three British Prime Ministers
and about half a dozen Japanese
prime ministers.
In 2002, the E.U.,
U.S. and other Western countries slapped sanctions on him
and his top
officials as punishment for allegedly stealing elections,
violating human
rights and failing to uphold the rule of law.
Under the sanctions,
affected individuals cannot travel to E.U. countries,
Switzerland, the U.S.,
Australia and New Zealand. They are also barred from
holding bank accounts
in the Western countries and conducting personal or
official business
there.
Mugabe reacted to the sanctions by pulling the country out of the
Commonwealth after suspension by the world body. He has lately been cozying
up to China and Iran.
Last year, China inked a $1.3 billion energy
deal with Zimbabwe to guarantee
access to Zimbabwe's chrome. China is slated
to build new coal mines and
three thermal power stations in the Zambezi
valley on the Zambian border to
help alleviate the power shortages that
routinely beset Zimbabwean
industries.
After a visit to Iran late
last year -- there he was hailed as a hero for
his anti-West stance --
Mugabe announced that the Middle Eastern country had
pledged to investigate
whether it was possible to resuscitate Zimbabwe's
only oil refinery in the
eastern border town of Mutare.
Built to process imported Iranian crude
oil, the refinery was closed 40
years ago when the world imposed trade and
diplomatic sanctions against the
then white-ruled Rhodesia.
Mugabe is
also looking to Tehran for direct aid and assistance with energy,
education
technology and agricultural projects in a deal that will offer
Iran access
to Zimbabwe's mineral deposits.
Meanwhile, he continues to shelter former
Ethiopian dictator Mengistu Haile
Mariam, who was found guilty of genocide
and sentenced to life imprisonment
in Ethiopia on Dec. 12,
2006.
Mengistu was convicted of causing the deaths of between half a
million and
1.5 million of his fellow countrymen, earning the title "The
Butcher of
Addis." Mugabe rejected pleas to extradite him to Ethiopia and
said through
his spokesman that Mengistu is a comrade who played a
commendable role
during Zimbabwe's struggle for
independence.
Zimbabwe's judiciary has joined the long list of imploding
public
institutions. In her maiden speech to mark the official opening of
the 2007
High Court legal year, in mid-January, the country's outspoken
first female
senior judge, Rita Makarau, admitted that the country's justice
system is
not only plagued by endemic corruption, but the courts are also
too broke to
dispense with the backlog of cases currently before
them.
That wasn't a surprise. More of Zimbabwe's public institutions are
heading
to the scrap heap.
Cholera outbreak in
Harare
From The Daily Mirror, 30 January
Patience Nyangove
Twelve people have been
hospitalised with cholera after drinking
contaminated water in Harare's
Mabvuku suburb. Of the 12 cases, four have
since been confirmed while the
others are undergoing medical examination.
Some parts of the eastern suburb
have been without water supplies for three
weeks forcing residents to fetch
the precious liquid from unprotected
sources. Impeccable sources told The
Daily Mirror yesterday that the dozen
affected people were detained at the
Beatrice Road Infectious Diseases
Hospital. They said the outbreak,
initially recorded last week, was detected
after a 12 year-old boy from
Centenary was diagnosed with the contagious
disease. "They have been no
deaths and those admitted in hospital are in a
stable condition," the source
added. Efforts to get comment from the
Minister of Health and Child Welfare,
David Parirenyatwa, were fruitless at
the time of going to the press last
night as his mobile phone was not being
answered. This is not the first time
a cholera outbreak has hit the capital
city. Last year, the Harare City
Council was forced to close down the Mbare
Musika vegetable market after
another cholera outbreak hit the city.
The government allocated $10
billion to the city council to finance the
construction of a health friendly
environment for vending and proper
sanitation facilities at public places.
The city council allocated vehicles
for removal of uncollected garbage,
which had become a common sight in most
parts of Harare - posing a serious
health hazard. The situation led to the
police to conduct raids into
residential areas such as Glen Norah, Glen View
and Budiriro to get rid of
illegal fish vendors. The crisis turned fatal
when several members of a Glen
View family died after consuming contaminated
fish they had reportedly
bought at a police auction for seized food items.
Despite the police
clampdown, illegal vending of fresh foodstuffs is still
rampant in most of
Harare's suburbs that residents in fact prefer citing
cheaper prices
compared to those in supermarkets and butcheries. About 25
people also
succumbed to cholera last year in Chikomba and Guruve situated
in
Mashonaland East and Central provinces. The disease affected at least 15
villages in Chikomba district.
In a bid to curb further outbreak
of cholera, the Ministry of Health and
Child Welfare is in the forefront
calling for the setting up of more water
and sanitation facilities in newly
resettled areas. The facilities include
provision of Blair toilets,
bore-holes and protected wells. Cholera is a
water-borne ailment mostly
prevalent during the rain season. Water polluted
by germs and flies spread
the disease that can lead to death if treatment is
not sought quickly. This
medieval disease, which has appeared across the
globe in different strains
including - infant diarrhoea, a major childhood
killer similar to cholera -
since at least the 19th century, has re-emerged
with a vengeance and appears
destined to stay. At one time it was believed
that the disease had been
eradicated in this country, but it now appears
that the drugs/medication and
quarantine laws are failing to prevent the
disease's reappearance.
Talks between doctors and Health ministry collapse
By Tichaona
Sibanda
30 January 2007
Negotiations between striking doctors and
their parent ministry have broken
down amid fears the death toll at major
hospitals has increased at an
alarming rate.
It also emerged on
Tuesday that mortuary attendants and cooks at the
hospitals have also joined
the strike. Kudakwashe Nyamutukwa, President of
the Hospital Doctors
Association, told Newsreel from Harare
that they have called off any
negotiations with officials from the Ministry
of Health.
He said
nothing has changed despite government's use of divisive methods in
an
effort to lure some of the doctors back to work. Government last week
paid
some of the doctors their January salaries while others received
nothing.
'This is a clear indication government wants to divide us
but that won't
happen. Those that were paid are still with us and they will
not be going
back to work,' Nyamutukwa said.
Apart from the nine
doctors seconded from the army, it is not clear if there
is anyone reporting
for duty at the major hospitals, after nurses joined in
two weeks ago. Last
week support staff such as paramedics, radiographers and
physiotherapists
joined in and this leaves the country's health delivery
system in complete
meltdown.
There are also reports that consultants are seriously
considering downing
their tools in an effort to force government to
reconsider its position on
negotiations. Although Nyamutukwa could not
comment on this, a source told
us the senior doctors are fed up with the
stalemate between government and
the junior doctors.
As the strike
entered its sixth week on Monday the rate of patients dying at
the hospitals
has gone up and it is believed if nothing is done about the
strike the
country could be facing a major catastrophe.
The President of Zimbabwe
Doctors for Human Rights, Dr Douglas Gwatidzo, has
already warned that the
standoff between government and the junior doctors
could spell doom for the
whole nation if it is not resolved soon.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe
news
Reports of mounting tension at Zimbabwe Military Academy
By Tichaona
Sibanda
30 January 2007
There are reports that the Zimbabwe Military
Academy (ZMA) was sealed off
last week following a standoff between army
cadets and their instructors
over salaries. The academy which is based in
Gweru is used as an entry point
for all new officer cadets.
A source
based in the town told us that senior officers from the cadet wing
were
summoned to Harare to explain what happened.
We also received reports
that at least 170 airmen from Thornhill airbase
have quit the Airforce in
frustration over low salaries and poor working
conditions. In retaliation,
airforce bosses have accused the former
employees of working against the
government and supporting the opposition.
Both the ZMA and Thornhill are
based in Gweru, the capital of the Midlands
province.
The atmosphere
at the academy is reportedly tense following accusations from
senior
officers that the new recruits were being influenced by outside
forces. It
is believed the top army brass did not take the incident lightly
and have
ordered a full-scale inquiry over the disturbances.
Norman Dube a
resident of Gweru who alerted Newsreel about the standoff said
the cadets
have made it clear no political pressure motivated their actions.
They said
their actions were purely based on the promise they got from their
commanders that they were to get a salary hike at the end of
January.
A former colonel in the army told us from London that such
incidents were
very rare in the defence forces in the past but not these
days. He said a
growing number of soldiers are not happy with the salaries
they are getting
and many have resigned as a result.
Newsreel failed
to locate the ZMA's commanding officer to get comment over
the
standoff.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
Bulawayo university lecturers & Harare nurses go on strike
By Violet
Gonda
Tuesday 30 January
More and more groups are going on strike as
the economic crisis and living
conditions worsen. Lecturers and non-academic
staff at the National
University of Science and Technology (NUST) went on
strike in Bulawayo on
Monday and the Association of University Teachers
(AUT), agreed that all
academic staff at state universities would go on a
collective job action,
when the various universities
opened.
University of Zimbabwe lecturer and political commentator Dr John
Makumbe
said: "NUST was expected to open today and so the staff and
lecturers have
gone on strike and it's likely to happen with each day
approaching for the
opening of each state university."
University of
Zimbabwe lecturers are expected to start their job action when
the
university opens in mid-February.
Meanwhile nurses at Parirenyatwa and
Harare Central Hospitals in Harare have
also gone on a strike. So have
mortuary attendants and cooks at several
hospitals, joining a growing number
of disgruntled civil servants who are
failing to cope in the harsh economic
climate.
Junior doctors at the main state hospitals countrywide are on
strike, some
for six weeks, without a solution in sight.
The
industrial action by the Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe, which
was
supposed to start on Monday, will begin as a go-slow strike on Wednesday
this week.
And the country's main labour body, the Zimbabwe Congress
of Trade Unions,
warned the government it will call for a general strike if
the demands of
workers across the country are not addressed by the 23rd
February.
Some analysts believe this is the time the pro-democracy
movement should
unite to fight the Mugabe regime as one. But Dr John Makumbe
said: "Let each
group do its own thing but they must do it fully and
effectively and the
regime will run into so many problems."
Speaking
on the plight of university lecturers, Makumbe said they are asking
for a
1000% salary increase and for terms and conditions of services to
improve
significantly. The government awarded civil servants a 300%
increment
recently, but this is still not enough for people to cope with the
high cost
of living in Zimbabwe.
An average university lecturer was earning around
ZW$70 000 a month, before
the 300% increase which resulted in salaries going
up to about ZW$230 000.
But Makumbe said: "It's inadequate because most
accommodation, if you are in
flats - is about ZW$80 000. If you in a house
it's more than ZW$120 000 to
ZW$150 000. That's before you pay your
telephone bill, before you pay your
electricity, before you buy one litre at
ZW$4 000 to ZW$5 000 a litre for
your car for fuel. So it's a very, very
difficult time. At the University of
Zimbabwe now, lecturers are only
showing up when they have to."
Basically every sector in Zimbabwe has
been hit by the economic crisis which
is largely blamed on the bad policies
and mis-governance by the Mugabe
regime. The basic basket for survival for a
family of 5 in an urban area is
now ZW$370 000. Makumbe said: "And academics
are asking to earn just a
little more than that."
He said the
Association of University Teachers gave the authorities the
mandatory 14
days notice - in accordance with the Labour Relations Act - but
there has
been no response.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
Health System Near Total
Collapse
Institute for War and Peace Reporting
Hundreds of people are dying painful deaths each week as a result of
a
strike by junior doctors over pay.
By Florence Cheda in Harare (AR
No. 92, 30-Jan-07)
Four-year-old Olinda Makwenje curls up in pain in her
hospital bed at Harare's
Parirenyatwa Hospital - the capital's most
important public health
institution - where she has lain unattended for more
than nine days as a
weeks-long strike by junior doctors
continues.
The world seems oblivious of little Olinda's plight as a
humanitarian crisis
much worse than Operation Murambatsvina (Operation Drive
Out the Trash) -
the government's notorious slum clearance operation which
left some 2.4
million people homeless - grips Zimbabwe. Hundreds of people
are dying every
week due to lack of healthcare since the doctors' industrial
action began on
December 21 last year, bringing the health delivery system,
already battered
by a collapsing economy, to a near-total
halt.
Olinda can hardly eat or take any fluids because of the cancerous
growth in
her gums, which protrudes out of her little mouth like black
volcanic lava.
Her cancer was diagnosed last December. She is
deteriorating fast and is in
need of surgery to stop the cancer from
spreading. In the absence of public
healthcare, her poverty-stricken family
can never hope to afford the four
million Zimbabwe dollars (16,000 US
dollars at the government's unrealistic
exchange rate of 1 US dollar=250
Zimbabwe dollars) - a lifetime's earnings -
needed for an operation in a
private hospital.
No words can describe the agony little Olinda is in
with no painkillers in
sight to give her even temporary relief. The few
nurses manning the wards
have no authority to prescribe the drugs she
desperately needs to ease the
pain. Olinda is among thousands of other
Zimbabweans dying painfully slowly
in Zimbabwe's deteriorating hospital
system, which at independence and the
years afterwards was judged the finest
in Africa.
Since the junior doctors began their action they have been
joined by most of
their seniors and many nurses. The junior doctors are
adamant that they will
not return to work until the government meets their
demand for a monthly
salary equivalent to 1900 US dollars, an increase of
nearly 9000 per cent.
A junior doctor's starting salary is not enough to fill
his car's fuel tank
with petrol.
What happens to Olinda and other
sick people and patients needing surgery at
the country's state
hospitals?
Patients are being turned away. Accident victims with broken
limbs,
fractured skulls and internal injuries are going untreated and the
situation
is bound to worsen as the strike continues.
Even before the
strike the situation was critical. The health system had
already collapsed -
there is serious understaffing; morale among staff is
wrecked; vital
equipment is old or not functioning; there is a lack of
essential drugs,
including anti-retrovirals to treat an HIV/AIDS plague that
kills more than
3000 people a week. One-quarter of the population of 11.5
million is
estimated to be HIV-positive.
Doctors and nurses have had to battle a
health catastrophe, lacking such
equipment as rubber gloves, saline drips,
syringes and painkillers and other
essential drugs.
One province,
Matabeleland South, recently reported that it had only one
doctor, based at
Gwanda hospital, to service four million people. The full
complement of
doctors should be 21, including nine specialists.
In Marondera, a town 80
kilometres southeast of the capital, toilets in the
large public hospital
are without water. But desperate patients continue to
use them as they wait
for hours in the hope of seeing a nurse in the absence
of
doctors.
The healthcare crisis is regarded as worse than Operation
Murambatsvina
launched by President Robert Mugabe in May 2005, ostensibly to
bring order
to the cities and towns but actually to pre-empt an urban
rebellion against
deteriorating living standards. The then United Nations
secretary-general
Kofi Annan was so appalled by reports of the violence and
hardships that
accompanied the operation that he sent a special envoy to
assess the
situation. His envoy, Anna Tibaijuka, said Murambatsvina had
precipitated a
humanitarian crisis of immense proportions and "the
government of Zimbabwe
is collectively responsible for what has
happened".
She said there had been "indifference to human suffering" and
that the
Zimbabwe government and its operatives had breached both national
and
international human rights law.
Whatever its concern about
Murambatsvina, there has been a deafening silence
from the UN on the
hospital crisis that sees many hundreds of people dying
painfully each
week.
The government, trying to give the impression everything is under
control,
refuses to send an SOS to the international community for help. The
country's
deepening economic problems have seen the exodus of many hundreds
of
doctors, nurses, radiologists, physiotherapists and other skilled health
workers to Britain, South Africa and Australia where they can command better
pay and conditions.
In the midst of the strike, Health and Child
Welfare Minister David
Parirenyatwa - son of a revered doctor after whom
Parirenyatwa Hospital was
named - went on annual leave while Mugabe went on
vacation in the Far East.
People are now taking their seriously ill
relatives out of the hospitals,
preferring that they die in the comfort of
their homes and surrounded by
their loved ones.
"What is the point of
keeping him here when he is not getting any
treatment," said Sam Makoni as
he lifted a relative from a stretcher into
his car at Parirenyatwa Hospital.
"He is better off at home surrounded by
his relatives. Imagine the pain he
is in and not getting treatment. We could
not continue watching him
deteriorating.
"Problems never end in Zimbabwe. It's either this or that
and it seems our
sick have been given a death sentence. This is a
catastrophe and a man-made
disaster. Zimbabwe now needs all the help it can
get from everywhere."
Many people have been asking why organisations
international medical relief
organisations have not sent teams of doctors
into the government hospitals
to ease the crisis. They feel the current
situation, with more than 90 per
cent of the population denied healthcare,
fits into the category of
countries in need of humanitarian
assistance.
Dr Douglas Gwatidzo, chairman of the Zimbabwe Association of
Doctors for
Human Rights, told IWPR, "Foreign doctors could come in and
assist but they
can only do so with the authority of the government. They
cannot just come
into the country without permission and take over the
health institutions.
Whether they would get the permission in Zimbabwe I
just don't know."
He said the government was in violation of the African
Charter on Human and
People's Rights and the Universal Declaration on Human
Rights, which
guarantee citizens access to affordable
healthcare.
Gwatidzo accused the government of lacking the political will
to provide a
long-term solution to the current crisis. He sympathised with
the junior
doctors, who he said worked under difficult conditions while
being paid
salaries that could not feed their families or even finance car
travel
between their homes and their workplace.
Senior doctors in
Zimbabwe initially continued working but later joined the
strike, having
worked for almost three weeks under the terrible conditions
their juniors
had endured every single day.
"We are a small organisation with minimal
resources and we don't have that
much manpower," said Gwatidzo of his
association. "We would like to assist
but we don't want to go there and face
the same problems. We remain helpless
because there are no drugs, working
equipment and all the other essentials.
It is very disheartening and can be
a very painful experience."
While Mugabe and other senior government and
ruling ZANU PF officials fly to
South Africa and other countries with good
health delivery systems for their
own hospital treatment, Zimbabweans are
left wondering how much longer the
nation and international community
continue to watch so many of their
relatives, friends and others die
unnecessarily?
Florence Cheda is the pseudonym of an IWPR contributor in
Zimbabwe.
Water Quality Supplies Fast Deteriorating
The Herald
(Harare)
January 30, 2007
Posted to the web January 30,
2007
Sifelani Tsiko
Harare
THE pollution of rivers, lakes and
acquifers from domestic and industrial
wastewater discharges, mining runoff,
agro-chemicals and other sources is
now a growing threat to water resources
in most countries in southern
Africa.
According to a new report
titled "Water Quality Management and Pollution
Control" in Southern Africa
compiled by Prof Ngonidzashe Moyo, a freshwater
biologist at the University
of Limpopo in South Africa, and Sibekhile Mtetwa
and other water resources
development experts, the quality of water supplies
in the Sadc region, once
taken for granted, is becoming the focus of
increasing
concern.
The water experts say the solid, liquid and particulate
waste by-products of
urbanisation and economic activities are contaminating
air, soil and water
quality.
Water pollution has affected water
quality and impacted negatively on public
health and functioning of
ecosystems including the rising cost of water
treatment.
The report
suggests that the main sources of water pollution are untreated
or partially
treated effluents from municipal, industrial and mining
wastewater
discharges.
Runoff from small-scale mining operations, urban stormwater
and runoff from
agricultural, livestock and poultry operations have also
impaired the
quality of water in the Sadc region.
In Zimbabwe, the
discharge of industrial and municipal effluent has heavily
polluted Lake
Chivero, Harare's principal water supply dam, leading to
massive fish deaths
in the lake.
Because of poor original planning, Harare lies within its
own catchment
area. This means that all the city's waste, which passes
through the heavily
industrialised and densely populated areas, flows into
the lake.
This has compromised the quality of the city's water and
contributed to the
accumulation of ammonia compounds that are causing fish
deaths on the lake
every year.
Lack of resources to upgrade sewage
treatment works, lack of funding for
water quality management and research,
overcrowding, bureaucracy and poor
management of wetlands have led to the
eutrophication of the lake.
Prof Moyo said the degradation of river water
quality has resulted in an
increased risk to millions of people who consume
water from the region's
water sources.
In the report, the writers
note that not all countries have adopted (the
World Health Organisation and
Food and Agriculture Organisation water
guidelines) or derived their own
standards.
"Tanzania, for example, still has temporary drinking water
standards because
they envisage that adopting permanent standards, say for
fluoride, would
present difficult economic choices and compliance problems
for a large
segment of he population," the water experts
noted.
Urbanisation is increasing in the Sadc region and water experts
say most
cities have not been able to develop the basic utilities for water
and
environmental services (solid waste disposal systems, sewage treatment
and
industrial pollution control) to keep pace with the rapid
growth.
They say existing wastewater treatment facilities in several
countries in
the region are overloaded and facing serious difficulties in
handling the
ever-increasing volumes of wastewater generated by an
increasing urban
population.
"Many sewage treatment works are old.
Most have been maintained poorly and
overdue for rehabilitation," water
experts said in the report on water
resources management in Southern
Africa.
In Zambia, for example, inadequate sewage treatment and
sanitation has led
to widespread eutrophication of water bodies near towns
and cities.
Water experts estimate that sewage treatment plants in many
Zambian towns
are handling just 20 percent of sewage collected and even that
is not
adequately treated.
The remaining 80 percent is lost into
storm drains because of leakages or
blockages.
In Zimbabwe, the Firle
sewage works in Harare were designed to treat 72 000
cubic metres of waste
water per day, but the plant now receives more than
100 000 cubic metres.
The sewage effluent, which is partially treated and
nutrient-rich, finds its
way to Lake Chivero contributing to its
eutrophication.
In Tanzania,
only seven out of more than 52 urban centres had some form of
sewage system
in the mid-1990s. These sewage systems provided only partial
coverage, were
aged and in need of rehabilitation, the water experts noted
in the
report.
"As much as 80 percent of the urban population in Tanzania is not
served by
sewage and uses the traditional pit latrines," the report
indicates.
The Mirongo River, which drains into Lake Victoria, receives
sewage from
squatter settlements because of the breakdown of pumps and
stabilisation
ponds. The river is said to have turned into an open sewer
transporting
tonnes of industrial and municipal waste into Lake Victoria
every year.
As a result, Lake Victoria is now heavily polluted with high
levels of
poisonous metals and substances which are affecting the lake's
ecology.
Municipal sewage works discharge untreated or partially
treated effluent
into the ocean and marine pollution is now of major concern
in coastal towns
throughout the Sadc region.
Sewage from the central
business district of Dar es Salaam and Tanga, water
experts say, is
discharged directly into the Indian Ocean without treatment.
Water
resources experts estimate that coastal urban areas in Southern Africa
discharge more than 850 million litres of largely untreated wastewater into
the sea.
They say although coastal pollution in Mozambique is still
comparatively
light by global standards, studies in Maputo harbour in the
mid-1990s
indicated that the beaches of Maputo and Beira were polluted from
increased
soil erosion, human-induced pollution, domestic and industrial
residues and
from ship traffic and were not safe for swimming.
In
Angola, water experts noted, people fleeing the conflict in rural areas
settled in coastal, urban areas resulting in overpopulation, overburdening
of sanitation facilities and localised pollution.
The capital,
Luanda, was built for 500 000 people, but the population
multiplied as the
civil war intensified leading to a large-scale growth of
unplanned
settlements.
There were virtually no sanitation facilities, sewage
systems and refuse
collection. Marine pollution in and around major urban
areas with large
informal settlements such as Luanda has in some cases
reached toxic levels,
water experts said in the report.
Industrial
pollution in Swaziland is impacting on poor communities residing
near
waterways used as receiving waters. The polluted water poses a severe
health
risk to communities located near the river who use it for domestic
activities, such as cooking, washing and bathing.
Even in South
Africa, toxic and radioactive substances generated from
industries are
polluting rivers and causing long-term contamination of the
aquatic
ecosystems.
In 1991, the Atomic Energy Corporation of South Africa caused
a huge spill
of 80 000-100 000 tonnes of caustic soda near the Hartbeesport
Dam killing
fish and other aquatic animals.
Untreated industrial
waste from coastal areas in the whole of the Sadc
region is discharged into
streams and rivers running into the ocean.
Water experts in the report
noted that industrial waste is found in ocean
waters near major centres
dotted along the entire coastline -- form Dar es
Salaam and Maputo on the
east coast, past Natal and Cape Town to Walvis Bay
and Baia do Cacuaco, 15km
north of Luanda.
Mining activities in the region have led to the
discharging of heavy metals
such as cadmium, lead and mercury into the river
systems strewn across the
Sadc region.
For example, the Kafue River
deteriorates substantially in quality as it
passes through the Copperbelt
because of the concentrated waste discharges.
The mining activities in
the Copperbelt have degraded the Kafue River which
is the source drinking
water for millions of people in urban areas in
Zambia.
Water experts
say the cost of treating water for human consumption has risen
sharply as
the quality of the raw water deteriorated due to the mining
activities.
Other issues raised in the report, include the water
quality management and
pollution control challenges facing the Sadc region
and a range of water
quality management strategies.
Natural factors
that impair water quality are discussed in detail as well as
the severity
and extent of the problems and consequences.
Existing pollution
control management systems in the region are also
evaluated as well as
policy options.
A variety of pollution control options were recommended
and these included
pollution permits, self-regulation, economic incentives
and pollution
penalties.
"The management of present and future water
quality in Southern Africa is
fundamentally important if the continued
existence of both the resource and
the populations reliant on the resource
is to be ensured," water experts
said in the report.
"There is
therefore an urgent need for changing the misperceptions among
policymakers
that water pollution is not a serious problem in the region."
They say
appropriate mechanisms need to be established to check the health
of aquatic
environments and the effects of pollution on the biota and human
health.
Adequately equipped laboratories are necessary for
monitoring purposes and
individual laboratories in each country must
network.
Water experts also noted that water quality specialists and
environmental
engineers are needed and these skills should be developed
through
intensification training and education and civil service reforms
that
encourage the retention of specialists within the public and private
sector.
All stakeholders including private sector, communities, interest
groups and
individuals as well as governments must have the will to
participate in
tackling the water pollution problems in a curative as well
as preventive
manner.
Water experts said a vigorous public
awareness campaign for improving the
understanding of key issues at the
political level should be promoted at
national levels and in the Sadc
region.
Other important interventions raised by water experts include
strengthening
water management and aquatic ecosystems laws, implementing the
polluter-pays
principle, encouraging self-regulation, economic incentives,
strengthening
regulation and its implementation and promoting public
participation in
water resources planning and management.
Water is a
basic right and everyone in the region has a role to play to
enhance its
value and the protection of river ecosystems.
50 Bodies Unclaimed
The Herald (Harare)
January 30,
2007
Posted to the web January 30, 2007
Beitbridge
Bureau
Harare
MORE than 50 bodies are lying unclaimed at Beitbridge
District Hospital
mortuary since September last year and some of the bodies
are now in a state
of decomposition.
The mortuary was designed to
carry a maximum of six corpses and is now
overstrained and officials at the
hospital have started making arrangements
for pauper's burials. The
hospital's district medical officer, Dr Nyasha
Masuka, yesterday said the
situation was terrible.
He added that they had since written to the
police seeking authority to
carry out the pauper's burials.
At least
48 people have been confirmed as paupers, while 20 are yet to be
vetted. The
Beitbridge hospital, a referral centre for 90 000 people,
according to the
last population census, is strained by thousands of people
who fall sick on
their trips between Zimbabwe and South Africa.
A number of accidents on
the roads leading to Bulawayo and Harare from
Beitbridge have also
contributed to the overloading of the 140-bed hospital.
"We have a
terrible situation here. Currently, we are waiting for authority
from the
police to go ahead with the pauper's burials. At times the burials
are done
once in every three months due to the workload at the hospital.
Condemnation of
tyrant marks a sea change in attitudes
Comment from The Daily Telegraph (UK), 30 January
By David Blair
The
ghost of Idi Amin stalks the corridors of power whenever African leaders
gather for summits. Three decades ago, the Organisation of African Unity
(OAU), a bankrupt, trans-continental talking shop, destroyed what little
remained of its credibility by appointing Uganda's bloodstained leader as
its chairman and Africa's most prominent statesman. This disastrous episode
would have been in the minds of Africa's leaders when they rejected Sudan's
bid to take the helm of the African Union (AU) yesterday. President Omar
al-Bashir, a dour military dictator, lacks Amin's buffoonery, but he
possesses just as much blood on his hands as Uganda's despot. African
leaders decided that Mr Bashir's war in Darfur, where some 300,000 people
have died since 2003, disqualified him from becoming Africa's most prominent
leader. Founded in 2001, the AU replaced the disastrous OAU, which President
Yoweri Museveni of Uganda described as a "trade union for criminals". The
AU's central purpose was to show that African leaders were ushering in a new
era of peace and democracy.
Article four of the AU's
"Constitutive Act" - signed by all 53 member
states - enshrined the
principles of "respect for democratic principles,
human rights, the rule of
law and good governance". Africa has fewer
dictators than ever before and
most countries are marginally more democratic
and less corrupt than 10 years
ago. But President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe
is still an honoured guest at
AU gatherings - and scarcely any African
leader will criticise his
behaviour. Yet Mr Bashir's rebuff at the latest
summit in Addis Ababa, the
Ethiopian capital, is hugely significant. African
leaders have sent a signal
that they are willing to condemn one of their
number because of his
behaviour within the boundaries of his own country.
Once, every leader clung
with grim determination to the principle of
"non-interference" in the
internal affairs of sovereign countries. Mr
Bashir's case shows this
doctrine is no longer absolute. Sudan tried to save
face by claiming to
support the decision to award the chairmanship to Ghana.
Yet as recently as
Sunday, officials were publicly claiming that the
chairmanship was sown up
in their favour.
By their decision, African leaders are trying to
send a message to the
Western world. When wars break out or coups take
place, they want to be
trusted to handle the crises that result. President
Thabo Mbeki of South
Africa has spoken of the humiliation felt by Africans
when they have to
depend on outsiders to solve their problems. London and
Washington are happy
to cheer on these ambitions because, if successful,
they would remove the
need for British and American troops to risk their
lives in African
trouble-spots. So the AU's highest priority is to win
outside credibility.
President John Kufuor of Ghana is highly qualified for
this task. He leads a
democratically elected government in a country with a
buoyant economy and no
history of civil war. His relations with both Britain
and America are
excellent. African leaders faced a choice between Mr Bashir
- a pariah - or
Mr Kufuor, who is almost a paragon. Once, they might have
chosen the pariah
just to spite the outside world. Their promotion of Mr
Kufuor shows that
African presidents are changing for the better.
Driving out the filth in Zimbabwe
Radio Netherlands
by Eric Beauchemin
30-01-2007
|
Click to listen
to the documentary |
In May 2005, the Zimbabwean government launched
Operation Murambatsvina. The authorities translated this as "Operation
Clean-up" or "Operation Restore Order", but the more literal translation is
"Operation Drive out the Filth". Zimbabweans call it their tsunami.
Officially it was designed to eliminate crime, clean up the streets and
regularise the informal sector, the backbone of the country's collapsing
economy. In actual fact, the operation destroyed the livelihoods of nearly 2.5
million Zimbabweans. It also left 700,000 people homeless.
Slow-motion earthquake
Ncedisani Mpofu's house was
destroyed in the early hours of June 12th. "The police came at five o'clock in
the morning. They said 'go out'. As I was taking my children out of the house,
the police asked me for matches. They burnt my house." She lost all her
possessions. When she asked the police why they were doing this, they simply
answered "go away, go back to where you came from."
|
Ncedisani Mpofu, her mother and two of
her children in their temporary
hut |
Other victims recount similar
stories. A local human rights worker who witnessed
Operation
Murambatsvina and has studied the impact on the victims describes the
operation as "a slow-motion earthquake. Soldiers were just advancing at walking
pace through the suburbs and they were just destroying as they went. It went on
and on, and there was nothing anyone could do to stop it."
Reasons
86 percent of the dwellings destroyed in
Operation Murambatsvina were robust structures, built out of brick and
mortar and with corrugated iron roofs.
According to a local human rights activist, who wishes to remain anonymous
out of fear of reprisals by the authorities, the ruling ZANU-PF party launched
Operation Drive out the Filth because of growing opposition to its
rule. The consequences were felt particularly in urban areas, where many voters
supported the opposition MDC party.
The authorities wanted to force opposition voters "out of the cities and back
into rural areas, where they can be controlled," says the activist.
"In rural areas, chiefs and traditional leadership
control the population. They control who gets grazing rights and food. They can
insist that people in their areas vote in a certain way and toe the line. They
can force people to attend certain political rallies. Otherwise they get
punished." Aftermath
|
The
Tshabalalas |
Many of the victims
spent months in the bush, fearing that the authorities would return. Mpofu
eventually returned to the remains of her home. She rebuilt it, but in the past
year and half, the authorities have returned eight times. Each time, they tore
her dwelling down again.
Others, like Misipili Tshabalala, took refuge in local churches. But a month
later, those sanctuaries were evacuated by security officials. According to Ray
Motsi, a pastor at a Baptist church in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's second largest city,
"they did it at gunpoint in the middle of the night."
He and other church leaders tried to negotiate with the authorities, but "we
were taken to the police station and held for two or three hours. When I
returned to my church at four a.m., I found the place empty."
Transit camps
|
Pastor Ray
Motsi |
Thousands of families were
herded into transit camps. "We had a hard time," says Tshabalala. For three
days, they were forced to remain in a camp, without food or blankets. The
authorities then urged them to return to their 'original homes', but the
Tshabalalas, like many, had no ancestral home to return to.
The Tshabalalas eventually returned to the area where they used to live
outside of Bulawayo. They spent months out in the open, fearing the authorities
would come back and destroy any shelter they built. Eventually though, they did
build a temporary shelter, but in September of last year, the police
returned.
"They collected everybody, including our children, and
took us to the central police station. We spent a whole day and a whole night
there. They took our fingerprints and then released us. We had no transport, so
we had to walk back home. It's 12 kilometres away."
This woman, who wishes to remain
anonymous, lives in a high-density suburb of Bulawayo. Her house is tiny: a
small living room, an even smaller bedroom and a kitchen. After the death of her
sister in 1998, her sister's children came to live with her. They joined the
other 15 people living in the house. She applied and received a permit from the
local authorities to build a bedroom in her backyard. In June 2005, police
destroyed the bedroom and the structures many of her neighbours had built in
their backyards.
"Now we are all squeezed into this tiny
house. That's why almost all of us have tuberculosis. We can't keep those who
are infected separate from those who are not."
The authorities have asked her and the
others affected by Operation Murambatsvina to register to get new accommodation,
but over a year and a half later, nothing has happened. Like many, she is angry
with President Robert Mugabe, who she refers to simply as 'he'. "We are fed up
because he has always got false promises. There's nothing we can do because he's
always cheating us. We wanted to be free, but we are not free because we are
starving, starving more than our
forefathers." |
Traders
Operation Murambatsvina also affected
the 2.5 million people who depend on informal trade for their livelihood. In May
2005, says Lovis Jones of the Bulawayo Upcoming Vendors Association, the police
arrived "and they began burning and destroying our stands."
"They beat up some of our members who were resisting.
They took the remaining goods in a truck to a warehouse. A lot of our goods went
missing. We suspect that some police officers helped themselves. We have tried
to recover our goods, but without success."
Many of the traders are now destitute and going hungry.
"The government has made a lot of promises to us,
saying they are going to build alternative places to replace our stalls. But so
far they have only come up with one site and it can only accommodate 30 people.
On top of that, you have to prove that you are a ZANU-PF member to get a stall
there."
International condemnation
|
Mary
Ndlovu |
The United Nations has been
extremely critical of the operation. A team, led by Anna Tibaijuka, carried out
an extensive investigation, producing a report that condemned Murambatsvina. It
called for prosecution of the culprits and compensation for the victims. So far,
very few new shelters have been constructed. According to a local human rights
worker, "our government has been refused to cooperate with the United Nations,
because to do so would be admitting that there was a humanitarian crisis and
there remains a humanitarian crisis. And to do that is to actually admit guilt."
Mary Ndlovu, another human rights worker, is also scathing in her criticism
of the operation.
"Murambatsvina was a totally illegal operation. The
reasons for it, one can debate. The consequences of it, one can't debate.
They're there: impoverishment, illness, death, dislocation and social collapse.
It's an absolutely disaster for the people it affected."
The Zimbabwean courts have issued orders restraining the police and the local
authorities, but the evictions are continuing to this day.
All photographs © RNW/Eric
Beauchemin
South Africa's press freedom under threat
By Tererai Karimakwenda
30
January 2007
Veteran South African journalist John Perlman resigned
Monday from the state
broadcaster SABC. Press reports say Perlman's
resignation was fuelled by an
unofficial policy at SABC that excludes
certain commentators from being
interviewed, including Zimbabweans such as
Archbishop Pius Ncube. What also
helped his decision was the fact that his
co-presenter on Safm, Nikiwe
Bikitsha, was leaving.
The respected
journalist had confronted SABC's spokesperson on the air about
the so-called
blacklist, and refused to go along with SABC's official
statement on the
issue. For Zimbabweans, the SABC saga reminds them of home
where repressive
media laws and a climate of fear exists. The Mail &
Guardian report said
a commission of enquiry ordered by SABC chief executive
Dali Mpofu to
investigate found "there was an atmosphere of fear in the SABC
newsrooms,
which was not conducive to journalistic independence." Among
those on the
blacklist are Business Day political editor Karima Brown,
political analysts
Aubrey Matshiqi, Moeletsi Mbeki and Zimbabwean newspaper
publisher Trevor
Ncube, who is also the chief executive of the Mail &
Guardian.
South Africa based Zimbabwean activist Elinor Sisulu is one
of the
commentators that journalists at SABC were instructed not to
interview.
Sisulu said she is concerned about these developments in South
Africa. She
explained that journalists were told she does not give accurate
information
about Zimbabwe and she is not well informed because she is not
on the ground
there. The outspoken activist said this is exactly what
happens in Zimbabwe,
where the ruling party runs the press.
According
to Sisulu the fact that SABC's news manager Snuki Zikala is a big
supporter
of Robert Mugabe became clear when he interviewed him after
Zimbabwe's
presidential elections. She is also concerned that there is only
one
reporter doing news on Zimbabwe for SABC and there has been very little
shown about the suffering of Zimbabweans. Sisulu expressed deep concern
about the whole region, saying SABC has a responsibility to inform South
Africans about the people migrating into their country. She believes
accurate information helps minimise
xenophobia.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
Burial Societies' Influential Role
in Zimbabwe
Institute for War and Peace Reporting
Most look at ways to empower people and help them continue the
political
struggle against the Mugabe regime.
By Zakeus Chibaya in
Johannesburg (AR No. 92, 30-Jan-07)
With more than two million
Zimbabweans now living in exile in South Africa,
most in dire circumstances,
the refugees' burgeoning burial societies have
become an increasingly
important focus of resistance to the government of
President Robert Mugabe
back home.
Death takes a heavy toll, particularly from the HIV/AIDS
epidemic ravaging
society, but the coffins of the Zimbabwe dead leaving
South Africa for home
every week return with more than just the bodies of
loved ones.
Edmund Shava, a Zimbabwean asylum seeker who joined the
Zvishavane Burial
Society in Johannesburg two years ago, told IWPR, "We have
discovered that
we should not limit ourselves to discussing funeral issues
in the burial
society meetings, but work on ways to assist our relatives
back home.
"Exiles return with the bodies of relatives for the funeral
gatherings back
home and these give them an opportunity to convene meetings
where
discussions can be held freely without being arrested by police under
the
draconian Public Order and Security Act [POSA]."
Burial societies
and decent and lengthy funerals are integral parts of
society in Zimbabwe
and other African countries. Members of societies pay
monthly subscriptions
redeemable only when there is bereavement in the
family. Typically, in
Zimbabwe, members meet on one Sunday each month either
under trees in open
ground or in beer halls - a pattern now being emulated
in South
Africa.
The meetings are highly organised and strictly controlled
affairs, with
members wearing uniform blazers with coats of arms: latecomers
are fined.
Members are expected to attend the night-long, pre-burial vigil
of other
members' relatives who die and thus help their spirits pass on
safely and at
peace.
With the AIDS plague taking so many people in
the prime of life - often
husbands and wives die within short times of each
other - burial societies
are more relevant than ever before. They cover the
full costs of a funeral,
including the feeding of large numbers of mourners
through the night and
following day. Failure to join a burial society
ensures a pauper burial and
the humiliation that goes with it.
POSA
forbids gatherings of more than two people without police permission.
Enacted in 2002, it imposes severe restrictions on other civil liberties
while criminalising a wide range of activities associated with freedom of
expression and association. It provides for the imprisonment of journalists
convicted of "causing hatred, contempt or ridicule of the President." It
criminalises "false reporting" and statements that "incite or promote public
disorder or public violence".
In South Africa every week, Zimbabwean
burial societies gather in hundreds
to accompany the body of a member back
home. Those unable to afford the time
or money to travel typically send back
money and messages of encouragement
with mourners journeying with the
coffin. Civil society in Zimbabwe has been
fragmented and become demoralised
by the constant crackdowns of the past
seven years by Mugabe's militias,
police and soldiers: some of the burial
societies back home have been
infiltrated by the government's much-feared
Central Intelligence
Organisation, CIO.
In Zimbabwe, hundreds draw together for the night
vigil and the day of the
funeral, and the police dare not for traditional
reasons use POSA to break
up such gatherings. With most people afraid to
speak out elsewhere, because
of the ubiquitous presence of CIO agents,
funerals provide opportunities for
people to talk freely and share
information. Pamphlets detailing alleged
abuses by Mugabe's forces are
smuggled in with coffins and distributed at
the funerals. With all
independent radio and television stations and all
independent daily
newspapers closed by the Mugabe government, people back
home in Zimbabwe
have little information about what is happening either
domestically or
internationally.
"We are now able to penetrate into rural areas unnoticed
by the regime and
we are building the momentum in the fight against Mugabe's
dictatorship,"
said Shava. "But we have discovered that it is no use just
preaching
politics to people before you do something concrete to assist
them. Strong
words and a few bagfuls of groceries are not enough. At every
meeting of the
Zvishavane Burial Society, we make contributions that are
eventually used
for the development of our communities back
home."
Shava himself was unable last year to travel to Zimbabwe to bury a
relative
because he feared political persecution. He has limited himself to
waving
off the funeral processions as they begin their journeys over several
hundred kilometres to various destinations in Zimbabwe
The first
Zimbabwean burial society to be formed in South Africa was the
Masasane
(Let's Meet Together) Burial Society in the grim inner suburb of
Hillbrow,
an upmarket whites-only area during the apartheid era, but now a
run-down,
with decaying flats overcrowded with refugees and economic
migrants from
other parts of Africa where Nigerian druglords reign and death
stalks the
streets.
The Masasane Burial Society was named after an area near
Hillbrow police
station, which has become a popular meeting place for exiled
Zimbabweans
gathering for demonstrations against the Mugabe government. When
hearses and
convoys of mini-bus taxis packed with mourners prepare to leave
Masasane
each Friday, hundreds of people mingle and discuss the political
crisis and
economic meltdown back home.
As the flood of refugees into
South Africa across the Limpopo River - the
border between Zimbabwe and
South Africa - increased exponentially in direct
relationship to the
collapse of political freedoms and the Zimbabwe economy,
the number of
burial societies grew to more than fifty. Most have taken on a
dual role,
becoming pressure and development groups looking at ways to
empower people
inside the country and help them continue the struggle
against what is
widely regarded as the Mugabe dictatorship.
Mlamuli Nkomo, director of
the Mthwakazi Forum, which coordinates all exile
Zimbabwe organisations in
South Africa, said the burial societies are
helping to dissuade some of
their countrymen from following their own
journeys southwards across the
Limpopo, where many people have drowned or
been taken by crocodiles during
hazardous illegal night crossings.
"The burial societies have contributed
hugely to their home communities by
investing money they raise in exile into
basic infrastructure," said Nkomo.
Roads, which in rural areas have been
neglected by the Mugabe government,
have been built. Computers have been
supplied to schools. Sports tournaments
have been sponsored. In Tsholotsho,
an area of western Zimbabwe which was
targeted in the Gukurahundi massacres
of the 1980s by Mugabe's North
Korea-trained 5th Brigade, burial society
money is being ploughed into the
building of a library and a laboratory for
a secondary school.
"The societies are becoming really relevant to their
communities because
they are no longer confining themselves to death
issues," said Nkomo. "They
have penetrated their home communities with their
development projects, and
they have had such an impact that some youths who
might otherwise have fled
to South Africa have decided to stay
home."
Shava said he and most other Zimbabwean exiles agreed with Nkomo,
"Mugabe
for the past decade has outfoxed, intimidated and bribed rural
voters by
using his ruling party's control of scarce food supplies while
implementing
only piecemeal development projects. The rural people, with
hardly any
access to outside information, are virtual prisoners of the
regime but they
are also the key to eventual change. But we are making an
impact in our home
communities. At the end of the day, we will manage to
influence the
political and social direction in Zimbabwe."
Zakeus
Chibaya is a Zimbabwean journalist exiled in South Africa.
Zimbabwean Papers Price Themselves
Out of Market
Institute for War and Peace Reporting
Spiralling costs of newsprint - forcing up cover prices - seen
by some as
the greatest threat to access to information.
By Joseph
Sithole in Harare (AR No. 92, 30-Jan-07)
In the past four years if you
asked any Zimbabwean what he considered the
greatest threat to free flow of
information in the country, the answer was
unequivocal - draconian media
laws such as the Orwellian Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy
Act, Aippa.
Contrary to its name, Aippa is not about improving access to
information or
protecting privacy, but protecting the government of
President Robert Mugabe
from scrutiny by restricting access to information
held by public bodies and
penalising public and media inquiry into its
actions.
Since its enactment, Aippa has been used to close down
independent media,
including all non-government radio and TV stations and
all privately- owned
daily newspapers; arrest scores of journalists; and
prevent foreign
correspondents from working in Zimbabwe.
The most
feared man in the same period was its author, Professor Jonathan
Moyo, until
recently Mugabe's information minister. But the price of
newspapers has
overshadowed the media laws. The majority of Zimbabweans
simply no longer
have access to the government-owned daily Herald newspaper
and remaining
independent weekly newspapers because of their price.
"In an impoverished
country where unemployment is estimated at 80 per cent,
the greatest threat
to access to information now is the cost of newsprint,"
an assistant editor
with one independent weekly newspaper told IWPR. "In
December 2005 a tonne
of newsprint cost 79,631 Zimbabwe dollars (319 US
dollars at the official
exchange rate of 1 US dollar = 250 Zimbabwe
dollars). By June 2006, the cost
had shot up to 335,030 before notching an
astronomic 2,293,156 in December.
The cumulative increase from December 2005
to December 2006 was 3421 per
cent - and still rising."
These price rises by the newsprint monopoly,
the Mutare Board and Paper
Mills, have hit newspapers badly, especially
independent ones that do not
enjoy subsidies from government but depend for
their revenues solely on
readers and advertisers.
As a result,
newspapers have been pricing themselves out of the market
simply in an
attempt to break even.
The daily Herald which cost 100 Zimbabwe dollars
(40 US cents) in June last
year now costs 1000 after raising its cover price
twice in November in
response to sharply increased newsprint and printing
charges.
With inflation at nearly 1300 per cent, a decent loaf of bread
now costs
1200 Zimbabwe dollars. Given the choice between a loaf of bread
and a
newspaper, the overwhelming majority of Zimbabweans choose
bread.
The privately-owned weeklies, the Financial Gazette and the
Zimbabwe
Independent, cost far beyond what most of Zimbabwe's poor - the
overwhelming
majority of the population - can afford. From 300 Zimbabwe
dollars (1.20 US
dollars) in June last year, the two newspapers increased
their cover prices
to 600 in September, 1,000 in October before hitting
1,500 on November 30.
By late January, they were on sale at 2500 a copy,
more than twice the price
of a loaf of bread. This represents an increase in
six months of more than
700 per cent.
In a country where 3.4 million
people face starvation and are in need of
food assistance, according to
international agencies, it means one-third of
the country's population of
11.5 million has no easy access to information.
Latest figures
from the
government's consumer watchdog, the Consumer Council of Zimbabwe,
indicates
that a family of six now needs close to 300,000 Zimbabwe dollars
(1,200 US
dollars) to survive through a month while average salaries are
about 50,000
Zimbabwe dollars a month.
"The implications are double-edged," the
assistant editor told IWPR.
"Newspapers themselves face a crisis of
survival, without the government
appearing to be responsible, although
everybody knows it is the biggest
cause of the economic collapse, now in its
seventh straight year of
recession.
"People would obviously rather
buy bread when they can find it rather than
spend on 'luxuries' such as
newspapers. This is evident in the increasing
numbers of copies of
newspapers being returned by vendors. Whereas at the
beginning of the year
the returns were around three to seven per cent of
deliveries, this has
skyrocketed to nearly twenty percent every week."
Newspaper publishers
have also severely reduced print runs, not simply
because of reduced
circulation figures but also because of escalating
printing costs and the
costs of the newsprint itself.
"What all this means is that more and more
Zimbabweans are getting less and
less information," said IWPR's assistant
editor informant. "It means more
people are getting less informed at a time
when their country is facing a
deepening crisis and they must make informed
decisions about their future.
"It means fewer people are participating in
national discourse: the ones
being cut out of the loop are the most deprived
- and that is the majority
of our people. It means more people are becoming
the victims of the
propaganda of those who have impoverished them because
government still
enjoys the monopoly of four radio stations and the single
television
station, all under its firm control, and the sole daily
newspaper."
It is a state of affairs no one could have foreseen a short
four years ago
when Aippa loomed over every journalist like a hangman's
noose and the
public thought what Jonathan Moyo was doing was none of their
business.
Since Aippa was signed into law by Mugabe in 2002, more than
400 journalists
have lost their jobs in both the private and the state media
while more than
100 have been arrested and tortured before being taken to
the courts where
government has failed to win a single case. Five newspapers
have been shut
down under Aippa's provisions.
Moyo dismissed most of
the state media reporters from the monopolistic
Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corporation in 2002 as he purged the organisation of
all professional
journalists who resisted his propaganda. Many have since
fled overseas while
foreign media organisations, both electronic and print,
have been banned
from Zimbabwe. Moyo's was a reign of terror that his
countrymen who are
journalists will find hard to forget. He was fired from
his post last year
and has since been trying to re-launch himself as a
strident critic of
Mugabe: few journalists take his Damascene conversion
seriously.
According to Aippa, every journalist must be accredited
every year under the
state Media and Information Commission, run by a Mugabe
loyalist, before he
can practise in Zimbabwe. A breach of the legislation is
punishable by both
a fine and a jail term. Media houses risk losing their
operating licences if
they employ unaccredited journalists while they are
required by law to be
registered before they can operate.
The late
chairman of the Parliamentary Legal Committee Eddison Zvobgo - who
was one
of the ruling ZANU PF parliamentary deputies most favoured to
succeed Mugabe
as president - described Aippa before it was passed by
parliament as the
"most calculated assault on our civil liberties" since
independence in 1980.
Soon his anxieties were borne out by the closure of
several privately owned
newspapers, including the popular Daily News, a
fierce critic of the
government which following its launch in March 1999
quickly eclipsed the
administration's daily mouthpiece, the Herald, as the
highest selling daily
newspaper in the country.
While fear of Aippa is gradually receding,
something more insidious is
taking its place. Zimbabwe's punishing
inflation, by far the highest in the
world, is fuelling a spiral in the
prices of most basic commodities. The
price of bread shot up sharply from
less than 100 Zimbabwe dollars (40 US
cents) at the beginning of last year
to 195 in September to 1200 by
year-end.
"When our economy was
ticking you sent your child to buy a loaf of bread and
with the change buy a
newspaper," recalled one elderly Harare resident to
IWPR. "Now it's
ridiculous to send your child to buy a newspaper when there
is no bread in
the house."
Joseph Sithole is the pseudonym of an IWPR contributor in
Zimbabwe.
ZANU PF U-turn on Media
Regulator
Institute for War and Peace Reporting
Independent press council crushed at birth by the
government.
By Florence Gobo in Harare (AR No. 92,
30-Jan-07)
Zimbabwe's embattled ZANU PF regime has demonstrated once
again that it is
in no hurry to loosen its iron grip on the
media.
Just when a major reform was scheduled with the launch of an
independent
media regulator, comprising journalists and civil society
representatives,
Information Minister Paul Mangwana moved to wreck the
initiative.
The official launch of the self-regulating Media Council of
Zimbabwe, MCZ,
was scheduled for January 26, but at the last minute
Mangwana, who had said
he would support such a body, performed a
u-turn.
The minister told executive members of MAZ, the Media Association
of
Zimbabwe, that final approval of the MAZ-designed media council, would
only
be approved by President Robert Mugabe's government once amendments had
been
made to the draconian Access to Information and Protection of Privacy
Act,
Aippa, to incorporate a voluntary and independent media council. This
amounts to a near-permanent postponement since there are no current moves in
government to amend Aippa.
Despite its name, Aippa is not about
improving access to information or
protecting privacy, but about shielding
the Mugabe government from scrutiny
by restricting access to information
held by public bodies and penalising
public and media inquiry into its
actions. Since its 2002 enactment, Aippa
has been used to close down
independent media, including all non-government
radio and TV stations and
all privately owned daily newspapers; arrest
scores of journalists; and
prevent foreign correspondents from working in
Zimbabwe.
Mangwana
also made a last minute demand that he be allowed to nominate three
members
of his own to the council, which the journalists vehemently opposed.
MAZ is
a coalition of Zimbabwe's three main independent professional media
organisations - namely the Zimbabwe Union of Journalists, ZUJ, the Zimbabwe
chapter of the Media Institute of Southern Africa, MISA-Zimbabwe, and the
Media Monitoring Project of Zimbabwe, MMPZ.
In recent months, it had
appeared the government was committed to a quiet
loosening of its grip on
the media. Zimbabwean journalists working in the
country were becoming
bolder in the coverage of issues that left people
thinking reforms really
were on the way.
But the first sign that this was a false dawn came in
December when
Tafataona Mahoso, chairman of the government-controlled Media
and
Information Commission, MIC, announced steep accreditation fees for all
journalists and prohibitive licence fees for media houses, which journalists
allege were meant to close down independent media houses and snuff out all
freelance journalists writing for foreign media
organisations.
Tafataona, known among journalists as Mugabe's hatchet
man, is a ZANU PF
loyalist who diligently administers the Orwellian Aippa to
the letter. He is
known to have vehemently opposed Minister Mangwana's
initial support for the
independent council.
Leaders of MAZ have been
lobbying parliament, Mangwana and key government
for the repeal of Aippa and
other repressive laws such as the Public Order
and Security Act and the
Broadcasting Services Act.
Mangwana's u-turn has shocked journalists. The
minister had asked them to
draw up a code of conduct for journalists and a
constitution for the media
council. He even accused them of delay and urged
them to speed up their
deliberations. Several meetings and consultations
were held with the
minister and the important parliamentary committee on
transport and
communication chaired by ZANU PF parliamentary deputy Leo
Mugabe, President
Mugabe's nephew, who proved an important supporter of
media liberalisation.
All the indications were that Mangwana, Leo Mugabe
and the parliamentary
committee had accepted the establishment of a media
council. However, both
Mangwana and Leo Mugabe succumbed at the last minute
to pressure from
powerful players who remained resolutely opposed to the
reform.
The opposition was led by George Charamba, the top civil servant
in the
information ministry, who always expresses the views of President
Mugabe and
is one of the few government officials who meets the head of
state and
government on a regular basis.
Speculation on the day of
the aborted launch was that Mangwana must have
been summoned by the
president or had maybe been warned through Charamba to
withdraw his support
for the initiative.
Pressure had mounted on the ZUJ with Mangwana,
Charamba and Leo Mugabe each
faxing several letters to its office three days
before the planned launch
advising the organisation to pull out. Silent
threats in the letters and
telephone calls to ZUJ president Matthew Takaona
persuaded him to postpone
the launch for another 30 days. He suffered for
that decision when angry
scribes at the Quill Club, the press club in
Harare, called him a sell-out
and accused him of making a decision without
consulting his members.
On the originally scheduled launch day, more than
250 journalists,
representatives of civil society and diplomats gathered
defiantly and agreed
to set up a steering committee to polish the media
council constitution and
code of conduct which were presented at the
meeting. The committee was given
30 days until the end of February, after
which the launch would go ahead
with or without government
approval.
To everyone's surprise, Leo Mugabe turned up. But he made it
clear that he
had only come on the understanding that the journalists and
their supporters
had agreed not to launch the media council. "I am still of
the view that our
effort should be in amending Aippa and not in
contradicting [it]," he said.
He warned the journalists that their proposed
council would not last three
months with government and parliamentary
support.
Sweden's ambassador to Zimbabwe Sten Rylander told the meeting
that Aippa's
provisions have become a symbol of all that has gone wrong in
Zimbabwe.
The government's latest tactic is to cause divisions within the
MAZ by
saying it will only negotiate with it if it expels one of its
components,
the Zimbabwe chapter of the Namibia-based Media Institute of
Southern
Africa. The government is particularly
suspicious of
MISA-Zimbabwe, which is foreign-funded and seen as an
anti-government
organisation.
But MAZ journalists have angrily warned Takaona that "we
refuse to be
intimidated by the government and anyone in leadership who
feels that we
should not go ahead [with the independent media commission]
should step
down, because we are going ahead after the 30 day window
period".
Florence Gobo is the pseudonym of an IWPR contributor in
Zimbabwe.