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Traditional leaders say 'will not feed the enemy'

Zim Online

Wednesday 31 January 2007

MASVINGO - Zimbabwe's Council of Chiefs has ordered traditional leaders in
rural Chiredzi South constituency to deny state-supplied food aid to
opposition supporters, council president Fortune Charumbira said on Monday.

Chiredzi is due to hold a by-election on February 17 to replace former ZANU
PF legislator Aaron Baloyi who died last year.

Charumbira said in addition to denying food to opposition supporters - who
he described as the enemy - chiefs had also been instructed to campaign for
ZANU PF, adding that the traditional leaders should know "which side their
bread is buttered".

"We have advised all chiefs in Chiredzi south to campaign for the ruling
party,' said Charumbira.

"We have also ordered them that they should consider only ZANU PF supporters
on programmes initiated by the government (including food aid). We cannot
afford to continue feeding the enemy because they are sellouts," he added,
virtually confirming the use of food aid as a political weapon to coerce
villagers to support the governing party.

Traditional leaders hold largely ceremonial powers but wield immense
influence in rural areas where President Robert Mugabe and ZANU PF draw most
of their support.

The opposition, human rights and pro-democracy groups accuse chiefs of using
their positions to intimidate their subjects to back Mugabe's party, a
charge they have until now denied.

ZANU PF and the government deny refusing food to opposition supporters and
insist it is their policies alone that have won them support in rural areas.

A ZANU PF stalwart in Masvingo province, under which Chiredzi falls,
Dzikamai Mavhaire, said anyone caught politicising food aid, should be
arrested by the police.

"It is not government policy and will never be our policy. All people in
need of food aid should be given food despite their political affiliation.
Anyone politicising food aid should be reported to the police and he should
be arrested," said Mavhaire, who is also a Senator of the ruling party and a
member of its inner politburo cabinet.

But villagers from Chiredzi and opposition officials said chiefs were
ordering supporters of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and the
United People's Party (UPP) to denounce their parties first before they
could get food aid.

For example, Patrick Malaba, a villager from Sangwe area in Chiredzi, said
his local chief had told him that he was not going to get food from a ZANU
PF-led government because he supported the UPP.

Malaba said: "I am a supporter of UPP and the chief has since advised me not
to expect free food from a ZANU PF-led government. I was denied food on
several times the reason being that I support an opposition political
 party."

An MDC official in Masvingo, Elson Chauke said the by-election will not be
free and fair because opposition supporters were being coerced to back ZANU
PF in return for food.

"This is electoral fraud. Why are they denying our supporters food aid? It
is clear that the elections will never be free and fair" said Chauke.

Immaculate Makondo and Nehemiah Zenamwe from the two MDC factions, Callisto
Gwanetsa of ZANU PF and Savious Chauke will battle it out in the poll, whose
result - which ever way it goes - will not alter much the balance of power
in both Houses of Parliament where the ruling party has absolute majority. -
ZimOnline


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Media commission refuses to renew newspaper's licence

Zim Online

Wednesday 31 January 2007

HARARE - The government's Media and Information Commission (MIC) is refusing
to renew the licence of one of Zimbabwe's biggest business newspapers, The
Financial Gazette, demanding the paper first discloses its owners.

Under the government's tough media laws, newspapers cannot publish unless
they have a licence from the MIC, with papers that breach the rule forced to
close while their equipment is seized by the police. Newspaper company
executives can also be jailed for publishing without permission from the
commission.

The Fingaz, as it is also popularly called in the streets of Harare, is
believed to be majority-owned by Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor
Gideon Gono.

But the Fingaz's main rival, the Zimbabwe Independent, has claimed that the
feared state spy Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) - and not Gono - is
the controlling shareholder in the paper.

MIC chairman Tafataona Mahoso confirmed that his commission had not renewed
the Fingaz's licence but refused to be drawn to disclose further details.

"It must be known that it is not an automatic renewal, there are things that
we look at and get satisfied before granting a licence and we are still
looking at their application," Mahoso told ZimOnline. He added: "We are not
saying they will get a licence or not."

Newspapers renew their publishing licences after every two years while
journalists, who also require licences to practice, must renew theirs after
every 12 months.

Fingaz general manager Jacob Chisese confirmed the paper, that is the oldest
business and financial paper in the country, was still to receive a new
licence from the MIC. Chisese refused to disclose details for
confidentiality reasons but he expressed hope that his paper would soon have
its licence renewed.

He said: "I can confirm we have not received our licence and we hope to get
it as soon as possible like the others. Issues to do with licences are
confidential so we cannot just go public over the matter because there are
still issues we are clearing (with the MIC)."

But senior journalists at the Fingaz and officials at the MIC suggested that
the real reason the paper was being denied a licence had more to do with the
vicious battle raging within the ruling ZANU PF party over the succession of
President Robert Mugabe.

They said powerful politicians in the ruling party did not trust Gono's
political ambitions and wanted to cripple the Fingaz, fearing the RBZ
chief - a blue eyed boy of Mugabe - might in the future want to use the
paper to build a platform to position himself to succeed the veteran
president.

"All this is part of the succession wars. There are many in ZANU PF who fear
Gono could use the paper either to campaign for himself or to back someone
not of their liking," said an MIC official, who declined to be named.

ZimOnline was unable to independently confirm these claims either with Gono
or the senior ZANU PF politicians said to be after him.

However, Gono has in the past denied harbouring political ambitions. But
Gono's failure to publicly declare whether he owned the Fingaz - even in the
face of damaging claims that the CIO controls the paper - has left a huge
question mark over who really owns the paper. - ZimOnline


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University lectures strike as teachers embark on "go slow"

Zim Online

Wednesday 31 January 2007

HARARE - Zimbabwe university lecturers went on strike earlier this week
while teachers' unions said their members were on a "go-slow" and would
abandon classes altogether beginning next Monday to press for better pay and
working conditions.

The university lecturers join a long list of state workers that includes
doctors and nurses who have been boycotting work to push President Robert
Mugabe's cash-strapped government to improve their salaries.

Doctors, who have been joined by nurses, have been on strike over the past
seven weeks, straining a public health sector that is barely functional at
the best of times due to shortages of essential medicines and an overload of
HIV/AIDS cases.

Lecturers at the state-run National University of Science and Technology
(NUST) and Lupane State University say they were miffed over the recent
salary increments awarded in January which they say are still way below
their expectations.

A spokesman of the Zimbabwe State Universities Union of Academic
Associations, Bernard Njekeya, said the lecturers were not happy with the
300 percent salary increment awarded by the government this month.

"Lecturers were just given the 300 percent that was awarded to other civil
servants and we are striking for an opportunity to negotiate as determined
by the Labour Act. There is need for the employer and the employees to sit
down and negotiate," Njekeya said.

Njekeya said other universities were expected to join the strike in the
coming weeks after their notices to embark on industrial action have
expired.

"The salaries for lecturers are very low and we as an organisation are
demanding a salary that would sustain lecturers. We are asking for salaries
that have value," Njekeya said.

In Harare, secretary general of the militant Progressive Teachers' Union of
Zimbabwe (PTUZ), Raymond Majongwe, said teachers will embark on a "go slow"
ahead of a full-fledged strike next Monday.

"Starting on Wednesday, we are going on a go-slow and then on Monday, it
will become a full-fledged nation-wide strike," said Majongwe.

Zimbabwean teachers earn an average of about Z$157 000 a month, which is way
below the $344 000 that the Consumer Council of Zimbabwe says an average
family of five needs per month to survive.

Strikes by university lecturers and teachers over poor pay are common in
Zimbabwe as the southern African nation battles an economic meltdown
described by the World Bank as the worst in the world outside a war zone.

Zimbabwe's education system once lauded as one of the best in Africa is in
shambles after years of under-funding and mismanagement by the government. -
ZimOnline


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Central bank chief to present monetary policy statement

Zim Online

Wednesday 31 January 2007

HARARE - Zimbabwe's central bank governor Gideon Gono this morning finally
presents his long-awaited monetary policy statement, with the market
expecting a devaluation of the local dollar to boost exports.

The presentation is expected to put to rest speculation, which had gripped
the market for the past three weeks, triggering a major plunge in the value
of the Zimbabwe dollar against major currencies.

The unstable currency has lost 50 percent of its value against the United
States dollar in the last two weeks as traders held on to hard currency in
anticipation of a devaluation of the Zimbabwe dollar.

However, analysts said devaluation would in the short term stoke inflation -
already the world's highest rate at 1 282 percent in December.

Gono was supposed to present the policy statement last week but was forced
to defer it because President Robert Mugabe who was on leave had not
approved it.

A Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) spokesperson confirmed the policy would be
presented today at the central bank's auditorium.

"People are supposed to be seated by 8.30am and the presentation will start
at 9am," said the spokesperson.

The RBZ public relations department only started distributing invitation
letters for the presentation yesterday.

"We were only told yesterday (Monday) morning to start working on the
invites. We hope most of the invited people will be able to attend," said an
official in the RBZ's public relations office.

The market, however, remains wary that Gono could spring a surprise like he
did when he ordered a currency change last year, giving Zimbabweans only
three weeks to hand in their old money and causing major inconveniences for
millions of people.

Sources said Gono could introduce another new currency as he had promised in
his last statement in July.

"As banks we remain careful that the governor could just come up with
surprises. He has done so in the past," said an economist with a Harare
commercial bank.

Gono will meet bank chiefs first before presenting the policy statement. -- 
ZimOnline


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League boss wanted to fund Mugabe birthday bash

Zim Online

Wednesday 31 January 2007

      HARARE - Premier Soccer League (PSL) chairman, Tapiwa Matangaidze is
at loggerheads with fellow members of his management committee after he
unsuccessfully tried to force the league to make a cash donation to the
ruling ZANU PF, ZimOnline has gathered.

      Matangaidze is said to have attended a ruling party fund-raising
meeting at which ZANU PF's youth league was raising funds for President
Robert Mugabe's birthday party scheduled for the 21st of February.

      A highly placed PSL official said yesterday that they refused to be
part of the proceedings as it would damage the image of the game to be seen
to be helping a political party.

      "Matangaidze explained that it was in our best interest to support
ZANU PF projects. He claimed that the ruling party viewed the PSL as full of
MDC (opposition Movement for Democratic Change) supporters so he wanted to
pacify them. He said they wanted support from government officials so they
needed to blind them with cash.

      "But most members of the management committee refused to part with
money. Morally it would not make sense to give money to be splashed for
someone's birthday party when our clubs can hardly survive under these
trying times.

      "Besides, as a professional league, we don't vet people who come to
watch matches for their political affiliation. What we made clear to the
chairman (Matangaidze) is that it would be a scandal to give money to ZANU
PF.

      "What are we going to do if the MDC or any other political party comes
to us asking for the same assistance? If Matangaidze wants to donate money
for whatever reasons, he must do so in his personal capacity and not drag
football into the political mud," said the PSL official.

      He added that for such a donation to be made, the PSL had to consult
and get approval from the clubs.

      Matangaidze could not be reached for comment on the matter last night.

      ZimOnline also understands that after some officials refused to be
part of the ZANU PF project, they have already started being threatened with
victimisation.

      The ruling party is well-known for victimising people who refuse to
dance to their tune. - ZimOnline


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Zimbabwe Farm Workers, Employers Deadlocked On Wage Increase

VOA

      By Jonga Kandemiiri
      Washington
      30 January 2007

The General Agricultural and Plantation Workers Union of Zimbabwe said
negotiations with farmers have deadlocked, forcing the union to go back to
its members Wednesday for consultations.

Farm workers want Z$100,000 a month (US$24) a month compared with an average
of Z$8,320 (US$2) a month today. Employers have yet to put an offer on the
table, but one source said some in the sector propose a Z$50,000 minimum
monthly wage.

Chairman Clever Kugotsi of the National Employment Council for Agriculture
said that employers are finding it hard to meet demands, but hope to reach
an agreement. He attributed the shortage of farm workers to land reform:
some former farm workers who benefited from land redistribution are now
farmers in the A1 commercial class.

General Agricultural and Plantation Workers Union General Secretary Gertrude
Hambira told reporter Jonga Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that
workers simply want to earn enough to get through the month as prices
continue to rise.


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Harare Agency Now Controls Diamond Mine - Chinese Seen In Wings

VOA

      By Blessing Zulu
      Washington
      30 January 2007

The Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation has received a license to
exploit the Marange diamond concession following revocation of a license
held by British-based African Consolidated Resources by Minister of Mines
Amos Midzi.

But Mines Ministry sources said the ZMDC does not have the capacity to
operate the mine, and that the takeover by the government could be a step
towards awarding the alluvial diamond claim to Chinese investors. Such a
move would be in keeping with President Robert Mugabe's "Look East" economic
policy, and could be attractive to the strapped Harare government in terms
of the potential for a cash infusion.

For the past 10 years the Mining Development Corporation has had to close or
offload loss-making mines due to mismanagement, experts said, among them
Kamativi Mine, closed down in 1994, Sabi Gold Mine, shut in 2000 and Madziwa
Nickel Mine.

Given a mandate to revive closed mines last year, the ZMDC has also failed
dismally there. Projects earmarked for revival included Mhangura Copper
Mines, Lomagundi Smelting and Mining and Sanyati Copper Mines, where a
geological study indicated large ore deposits. But mining experts say ZMDC
lacks resources and know-how.

The agency, in association with Zimbabwe Defence Industries, or ZDI, also
entered a joint venture with Norinco to develop chromium deposits on its
claims in Ngezi, but the deals have failed to materialized. The discovery of
diamonds in Marange sparked a rush by indigent peasants into the area,
leading the army and police to seal it off.

The Marange diamond mine has come under investigation by the Kimberly
Process following reports that some of its output was being smuggled into
South Africa.

Chief Executive Officer Andrew Cranswick of African Consolidated Resources,
which asserts a legal claim to the Marange mine, told reporter Blessing Zulu
of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that if it cannot regain access through
negotiations it will file suit.

Director Godfrey Kanyenze of the Labor and Economic Development Research
Institute studied the operations of the Zimbabwe Mining Development
Corporation and told reporter Zulu that he found gross mismanagement at the
agency.


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Hampered By Zimbabwe Security Forces, NGO Opens Jo'Burg Office

VOA

      By Patience Rusere
      Washington
      30 January 2007

Zimbabwe's National Constitutional Assembly, which has taken a leadership
role in the broad civil opposition to the government of President Robert
Mugabe, has set up an office in Johannesburg, South Africa, to counter
pressure from home security forces.

NCA chairman Lovemore Madhuku said state security agents have interfered
with the routine operation of his organization. The civic group has staged a
number of protests in Harare in recent weeks and seems to be building
support for mass protests given the collapse of the economy under the weight
of inflation exceeding 1,200%.

Police called Madhuku to Harare Central Police Station on Monday to ask that
he give them prior notice of protests, which the activist, a professor of
constitutional law at the University of Zimbabwe, refused to agree to do.

He told reporter Patience Rusere of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the NCA
will keep its focus on protests despite the opening of a South African
office.


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Zimbabwe's Ignominious Implosion Continues Apace

World Politics Watch

Dan Teng'o | 30 Jan 2007
World Politics Watch Exclusive
It is no longer possible to chin up in Zimbabwe. Not with the profusion of
woes rending the country each passing day.

Dozens are dying at the country's public hospitals following a monthlong
strike over pay by the few remaining doctors, inflation is fast approaching
the 1,300 percent mark and political oppression has reached epidemic
proportions.

Formerly a major tobacco producer and breadbasket for southern Africa,
Zimbabwe continues to hurtle down the tubes, producing an endless stream of
sob stories.

It rivals war-torn African countries in spewing out displaced people and
refugees running away from the country's socio-economic meltdown. A quarter
of the country's 12 million citizens have fled debilitating hunger, crushing
poverty and repression, the country's current calling cards.

For those stuck in Zimbabwe, life is an endless slog under the country's
moth-eaten economy, circumscribed by food and fuel shortages.

The bane of Zimbabwe's existence? President Robert Mugabe, the oldest
surviving leader in Africa and the whole world.

Mugabe, 82, a guerilla fighter who led the country to independence in 1980,
worked hard to make the country a regional powerhouse. Now he is busy
destroying it.

In 2000, he launched a controversial land reform program to redress the
imbalances in land ownership from the colonial era. His government simply
parlayed the masses' desperation for land into the populist seizure of
hundreds of white-owned commercial farms to benefit black Zimbabweans.

Now patchy fields and grass-thatched huts stand on what were once highly
productive farms, keeping the country's agriculture-based economy on the
skids.

The politicos who grabbed multiple farms seized from the white farmers are
now tripping over each other as they jostle for deposits of precious
minerals recently discovered in the eastern part of the country.

They are unbothered that the country's gross domestic product seems to
shrink by the minute, unemployment is precariously hovering above the 80
percent mark and shortages ranging from foreign currency to food are
chomping away at the quality of life for Zimbabwe's poor.

Belt-tightening is a national art. In the capital, Harare, a loaf of bread
is now a luxury that many Zimbabweans cannot afford even if they had the
fortitude to line up for it for hours on end. Prices of basic goods jump by
the day.

Ordinary Zimbabweans lug money in boxes of notes and coins to pay mundane
bills like bar bills. School fees in primary, secondary and tertiary
institutions were recently hiked by between 500 and 2000 percent.

The government has slashed three zeroes from the "old currency" and devalued
the Zimbabwean dollar endlessly. The currency exchange rate is anything
between 300 and 500 Zimbabwean dollars to the U.S. dollar.

Despite the country's hyperinflationary environment, the government
continues to implement wooly-headed policies such as stiffer price controls,
which only send producers scurrying underground.

On Jan. 23, the U.S. embassy in Harare said several major American
corporations had scaled down operations in Zimbabwe while some had closed
shop altogether over the past five years, as foreign investors lost
confidence in the Harare administration.

An unsigned statement by the embassy blamed the country's economic crisis on
government mismanagement and cited corruption and reckless fiscal practices,
including the wholesale printing of money.

The government's urban slum demolition drive in 2005 also continues to haunt
the country. It left some 700,000 people without jobs or homes, according to
U.N. estimates.

Cloaked by the government as an effort to boost law, order and development,
it turned out to be a vindictive stratagem to dismantle the opposition's
urban support base.

Debilitating political persecution and repression remains rife in Zimbabwe.
The capital, Harare, is crawling with police informers. Too scared to act,
speak out or protest, ordinary Zimbabweans are always looking over their
shoulders.

The media particularly remains firmly under Mugabe's thumb. All the
independent media outlets operate from outside the country. The Zimbabwean,
a weekly newspaper, is produced in London; and SW Radio Africa also operates
from the U.K.

The Voice of the People radio uses a leased shortwave transmitter in
Madagascar, whilst the Voice of America runs Studio 7, a twice-daily service
for listeners in Zimbabwe.

Recently, state security agents confiscated radio sets in rural areas,
allegedly to stop people listening to such independent radio broadcasts.

"Today, the government hands over far more to Chinese arms manufacturers
than it spends on education for our children," editorialized The Zimbabwean
on Jan. 25.

"Imported weaponry is used to crush internal dissent and criticism. Millions
of children roam the countryside and city streets, their minds as ragged and
hungry as their bodies," opined the newspaper.

Many Zimbabweans are trying to flee the country. South Africa, their
neighbor to the south, deports 400 Zimbabweans every day. But most of the
deportees quickly find their way back into South Africa through makeshift
entry points along the crocodile-infested Limpopo River.

They can no longer repose their hopes in the opposition, formerly viewed as
a veritable challenger to Mugabe. The main opposition party, the Movement
for Democratic Change, is a pale shadow of its former self, after endless
schisms and wrangling among its officials.

The opposition's impotency has emboldened Mugabe. Towards the end of last
year, his ruling party voted to extend his dictatorial rule from 2008 to
2010, giving a new lease on life to the country's aging, intransigent,
corrupt, melodramatic and delusional leadership.

During his 26-year rule, Mugabe has had dealings with at least four U.S.
presidents three British Prime Ministers and about half a dozen Japanese
prime ministers.

In 2002, the E.U., U.S. and other Western countries slapped sanctions on him
and his top officials as punishment for allegedly stealing elections,
violating human rights and failing to uphold the rule of law.

Under the sanctions, affected individuals cannot travel to E.U. countries,
Switzerland, the U.S., Australia and New Zealand. They are also barred from
holding bank accounts in the Western countries and conducting personal or
official business there.

Mugabe reacted to the sanctions by pulling the country out of the
Commonwealth after suspension by the world body. He has lately been cozying
up to China and Iran.

Last year, China inked a $1.3 billion energy deal with Zimbabwe to guarantee
access to Zimbabwe's chrome. China is slated to build new coal mines and
three thermal power stations in the Zambezi valley on the Zambian border to
help alleviate the power shortages that routinely beset Zimbabwean
industries.

After a visit to Iran late last year -- there he was hailed as a hero for
his anti-West stance -- Mugabe announced that the Middle Eastern country had
pledged to investigate whether it was possible to resuscitate Zimbabwe's
only oil refinery in the eastern border town of Mutare.

Built to process imported Iranian crude oil, the refinery was closed 40
years ago when the world imposed trade and diplomatic sanctions against the
then white-ruled Rhodesia.

Mugabe is also looking to Tehran for direct aid and assistance with energy,
education technology and agricultural projects in a deal that will offer
Iran access to Zimbabwe's mineral deposits.

Meanwhile, he continues to shelter former Ethiopian dictator Mengistu Haile
Mariam, who was found guilty of genocide and sentenced to life imprisonment
in Ethiopia on Dec. 12, 2006.

Mengistu was convicted of causing the deaths of between half a million and
1.5 million of his fellow countrymen, earning the title "The Butcher of
Addis." Mugabe rejected pleas to extradite him to Ethiopia and said through
his spokesman that Mengistu is a comrade who played a commendable role
during Zimbabwe's struggle for independence.

Zimbabwe's judiciary has joined the long list of imploding public
institutions. In her maiden speech to mark the official opening of the 2007
High Court legal year, in mid-January, the country's outspoken first female
senior judge, Rita Makarau, admitted that the country's justice system is
not only plagued by endemic corruption, but the courts are also too broke to
dispense with the backlog of cases currently before them.

That wasn't a surprise. More of Zimbabwe's public institutions are heading
to the scrap heap.


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Cholera outbreak in Harare

From The Daily Mirror, 30 January

Patience Nyangove

Twelve people have been hospitalised with cholera after drinking
contaminated water in Harare's Mabvuku suburb. Of the 12 cases, four have
since been confirmed while the others are undergoing medical examination.
Some parts of the eastern suburb have been without water supplies for three
weeks forcing residents to fetch the precious liquid from unprotected
sources. Impeccable sources told The Daily Mirror yesterday that the dozen
affected people were detained at the Beatrice Road Infectious Diseases
Hospital. They said the outbreak, initially recorded last week, was detected
after a 12 year-old boy from Centenary was diagnosed with the contagious
disease. "They have been no deaths and those admitted in hospital are in a
stable condition," the source added. Efforts to get comment from the
Minister of Health and Child Welfare, David Parirenyatwa, were fruitless at
the time of going to the press last night as his mobile phone was not being
answered. This is not the first time a cholera outbreak has hit the capital
city. Last year, the Harare City Council was forced to close down the Mbare
Musika vegetable market after another cholera outbreak hit the city.

The government allocated $10 billion to the city council to finance the
construction of a health friendly environment for vending and proper
sanitation facilities at public places. The city council allocated vehicles
for removal of uncollected garbage, which had become a common sight in most
parts of Harare - posing a serious health hazard. The situation led to the
police to conduct raids into residential areas such as Glen Norah, Glen View
and Budiriro to get rid of illegal fish vendors. The crisis turned fatal
when several members of a Glen View family died after consuming contaminated
fish they had reportedly bought at a police auction for seized food items.
Despite the police clampdown, illegal vending of fresh foodstuffs is still
rampant in most of Harare's suburbs that residents in fact prefer citing
cheaper prices compared to those in supermarkets and butcheries. About 25
people also succumbed to cholera last year in Chikomba and Guruve situated
in Mashonaland East and Central provinces. The disease affected at least 15
villages in Chikomba district.

In a bid to curb further outbreak of cholera, the Ministry of Health and
Child Welfare is in the forefront calling for the setting up of more water
and sanitation facilities in newly resettled areas. The facilities include
provision of Blair toilets, bore-holes and protected wells. Cholera is a
water-borne ailment mostly prevalent during the rain season. Water polluted
by germs and flies spread the disease that can lead to death if treatment is
not sought quickly. This medieval disease, which has appeared across the
globe in different strains including - infant diarrhoea, a major childhood
killer similar to cholera - since at least the 19th century, has re-emerged
with a vengeance and appears destined to stay. At one time it was believed
that the disease had been eradicated in this country, but it now appears
that the drugs/medication and quarantine laws are failing to prevent the
disease's reappearance.


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Talks between doctors and Health ministry collapse



By Tichaona Sibanda
30 January 2007

Negotiations between striking doctors and their parent ministry have broken
down amid fears the death toll at major hospitals has increased at an
alarming rate.

It also emerged on Tuesday that mortuary attendants and cooks at the
hospitals have also joined the strike. Kudakwashe Nyamutukwa, President of
the Hospital Doctors Association, told Newsreel from Harare
that they have called off any negotiations with officials from the Ministry
of Health.

He said nothing has changed despite government's use of divisive methods in
an effort to lure some of the doctors back to work. Government last week
paid some of the doctors their January salaries while others received
nothing.

'This is a clear indication government wants to divide us but that won't
happen. Those that were paid are still with us and they will not be going
back to work,' Nyamutukwa said.

Apart from the nine doctors seconded from the army, it is not clear if there
is anyone reporting for duty at the major hospitals, after nurses joined in
two weeks ago. Last week support staff such as paramedics, radiographers and
physiotherapists joined in and this leaves the country's health delivery
system in complete meltdown.

There are also reports that consultants are seriously considering downing
their tools in an effort to force government to reconsider its position on
negotiations. Although Nyamutukwa could not comment on this, a source told
us the senior doctors are fed up with the stalemate between government and
the junior doctors.

As the strike entered its sixth week on Monday the rate of patients dying at
the hospitals has gone up and it is believed if nothing is done about the
strike the country could be facing a major catastrophe.

The President of Zimbabwe Doctors for Human Rights, Dr Douglas Gwatidzo, has
already warned that the standoff between government and the junior doctors
could spell doom for the whole nation if it is not resolved soon.

SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news


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Reports of mounting tension at Zimbabwe Military Academy



By Tichaona Sibanda
30 January 2007

There are reports that the Zimbabwe Military Academy (ZMA) was sealed off
last week following a standoff between army cadets and their instructors
over salaries. The academy which is based in Gweru is used as an entry point
for all new officer cadets.

A source based in the town told us that senior officers from the cadet wing
were summoned to Harare to explain what happened.

We also received reports that at least 170 airmen from Thornhill airbase
have quit the Airforce in frustration over low salaries and poor working
conditions. In retaliation, airforce bosses have accused the former
employees of working against the government and supporting the opposition.
Both the ZMA and Thornhill are based in Gweru, the capital of the Midlands
province.

The atmosphere at the academy is reportedly tense following accusations from
senior officers that the new recruits were being influenced by outside
forces. It is believed the top army brass did not take the incident lightly
and have ordered a full-scale inquiry over the disturbances.

Norman Dube a resident of Gweru who alerted Newsreel about the standoff said
the cadets have made it clear no political pressure motivated their actions.
They said their actions were purely based on the promise they got from their
commanders that they were to get a salary hike at the end of January.

A former colonel in the army told us from London that such incidents were
very rare in the defence forces in the past but not these days. He said a
growing number of soldiers are not happy with the salaries they are getting
and many have resigned as a result.

Newsreel failed to locate the ZMA's commanding officer to get comment over
the standoff.

SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news


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Bulawayo university lecturers & Harare nurses go on strike


By Violet Gonda
Tuesday 30 January

More and more groups are going on strike as the economic crisis and living
conditions worsen. Lecturers and non-academic staff at the National
University of Science and Technology (NUST) went on strike in Bulawayo on
Monday and the Association of University Teachers (AUT), agreed that all
academic staff at state universities would go on a collective job action,
when the various universities opened.

University of Zimbabwe lecturer and political commentator Dr John Makumbe
said: "NUST was expected to open today and so the staff and lecturers have
gone on strike and it's likely to happen with each day approaching for the
opening of each state university."

University of Zimbabwe lecturers are expected to start their job action when
the university opens in mid-February.

Meanwhile nurses at Parirenyatwa and Harare Central Hospitals in Harare have
also gone on a strike. So have mortuary attendants and cooks at several
hospitals, joining a growing number of disgruntled civil servants who are
failing to cope in the harsh economic climate.

Junior doctors at the main state hospitals countrywide are on strike, some
for six weeks, without a solution in sight.

The industrial action by the Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe, which
was supposed to start on Monday, will begin as a go-slow strike on Wednesday
this week.

And the country's main labour body, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions,
warned the government it will call for a general strike if the demands of
workers across the country are not addressed by the 23rd February.

Some analysts believe this is the time the pro-democracy movement should
unite to fight the Mugabe regime as one. But Dr John Makumbe said: "Let each
group do its own thing but they must do it fully and effectively and the
regime will run into so many problems."

Speaking on the plight of university lecturers, Makumbe said they are asking
for a 1000% salary increase and for terms and conditions of services to
improve significantly. The government awarded civil servants a 300%
increment recently, but this is still not enough for people to cope with the
high cost of living in Zimbabwe.

An average university lecturer was earning around ZW$70 000 a month, before
the 300% increase which resulted in salaries going up to about ZW$230 000.
But Makumbe said: "It's inadequate because most accommodation, if you are in
flats - is about ZW$80 000. If you in a house it's more than ZW$120 000 to
ZW$150 000. That's before you pay your telephone bill, before you pay your
electricity, before you buy one litre at ZW$4 000 to ZW$5 000 a litre for
your car for fuel. So it's a very, very difficult time. At the University of
Zimbabwe now, lecturers are only showing up when they have to."

Basically every sector in Zimbabwe has been hit by the economic crisis which
is largely blamed on the bad policies and mis-governance by the Mugabe
regime. The basic basket for survival for a family of 5 in an urban area is
now ZW$370 000. Makumbe said: "And academics are asking to earn just a
little more than that."

He said the Association of University Teachers gave the authorities the
mandatory 14 days notice - in accordance with the Labour Relations Act - but
there has been no response.

SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news


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Health System Near Total Collapse

Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Hundreds of people are dying painful deaths each week as a result of a
strike by junior doctors over pay.

By Florence Cheda in Harare (AR No. 92, 30-Jan-07)

Four-year-old Olinda Makwenje curls up in pain in her hospital bed at Harare's
Parirenyatwa Hospital - the capital's most important public health
institution - where she has lain unattended for more than nine days as a
weeks-long strike by junior doctors continues.

The world seems oblivious of little Olinda's plight as a humanitarian crisis
much worse than Operation Murambatsvina (Operation Drive Out the Trash) -
the government's notorious slum clearance operation which left some 2.4
million people homeless - grips Zimbabwe. Hundreds of people are dying every
week due to lack of healthcare since the doctors' industrial action began on
December 21 last year, bringing the health delivery system, already battered
by a collapsing economy, to a near-total halt.

Olinda can hardly eat or take any fluids because of the cancerous growth in
her gums, which protrudes out of her little mouth like black volcanic lava.

Her cancer was diagnosed last December. She is deteriorating fast and is in
need of surgery to stop the cancer from spreading. In the absence of public
healthcare, her poverty-stricken family can never hope to afford the four
million Zimbabwe dollars (16,000 US dollars at the government's unrealistic
exchange rate of 1 US dollar=250 Zimbabwe dollars) - a lifetime's earnings -
needed for an operation in a private hospital.

No words can describe the agony little Olinda is in with no painkillers in
sight to give her even temporary relief. The few nurses manning the wards
have no authority to prescribe the drugs she desperately needs to ease the
pain. Olinda is among thousands of other Zimbabweans dying painfully slowly
in Zimbabwe's deteriorating hospital system, which at independence and the
years afterwards was judged the finest in Africa.

Since the junior doctors began their action they have been joined by most of
their seniors and many nurses. The junior doctors are adamant that they will
not return to work until the government meets their demand for a monthly
salary equivalent to 1900 US dollars, an increase of nearly 9000 per cent.
A junior doctor's starting salary is not enough to fill his car's fuel tank
with petrol.

What happens to Olinda and other sick people and patients needing surgery at
the country's state hospitals?

Patients are being turned away. Accident victims with broken limbs,
fractured skulls and internal injuries are going untreated and the situation
is bound to worsen as the strike continues.

Even before the strike the situation was critical. The health system had
already collapsed - there is serious understaffing; morale among staff is
wrecked; vital equipment is old or not functioning; there is a lack of
essential drugs, including anti-retrovirals to treat an HIV/AIDS plague that
kills more than 3000 people a week. One-quarter of the population of 11.5
million is estimated to be HIV-positive.

Doctors and nurses have had to battle a health catastrophe, lacking such
equipment as rubber gloves, saline drips, syringes and painkillers and other
essential drugs.

One province, Matabeleland South, recently reported that it had only one
doctor, based at Gwanda hospital, to service four million people. The full
complement of doctors should be 21, including nine specialists.

In Marondera, a town 80 kilometres southeast of the capital, toilets in the
large public hospital are without water. But desperate patients continue to
use them as they wait for hours in the hope of seeing a nurse in the absence
of doctors.

The healthcare crisis is regarded as worse than Operation Murambatsvina
launched by President Robert Mugabe in May 2005, ostensibly to bring order
to the cities and towns but actually to pre-empt an urban rebellion against
deteriorating living standards. The then United Nations secretary-general
Kofi Annan was so appalled by reports of the violence and hardships that
accompanied the operation that he sent a special envoy to assess the
situation. His envoy, Anna Tibaijuka, said Murambatsvina had precipitated a
humanitarian crisis of immense proportions and "the government of Zimbabwe
is collectively responsible for what has happened".

She said there had been "indifference to human suffering" and that the
Zimbabwe government and its operatives had breached both national and
international human rights law.

Whatever its concern about Murambatsvina, there has been a deafening silence
from the UN on the hospital crisis that sees many hundreds of people dying
painfully each week.

The government, trying to give the impression everything is under control,
refuses to send an SOS to the international community for help. The country's
deepening economic problems have seen the exodus of many hundreds of
doctors, nurses, radiologists, physiotherapists and other skilled health
workers to Britain, South Africa and Australia where they can command better
pay and conditions.

In the midst of the strike, Health and Child Welfare Minister David
Parirenyatwa - son of a revered doctor after whom Parirenyatwa Hospital was
named - went on annual leave while Mugabe went on vacation in the Far East.

People are now taking their seriously ill relatives out of the hospitals,
preferring that they die in the comfort of their homes and surrounded by
their loved ones.

"What is the point of keeping him here when he is not getting any
 treatment," said Sam Makoni as he lifted a relative from a stretcher into
his car at Parirenyatwa Hospital. "He is better off at home surrounded by
his relatives. Imagine the pain he is in and not getting treatment. We could
not continue watching him deteriorating.

"Problems never end in Zimbabwe. It's either this or that and it seems our
sick have been given a death sentence. This is a catastrophe and a man-made
disaster. Zimbabwe now needs all the help it can get from everywhere."

Many people have been asking why organisations international medical relief
organisations have not sent teams of doctors into the government hospitals
to ease the crisis. They feel the current situation, with more than 90 per
cent of the population denied healthcare, fits into the category of
countries in need of humanitarian assistance.

Dr Douglas Gwatidzo, chairman of the Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for
Human Rights, told IWPR, "Foreign doctors could come in and assist but they
can only do so with the authority of the government. They cannot just come
into the country without permission and take over the health institutions.
Whether they would get the permission in Zimbabwe I just don't know."

He said the government was in violation of the African Charter on Human and
People's Rights and the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, which
guarantee citizens access to affordable healthcare.

Gwatidzo accused the government of lacking the political will to provide a
long-term solution to the current crisis. He sympathised with the junior
doctors, who he said worked under difficult conditions while being paid
salaries that could not feed their families or even finance car travel
between their homes and their workplace.

Senior doctors in Zimbabwe initially continued working but later joined the
strike, having worked for almost three weeks under the terrible conditions
their juniors had endured every single day.

"We are a small organisation with minimal resources and we don't have that
much manpower," said Gwatidzo of his association. "We would like to assist
but we don't want to go there and face the same problems. We remain helpless
because there are no drugs, working equipment and all the other essentials.
It is very disheartening and can be a very painful experience."

While Mugabe and other senior government and ruling ZANU PF officials fly to
South Africa and other countries with good health delivery systems for their
own hospital treatment, Zimbabweans are left wondering how much longer the
nation and international community continue to watch so many of their
relatives, friends and others die unnecessarily?

Florence Cheda is the pseudonym of an IWPR contributor in Zimbabwe.


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Water Quality Supplies Fast Deteriorating



The Herald (Harare)

January 30, 2007
Posted to the web January 30, 2007

Sifelani Tsiko
Harare

THE pollution of rivers, lakes and acquifers from domestic and industrial
wastewater discharges, mining runoff, agro-chemicals and other sources is
now a growing threat to water resources in most countries in southern
Africa.

According to a new report titled "Water Quality Management and Pollution
Control" in Southern Africa compiled by Prof Ngonidzashe Moyo, a freshwater
biologist at the University of Limpopo in South Africa, and Sibekhile Mtetwa
and other water resources development experts, the quality of water supplies
in the Sadc region, once taken for granted, is becoming the focus of
increasing concern.

The water experts say the solid, liquid and particulate waste by-products of
urbanisation and economic activities are contaminating air, soil and water
quality.

Water pollution has affected water quality and impacted negatively on public
health and functioning of ecosystems including the rising cost of water
treatment.

The report suggests that the main sources of water pollution are untreated
or partially treated effluents from municipal, industrial and mining
wastewater discharges.

Runoff from small-scale mining operations, urban stormwater and runoff from
agricultural, livestock and poultry operations have also impaired the
quality of water in the Sadc region.

In Zimbabwe, the discharge of industrial and municipal effluent has heavily
polluted Lake Chivero, Harare's principal water supply dam, leading to
massive fish deaths in the lake.

Because of poor original planning, Harare lies within its own catchment
area. This means that all the city's waste, which passes through the heavily
industrialised and densely populated areas, flows into the lake.

This has compromised the quality of the city's water and contributed to the
accumulation of ammonia compounds that are causing fish deaths on the lake
every year.

Lack of resources to upgrade sewage treatment works, lack of funding for
water quality management and research, overcrowding, bureaucracy and poor
management of wetlands have led to the eutrophication of the lake.

Prof Moyo said the degradation of river water quality has resulted in an
increased risk to millions of people who consume water from the region's
water sources.

In the report, the writers note that not all countries have adopted (the
World Health Organisation and Food and Agriculture Organisation water
guidelines) or derived their own standards.

"Tanzania, for example, still has temporary drinking water standards because
they envisage that adopting permanent standards, say for fluoride, would
present difficult economic choices and compliance problems for a large
segment of he population," the water experts noted.

Urbanisation is increasing in the Sadc region and water experts say most
cities have not been able to develop the basic utilities for water and
environmental services (solid waste disposal systems, sewage treatment and
industrial pollution control) to keep pace with the rapid growth.

They say existing wastewater treatment facilities in several countries in
the region are overloaded and facing serious difficulties in handling the
ever-increasing volumes of wastewater generated by an increasing urban
population.

"Many sewage treatment works are old. Most have been maintained poorly and
overdue for rehabilitation," water experts said in the report on water
resources management in Southern Africa.

In Zambia, for example, inadequate sewage treatment and sanitation has led
to widespread eutrophication of water bodies near towns and cities.

Water experts estimate that sewage treatment plants in many Zambian towns
are handling just 20 percent of sewage collected and even that is not
adequately treated.

The remaining 80 percent is lost into storm drains because of leakages or
blockages.

In Zimbabwe, the Firle sewage works in Harare were designed to treat 72 000
cubic metres of waste water per day, but the plant now receives more than
100 000 cubic metres. The sewage effluent, which is partially treated and
nutrient-rich, finds its way to Lake Chivero contributing to its
eutrophication.

In Tanzania, only seven out of more than 52 urban centres had some form of
sewage system in the mid-1990s. These sewage systems provided only partial
coverage, were aged and in need of rehabilitation, the water experts noted
in the report.

"As much as 80 percent of the urban population in Tanzania is not served by
sewage and uses the traditional pit latrines," the report indicates.

The Mirongo River, which drains into Lake Victoria, receives sewage from
squatter settlements because of the breakdown of pumps and stabilisation
ponds. The river is said to have turned into an open sewer transporting
tonnes of industrial and municipal waste into Lake Victoria every year.

As a result, Lake Victoria is now heavily polluted with high levels of
poisonous metals and substances which are affecting the lake's ecology.

Municipal sewage works discharge untreated or partially treated effluent
into the ocean and marine pollution is now of major concern in coastal towns
throughout the Sadc region.

Sewage from the central business district of Dar es Salaam and Tanga, water
experts say, is discharged directly into the Indian Ocean without treatment.

Water resources experts estimate that coastal urban areas in Southern Africa
discharge more than 850 million litres of largely untreated wastewater into
the sea.

They say although coastal pollution in Mozambique is still comparatively
light by global standards, studies in Maputo harbour in the mid-1990s
indicated that the beaches of Maputo and Beira were polluted from increased
soil erosion, human-induced pollution, domestic and industrial residues and
from ship traffic and were not safe for swimming.

In Angola, water experts noted, people fleeing the conflict in rural areas
settled in coastal, urban areas resulting in overpopulation, overburdening
of sanitation facilities and localised pollution.

The capital, Luanda, was built for 500 000 people, but the population
multiplied as the civil war intensified leading to a large-scale growth of
unplanned settlements.

There were virtually no sanitation facilities, sewage systems and refuse
collection. Marine pollution in and around major urban areas with large
informal settlements such as Luanda has in some cases reached toxic levels,
water experts said in the report.

Industrial pollution in Swaziland is impacting on poor communities residing
near waterways used as receiving waters. The polluted water poses a severe
health risk to communities located near the river who use it for domestic
activities, such as cooking, washing and bathing.

Even in South Africa, toxic and radioactive substances generated from
industries are polluting rivers and causing long-term contamination of the
aquatic ecosystems.

In 1991, the Atomic Energy Corporation of South Africa caused a huge spill
of 80 000-100 000 tonnes of caustic soda near the Hartbeesport Dam killing
fish and other aquatic animals.

Untreated industrial waste from coastal areas in the whole of the Sadc
region is discharged into streams and rivers running into the ocean.

Water experts in the report noted that industrial waste is found in ocean
waters near major centres dotted along the entire coastline -- form Dar es
Salaam and Maputo on the east coast, past Natal and Cape Town to Walvis Bay
and Baia do Cacuaco, 15km north of Luanda.

Mining activities in the region have led to the discharging of heavy metals
such as cadmium, lead and mercury into the river systems strewn across the
Sadc region.

For example, the Kafue River deteriorates substantially in quality as it
passes through the Copperbelt because of the concentrated waste discharges.

The mining activities in the Copperbelt have degraded the Kafue River which
is the source drinking water for millions of people in urban areas in
Zambia.

Water experts say the cost of treating water for human consumption has risen
sharply as the quality of the raw water deteriorated due to the mining
activities.

Other issues raised in the report, include the water quality management and
pollution control challenges facing the Sadc region and a range of water
quality management strategies.

Natural factors that impair water quality are discussed in detail as well as
the severity and extent of the problems and consequences.

Existing pollution control management systems in the region are also
evaluated as well as policy options.

A variety of pollution control options were recommended and these included
pollution permits, self-regulation, economic incentives and pollution
penalties.

"The management of present and future water quality in Southern Africa is
fundamentally important if the continued existence of both the resource and
the populations reliant on the resource is to be ensured," water experts
said in the report.

"There is therefore an urgent need for changing the misperceptions among
policymakers that water pollution is not a serious problem in the region."

They say appropriate mechanisms need to be established to check the health
of aquatic environments and the effects of pollution on the biota and human
health.

Adequately equipped laboratories are necessary for monitoring purposes and
individual laboratories in each country must network.

Water experts also noted that water quality specialists and environmental
engineers are needed and these skills should be developed through
intensification training and education and civil service reforms that
encourage the retention of specialists within the public and private sector.

All stakeholders including private sector, communities, interest groups and
individuals as well as governments must have the will to participate in
tackling the water pollution problems in a curative as well as preventive
manner.

Water experts said a vigorous public awareness campaign for improving the
understanding of key issues at the political level should be promoted at
national levels and in the Sadc region.

Other important interventions raised by water experts include strengthening
water management and aquatic ecosystems laws, implementing the polluter-pays
principle, encouraging self-regulation, economic incentives, strengthening
regulation and its implementation and promoting public participation in
water resources planning and management.

Water is a basic right and everyone in the region has a role to play to
enhance its value and the protection of river ecosystems.


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50 Bodies Unclaimed



The Herald (Harare)

January 30, 2007
Posted to the web January 30, 2007

Beitbridge Bureau
Harare

MORE than 50 bodies are lying unclaimed at Beitbridge District Hospital
mortuary since September last year and some of the bodies are now in a state
of decomposition.

The mortuary was designed to carry a maximum of six corpses and is now
overstrained and officials at the hospital have started making arrangements
for pauper's burials. The hospital's district medical officer, Dr Nyasha
Masuka, yesterday said the situation was terrible.

He added that they had since written to the police seeking authority to
carry out the pauper's burials.

At least 48 people have been confirmed as paupers, while 20 are yet to be
vetted. The Beitbridge hospital, a referral centre for 90 000 people,
according to the last population census, is strained by thousands of people
who fall sick on their trips between Zimbabwe and South Africa.

A number of accidents on the roads leading to Bulawayo and Harare from
Beitbridge have also contributed to the overloading of the 140-bed hospital.

"We have a terrible situation here. Currently, we are waiting for authority
from the police to go ahead with the pauper's burials. At times the burials
are done once in every three months due to the workload at the hospital.


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Condemnation of tyrant marks a sea change in attitudes

Comment from The Daily Telegraph (UK), 30 January

By David Blair

The ghost of Idi Amin stalks the corridors of power whenever African leaders
gather for summits. Three decades ago, the Organisation of African Unity
(OAU), a bankrupt, trans-continental talking shop, destroyed what little
remained of its credibility by appointing Uganda's bloodstained leader as
its chairman and Africa's most prominent statesman. This disastrous episode
would have been in the minds of Africa's leaders when they rejected Sudan's
bid to take the helm of the African Union (AU) yesterday. President Omar
al-Bashir, a dour military dictator, lacks Amin's buffoonery, but he
possesses just as much blood on his hands as Uganda's despot. African
leaders decided that Mr Bashir's war in Darfur, where some 300,000 people
have died since 2003, disqualified him from becoming Africa's most prominent
leader. Founded in 2001, the AU replaced the disastrous OAU, which President
Yoweri Museveni of Uganda described as a "trade union for criminals". The
AU's central purpose was to show that African leaders were ushering in a new
era of peace and democracy.

Article four of the AU's "Constitutive Act" - signed by all 53 member
states - enshrined the principles of "respect for democratic principles,
human rights, the rule of law and good governance". Africa has fewer
dictators than ever before and most countries are marginally more democratic
and less corrupt than 10 years ago. But President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe
is still an honoured guest at AU gatherings - and scarcely any African
leader will criticise his behaviour. Yet Mr Bashir's rebuff at the latest
summit in Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital, is hugely significant. African
leaders have sent a signal that they are willing to condemn one of their
number because of his behaviour within the boundaries of his own country.
Once, every leader clung with grim determination to the principle of
"non-interference" in the internal affairs of sovereign countries. Mr
Bashir's case shows this doctrine is no longer absolute. Sudan tried to save
face by claiming to support the decision to award the chairmanship to Ghana.
Yet as recently as Sunday, officials were publicly claiming that the
chairmanship was sown up in their favour.

By their decision, African leaders are trying to send a message to the
Western world. When wars break out or coups take place, they want to be
trusted to handle the crises that result. President Thabo Mbeki of South
Africa has spoken of the humiliation felt by Africans when they have to
depend on outsiders to solve their problems. London and Washington are happy
to cheer on these ambitions because, if successful, they would remove the
need for British and American troops to risk their lives in African
trouble-spots. So the AU's highest priority is to win outside credibility.
President John Kufuor of Ghana is highly qualified for this task. He leads a
democratically elected government in a country with a buoyant economy and no
history of civil war. His relations with both Britain and America are
excellent. African leaders faced a choice between Mr Bashir - a pariah - or
Mr Kufuor, who is almost a paragon. Once, they might have chosen the pariah
just to spite the outside world. Their promotion of Mr Kufuor shows that
African presidents are changing for the better.


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Driving out the filth in Zimbabwe

Radio Netherlands
 

by Eric Beauchemin

30-01-2007

Hut 
rm-25.jpgwma-25.jpgClick to listen to the documentary

In May 2005, the Zimbabwean government launched Operation Murambatsvina. The authorities translated this as "Operation Clean-up" or "Operation Restore Order", but the more literal translation is "Operation Drive out the Filth". Zimbabweans call it their tsunami.

Officially it was designed to eliminate crime, clean up the streets and regularise the informal sector, the backbone of the country's collapsing economy. In actual fact, the operation destroyed the livelihoods of nearly 2.5 million Zimbabweans. It also left 700,000 people homeless.

Slow-motion earthquake
Ncedisani Mpofu's house was destroyed in the early hours of June 12th. "The police came at five o'clock in the morning. They said 'go out'. As I was taking my children out of the house, the police asked me for matches. They burnt my house." She lost all her possessions. When she asked the police why they were doing this, they simply answered "go away, go back to where you came from."

Ncedisani Mpofu, her mother and two of her children in their temporary hut 
Ncedisani Mpofu, her mother and two of her children in their temporary hut
Other victims recount similar stories. A local human rights worker who witnessed Operation Murambatsvina and has studied the impact on the victims describes the operation as "a slow-motion earthquake. Soldiers were just advancing at walking pace through the suburbs and they were just destroying as they went. It went on and on, and there was nothing anyone could do to stop it."

Reasons
86 percent of the dwellings destroyed in Operation Murambatsvina were robust structures, built out of brick and mortar and with corrugated iron roofs.

According to a local human rights activist, who wishes to remain anonymous out of fear of reprisals by the authorities, the ruling ZANU-PF party launched Operation Drive out the Filth because of growing opposition to its rule. The consequences were felt particularly in urban areas, where many voters supported the opposition MDC party.

The authorities wanted to force opposition voters "out of the cities and back into rural areas, where they can be controlled," says the activist.

"In rural areas, chiefs and traditional leadership control the population. They control who gets grazing rights and food. They can insist that people in their areas vote in a certain way and toe the line. They can force people to attend certain political rallies. Otherwise they get punished." Aftermath

The Tshabalalas 

The Tshabalalas

Many of the victims spent months in the bush, fearing that the authorities would return. Mpofu eventually returned to the remains of her home. She rebuilt it, but in the past year and half, the authorities have returned eight times. Each time, they tore her dwelling down again.

Others, like Misipili Tshabalala, took refuge in local churches. But a month later, those sanctuaries were evacuated by security officials. According to Ray Motsi, a pastor at a Baptist church in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's second largest city, "they did it at gunpoint in the middle of the night."

He and other church leaders tried to negotiate with the authorities, but "we were taken to the police station and held for two or three hours. When I returned to my church at four a.m., I found the place empty."

Transit camps

Pastor Ray Motsi 

Pastor Ray Motsi

Thousands of families were herded into transit camps. "We had a hard time," says Tshabalala. For three days, they were forced to remain in a camp, without food or blankets. The authorities then urged them to return to their 'original homes', but the Tshabalalas, like many, had no ancestral home to return to.

The Tshabalalas eventually returned to the area where they used to live outside of Bulawayo. They spent months out in the open, fearing the authorities would come back and destroy any shelter they built. Eventually though, they did build a temporary shelter, but in September of last year, the police returned.

"They collected everybody, including our children, and took us to the central police station. We spent a whole day and a whole night there. They took our fingerprints and then released us. We had no transport, so we had to walk back home. It's 12 kilometres away."

Woman standing in what used to be her bedroom

This woman, who wishes to remain anonymous, lives in a high-density suburb of Bulawayo. Her house is tiny: a small living room, an even smaller bedroom and a kitchen. After the death of her sister in 1998, her sister's children came to live with her. They joined the other 15 people living in the house. She applied and received a permit from the local authorities to build a bedroom in her backyard. In June 2005, police destroyed the bedroom and the structures many of her neighbours had built in their backyards.

"Now we are all squeezed into this tiny house. That's why almost all of us have tuberculosis. We can't keep those who are infected separate from those who are not."

The authorities have asked her and the others affected by Operation Murambatsvina to register to get new accommodation, but over a year and a half later, nothing has happened. Like many, she is angry with President Robert Mugabe, who she refers to simply as 'he'. "We are fed up because he has always got false promises. There's nothing we can do because he's always cheating us. We wanted to be free, but we are not free because we are starving, starving more than our forefathers."

Traders
Operation Murambatsvina also affected the 2.5 million people who depend on informal trade for their livelihood. In May 2005, says Lovis Jones of the Bulawayo Upcoming Vendors Association, the police arrived "and they began burning and destroying our stands."

"They beat up some of our members who were resisting. They took the remaining goods in a truck to a warehouse. A lot of our goods went missing. We suspect that some police officers helped themselves. We have tried to recover our goods, but without success."

Many of the traders are now destitute and going hungry.

"The government has made a lot of promises to us, saying they are going to build alternative places to replace our stalls. But so far they have only come up with one site and it can only accommodate 30 people. On top of that, you have to prove that you are a ZANU-PF member to get a stall there."

International condemnation

Mary Ndlovu 

Mary Ndlovu

The United Nations has been extremely critical of the operation. A team, led by Anna Tibaijuka, carried out an extensive investigation, producing a report that condemned Murambatsvina. It called for prosecution of the culprits and compensation for the victims. So far, very few new shelters have been constructed. According to a local human rights worker, "our government has been refused to cooperate with the United Nations, because to do so would be admitting that there was a humanitarian crisis and there remains a humanitarian crisis. And to do that is to actually admit guilt."

Mary Ndlovu, another human rights worker, is also scathing in her criticism of the operation.

"Murambatsvina was a totally illegal operation. The reasons for it, one can debate. The consequences of it, one can't debate. They're there: impoverishment, illness, death, dislocation and social collapse. It's an absolutely disaster for the people it affected."

The Zimbabwean courts have issued orders restraining the police and the local authorities, but the evictions are continuing to this day.

All photographs © RNW/Eric Beauchemin


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South Africa's press freedom under threat



By Tererai Karimakwenda
30 January 2007

Veteran South African journalist John Perlman resigned Monday from the state
broadcaster SABC. Press reports say Perlman's resignation was fuelled by an
unofficial policy at SABC that excludes certain commentators from being
interviewed, including Zimbabweans such as Archbishop Pius Ncube. What also
helped his decision was the fact that his co-presenter on Safm, Nikiwe
Bikitsha, was leaving.

The respected journalist had confronted SABC's spokesperson on the air about
the so-called blacklist, and refused to go along with SABC's official
statement on the issue. For Zimbabweans, the SABC saga reminds them of home
where repressive media laws and a climate of fear exists. The Mail &
Guardian report said a commission of enquiry ordered by SABC chief executive
Dali Mpofu to investigate found "there was an atmosphere of fear in the SABC
newsrooms, which was not conducive to journalistic independence." Among
those on the blacklist are Business Day political editor Karima Brown,
political analysts Aubrey Matshiqi, Moeletsi Mbeki and Zimbabwean newspaper
publisher Trevor Ncube, who is also the chief executive of the Mail &
Guardian.

South Africa based Zimbabwean activist Elinor Sisulu is one of the
commentators that journalists at SABC were instructed not to interview.
Sisulu said she is concerned about these developments in South Africa. She
explained that journalists were told she does not give accurate information
about Zimbabwe and she is not well informed because she is not on the ground
there. The outspoken activist said this is exactly what happens in Zimbabwe,
where the ruling party runs the press.

According to Sisulu the fact that SABC's news manager Snuki Zikala is a big
supporter of Robert Mugabe became clear when he interviewed him after
Zimbabwe's presidential elections. She is also concerned that there is only
one reporter doing news on Zimbabwe for SABC and there has been very little
shown about the suffering of Zimbabweans. Sisulu expressed deep concern
about the whole region, saying SABC has a responsibility to inform South
Africans about the people migrating into their country. She believes
accurate information helps minimise xenophobia.

SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news


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Burial Societies' Influential Role in Zimbabwe

Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Most look at ways to empower people and help them continue the political
struggle against the Mugabe regime.

By Zakeus Chibaya in Johannesburg (AR No. 92, 30-Jan-07)

With more than two million Zimbabweans now living in exile in South Africa,
most in dire circumstances, the refugees' burgeoning burial societies have
become an increasingly important focus of resistance to the government of
President Robert Mugabe back home.

Death takes a heavy toll, particularly from the HIV/AIDS epidemic ravaging
society, but the coffins of the Zimbabwe dead leaving South Africa for home
every week return with more than just the bodies of loved ones.

Edmund Shava, a Zimbabwean asylum seeker who joined the Zvishavane Burial
Society in Johannesburg two years ago, told IWPR, "We have discovered that
we should not limit ourselves to discussing funeral issues in the burial
society meetings, but work on ways to assist our relatives back home.

"Exiles return with the bodies of relatives for the funeral gatherings back
home and these give them an opportunity to convene meetings where
discussions can be held freely without being arrested by police under the
draconian Public Order and Security Act [POSA]."

Burial societies and decent and lengthy funerals are integral parts of
society in Zimbabwe and other African countries. Members of societies pay
monthly subscriptions redeemable only when there is bereavement in the
family. Typically, in Zimbabwe, members meet on one Sunday each month either
under trees in open ground or in beer halls - a pattern now being emulated
in South Africa.

The meetings are highly organised and strictly controlled affairs, with
members wearing uniform blazers with coats of arms: latecomers are fined.
Members are expected to attend the night-long, pre-burial vigil of other
members' relatives who die and thus help their spirits pass on safely and at
peace.

With the AIDS plague taking so many people in the prime of life - often
husbands and wives die within short times of each other - burial societies
are more relevant than ever before. They cover the full costs of a funeral,
including the feeding of large numbers of mourners through the night and
following day. Failure to join a burial society ensures a pauper burial and
the humiliation that goes with it.

POSA forbids gatherings of more than two people without police permission.
Enacted in 2002, it imposes severe restrictions on other civil liberties
while criminalising a wide range of activities associated with freedom of
expression and association. It provides for the imprisonment of journalists
convicted of "causing hatred, contempt or ridicule of the President." It
criminalises "false reporting" and statements that "incite or promote public
disorder or public violence".

In South Africa every week, Zimbabwean burial societies gather in hundreds
to accompany the body of a member back home. Those unable to afford the time
or money to travel typically send back money and messages of encouragement
with mourners journeying with the coffin. Civil society in Zimbabwe has been
fragmented and become demoralised by the constant crackdowns of the past
seven years by Mugabe's militias, police and soldiers: some of the burial
societies back home have been infiltrated by the government's much-feared
Central Intelligence Organisation, CIO.

In Zimbabwe, hundreds draw together for the night vigil and the day of the
funeral, and the police dare not for traditional reasons use POSA to break
up such gatherings. With most people afraid to speak out elsewhere, because
of the ubiquitous presence of CIO agents, funerals provide opportunities for
people to talk freely and share information. Pamphlets detailing alleged
abuses by Mugabe's forces are smuggled in with coffins and distributed at
the funerals. With all independent radio and television stations and all
independent daily newspapers closed by the Mugabe government, people back
home in Zimbabwe have little information about what is happening either
domestically or internationally.

"We are now able to penetrate into rural areas unnoticed by the regime and
we are building the momentum in the fight against Mugabe's dictatorship,"
said Shava. "But we have discovered that it is no use just preaching
politics to people before you do something concrete to assist them. Strong
words and a few bagfuls of groceries are not enough. At every meeting of the
Zvishavane Burial Society, we make contributions that are eventually used
for the development of our communities back home."

Shava himself was unable last year to travel to Zimbabwe to bury a relative
because he feared political persecution. He has limited himself to waving
off the funeral processions as they begin their journeys over several
hundred kilometres to various destinations in Zimbabwe

The first Zimbabwean burial society to be formed in South Africa was the
Masasane (Let's Meet Together) Burial Society in the grim inner suburb of
Hillbrow, an upmarket whites-only area during the apartheid era, but now a
run-down, with decaying flats overcrowded with refugees and economic
migrants from other parts of Africa where Nigerian druglords reign and death
stalks the streets.

The Masasane Burial Society was named after an area near Hillbrow police
station, which has become a popular meeting place for exiled Zimbabweans
gathering for demonstrations against the Mugabe government. When hearses and
convoys of mini-bus taxis packed with mourners prepare to leave Masasane
each Friday, hundreds of people mingle and discuss the political crisis and
economic meltdown back home.

As the flood of refugees into South Africa across the Limpopo River - the
border between Zimbabwe and South Africa - increased exponentially in direct
relationship to the collapse of political freedoms and the Zimbabwe economy,
the number of burial societies grew to more than fifty. Most have taken on a
dual role, becoming pressure and development groups looking at ways to
empower people inside the country and help them continue the struggle
against what is widely regarded as the Mugabe dictatorship.

Mlamuli Nkomo, director of the Mthwakazi Forum, which coordinates all exile
Zimbabwe organisations in South Africa, said the burial societies are
helping to dissuade some of their countrymen from following their own
journeys southwards across the Limpopo, where many people have drowned or
been taken by crocodiles during hazardous illegal night crossings.

"The burial societies have contributed hugely to their home communities by
investing money they raise in exile into basic infrastructure," said Nkomo.
Roads, which in rural areas have been neglected by the Mugabe government,
have been built. Computers have been supplied to schools. Sports tournaments
have been sponsored. In Tsholotsho, an area of western Zimbabwe which was
targeted in the Gukurahundi massacres of the 1980s by Mugabe's North
Korea-trained 5th Brigade, burial society money is being ploughed into the
building of a library and a laboratory for a secondary school.

"The societies are becoming really relevant to their communities because
they are no longer confining themselves to death issues," said Nkomo. "They
have penetrated their home communities with their development projects, and
they have had such an impact that some youths who might otherwise have fled
to South Africa have decided to stay home."

Shava said he and most other Zimbabwean exiles agreed with Nkomo, "Mugabe
for the past decade has outfoxed, intimidated and bribed rural voters by
using his ruling party's control of scarce food supplies while implementing
only piecemeal development projects. The rural people, with hardly any
access to outside information, are virtual prisoners of the regime but they
are also the key to eventual change. But we are making an impact in our home
communities. At the end of the day, we will manage to influence the
political and social direction in Zimbabwe."

Zakeus Chibaya is a Zimbabwean journalist exiled in South Africa.


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Zimbabwean Papers Price Themselves Out of Market

Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Spiralling costs of newsprint - forcing up cover prices - seen by some as
the greatest threat to access to information.

By Joseph Sithole in Harare (AR No. 92, 30-Jan-07)

In the past four years if you asked any Zimbabwean what he considered the
greatest threat to free flow of information in the country, the answer was
unequivocal - draconian media laws such as the Orwellian Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy Act, Aippa.

Contrary to its name, Aippa is not about improving access to information or
protecting privacy, but protecting the government of President Robert Mugabe
from scrutiny by restricting access to information held by public bodies and
penalising public and media inquiry into its actions.

Since its enactment, Aippa has been used to close down independent media,
including all non-government radio and TV stations and all privately- owned
daily newspapers; arrest scores of journalists; and prevent foreign
correspondents from working in Zimbabwe.

The most feared man in the same period was its author, Professor Jonathan
Moyo, until recently Mugabe's information minister. But the price of
newspapers has overshadowed the media laws. The majority of Zimbabweans
simply no longer have access to the government-owned daily Herald newspaper
and remaining independent weekly newspapers because of their price.

"In an impoverished country where unemployment is estimated at 80 per cent,
the greatest threat to access to information now is the cost of newsprint,"
an assistant editor with one independent weekly newspaper told IWPR. "In
December 2005 a tonne of newsprint cost 79,631 Zimbabwe dollars (319 US
dollars at the official exchange rate of 1 US dollar = 250 Zimbabwe
dollars). By June 2006, the cost had shot up to 335,030 before notching an
astronomic 2,293,156 in December. The cumulative increase from December 2005
to December 2006 was 3421 per cent - and still rising."

These price rises by the newsprint monopoly, the Mutare Board and Paper
Mills, have hit newspapers badly, especially independent ones that do not
enjoy subsidies from government but depend for their revenues solely on
readers and advertisers.

As a result, newspapers have been pricing themselves out of the market
simply in an attempt to break even.

The daily Herald which cost 100 Zimbabwe dollars (40 US cents) in June last
year now costs 1000 after raising its cover price twice in November in
response to sharply increased newsprint and printing charges.

With inflation at nearly 1300 per cent, a decent loaf of bread now costs
1200 Zimbabwe dollars. Given the choice between a loaf of bread and a
newspaper, the overwhelming majority of Zimbabweans choose bread.

The privately-owned weeklies, the Financial Gazette and the Zimbabwe
Independent, cost far beyond what most of Zimbabwe's poor - the overwhelming
majority of the population - can afford. From 300 Zimbabwe dollars (1.20 US
dollars) in June last year, the two newspapers increased their cover prices
to 600 in September, 1,000 in October before hitting 1,500 on November 30.
By late January, they were on sale at 2500 a copy, more than twice the price
of a loaf of bread. This represents an increase in six months of more than
700 per cent.

In a country where 3.4 million people face starvation and are in need of
food assistance, according to international agencies, it means one-third of
the country's population of 11.5 million has no easy access to information.
Latest figures
from the government's consumer watchdog, the Consumer Council of Zimbabwe,
indicates that a family of six now needs close to 300,000 Zimbabwe dollars
(1,200 US dollars) to survive through a month while average salaries are
about 50,000 Zimbabwe dollars a month.

"The implications are double-edged," the assistant editor told IWPR.
"Newspapers themselves face a crisis of survival, without the government
appearing to be responsible, although everybody knows it is the biggest
cause of the economic collapse, now in its seventh straight year of
recession.

"People would obviously rather buy bread when they can find it rather than
spend on 'luxuries' such as newspapers. This is evident in the increasing
numbers of copies of newspapers being returned by vendors. Whereas at the
beginning of the year the returns were around three to seven per cent of
deliveries, this has skyrocketed to nearly twenty percent every week."

Newspaper publishers have also severely reduced print runs, not simply
because of reduced circulation figures but also because of escalating
printing costs and the costs of the newsprint itself.

"What all this means is that more and more Zimbabweans are getting less and
less information," said IWPR's assistant editor informant. "It means more
people are getting less informed at a time when their country is facing a
deepening crisis and they must make informed decisions about their future.

"It means fewer people are participating in national discourse: the ones
being cut out of the loop are the most deprived - and that is the majority
of our people. It means more people are becoming the victims of the
propaganda of those who have impoverished them because government still
enjoys the monopoly of four radio stations and the single television
station, all under its firm control, and the sole daily newspaper."

It is a state of affairs no one could have foreseen a short four years ago
when Aippa loomed over every journalist like a hangman's noose and the
public thought what Jonathan Moyo was doing was none of their business.

Since Aippa was signed into law by Mugabe in 2002, more than 400 journalists
have lost their jobs in both the private and the state media while more than
100 have been arrested and tortured before being taken to the courts where
government has failed to win a single case. Five newspapers have been shut
down under Aippa's provisions.

Moyo dismissed most of the state media reporters from the monopolistic
Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation in 2002 as he purged the organisation of
all professional journalists who resisted his propaganda. Many have since
fled overseas while foreign media organisations, both electronic and print,
have been banned from Zimbabwe. Moyo's was a reign of terror that his
countrymen who are journalists will find hard to forget. He was fired from
his post last year and has since been trying to re-launch himself as a
strident critic of Mugabe: few journalists take his Damascene conversion
seriously.

According to Aippa, every journalist must be accredited every year under the
state Media and Information Commission, run by a Mugabe loyalist, before he
can practise in Zimbabwe. A breach of the legislation is punishable by both
a fine and a jail term. Media houses risk losing their operating licences if
they employ unaccredited journalists while they are required by law to be
registered before they can operate.

The late chairman of the Parliamentary Legal Committee Eddison Zvobgo - who
was one of the ruling ZANU PF parliamentary deputies most favoured to
succeed Mugabe as president - described Aippa before it was passed by
parliament as the "most calculated assault on our civil liberties" since
independence in 1980. Soon his anxieties were borne out by the closure of
several privately owned newspapers, including the popular Daily News, a
fierce critic of the government which following its launch in March 1999
quickly eclipsed the administration's daily mouthpiece, the Herald, as the
highest selling daily newspaper in the country.

While fear of Aippa is gradually receding, something more insidious is
taking its place. Zimbabwe's punishing inflation, by far the highest in the
world, is fuelling a spiral in the prices of most basic commodities. The
price of bread shot up sharply from less than 100 Zimbabwe dollars (40 US
cents) at the beginning of last year to 195 in September to 1200 by
year-end.

"When our economy was ticking you sent your child to buy a loaf of bread and
with the change buy a newspaper," recalled one elderly Harare resident to
IWPR. "Now it's ridiculous to send your child to buy a newspaper when there
is no bread in the house."

Joseph Sithole is the pseudonym of an IWPR contributor in Zimbabwe.


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ZANU PF U-turn on Media Regulator

Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Independent press council crushed at birth by the government.

By Florence Gobo in Harare (AR No. 92, 30-Jan-07)

Zimbabwe's embattled ZANU PF regime has demonstrated once again that it is
in no hurry to loosen its iron grip on the media.

Just when a major reform was scheduled with the launch of an independent
media regulator, comprising journalists and civil society representatives,
Information Minister Paul Mangwana moved to wreck the initiative.

The official launch of the self-regulating Media Council of Zimbabwe, MCZ,
was scheduled for January 26, but at the last minute Mangwana, who had said
he would support such a body, performed a u-turn.

The minister told executive members of MAZ, the Media Association of
Zimbabwe, that final approval of the MAZ-designed media council, would only
be approved by President Robert Mugabe's government once amendments had been
made to the draconian Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act,
Aippa, to incorporate a voluntary and independent media council. This
amounts to a near-permanent postponement since there are no current moves in
government to amend Aippa.

Despite its name, Aippa is not about improving access to information or
protecting privacy, but about shielding the Mugabe government from scrutiny
by restricting access to information held by public bodies and penalising
public and media inquiry into its actions. Since its 2002 enactment, Aippa
has been used to close down independent media, including all non-government
radio and TV stations and all privately owned daily newspapers; arrest
scores of journalists; and prevent foreign correspondents from working in
Zimbabwe.

Mangwana also made a last minute demand that he be allowed to nominate three
members of his own to the council, which the journalists vehemently opposed.
MAZ is a coalition of Zimbabwe's three main independent professional media
organisations - namely the Zimbabwe Union of Journalists, ZUJ, the Zimbabwe
chapter of the Media Institute of Southern Africa, MISA-Zimbabwe, and the
Media Monitoring Project of Zimbabwe, MMPZ.

In recent months, it had appeared the government was committed to a quiet
loosening of its grip on the media. Zimbabwean journalists working in the
country were becoming bolder in the coverage of issues that left people
thinking reforms really were on the way.

But the first sign that this was a false dawn came in December when
Tafataona Mahoso, chairman of the government-controlled Media and
Information Commission, MIC, announced steep accreditation fees for all
journalists and prohibitive licence fees for media houses, which journalists
allege were meant to close down independent media houses and snuff out all
freelance journalists writing for foreign media organisations.

Tafataona, known among journalists as Mugabe's hatchet man, is a ZANU PF
loyalist who diligently administers the Orwellian Aippa to the letter. He is
known to have vehemently opposed Minister Mangwana's initial support for the
independent council.

Leaders of MAZ have been lobbying parliament, Mangwana and key government
for the repeal of Aippa and other repressive laws such as the Public Order
and Security Act and the Broadcasting Services Act.

Mangwana's u-turn has shocked journalists. The minister had asked them to
draw up a code of conduct for journalists and a constitution for the media
council. He even accused them of delay and urged them to speed up their
deliberations. Several meetings and consultations were held with the
minister and the important parliamentary committee on transport and
communication chaired by ZANU PF parliamentary deputy Leo Mugabe, President
Mugabe's nephew, who proved an important supporter of media liberalisation.

All the indications were that Mangwana, Leo Mugabe and the parliamentary
committee had accepted the establishment of a media council. However, both
Mangwana and Leo Mugabe succumbed at the last minute to pressure from
powerful players who remained resolutely opposed to the reform.

The opposition was led by George Charamba, the top civil servant in the
information ministry, who always expresses the views of President Mugabe and
is one of the few government officials who meets the head of state and
government on a regular basis.

Speculation on the day of the aborted launch was that Mangwana must have
been summoned by the president or had maybe been warned through Charamba to
withdraw his support for the initiative.

Pressure had mounted on the ZUJ with Mangwana, Charamba and Leo Mugabe each
faxing several letters to its office three days before the planned launch
advising the organisation to pull out. Silent threats in the letters and
telephone calls to ZUJ president Matthew Takaona persuaded him to postpone
the launch for another 30 days. He suffered for that decision when angry
scribes at the Quill Club, the press club in Harare, called him a sell-out
and accused him of making a decision without consulting his members.

On the originally scheduled launch day, more than 250 journalists,
representatives of civil society and diplomats gathered defiantly and agreed
to set up a steering committee to polish the media council constitution and
code of conduct which were presented at the meeting. The committee was given
30 days until the end of February, after which the launch would go ahead
with or without government approval.

To everyone's surprise, Leo Mugabe turned up. But he made it clear that he
had only come on the understanding that the journalists and their supporters
had agreed not to launch the media council. "I am still of the view that our
effort should be in amending Aippa and not in contradicting [it]," he said.
He warned the journalists that their proposed council would not last three
months with government and parliamentary support.

Sweden's ambassador to Zimbabwe Sten Rylander told the meeting that Aippa's
provisions have become a symbol of all that has gone wrong in Zimbabwe.

The government's latest tactic is to cause divisions within the MAZ by
saying it will only negotiate with it if it expels one of its components,
the Zimbabwe chapter of the Namibia-based Media Institute of Southern
Africa. The government is particularly
suspicious of MISA-Zimbabwe, which is foreign-funded and seen as an
anti-government organisation.

But MAZ journalists have angrily warned Takaona that "we refuse to be
intimidated by the government and anyone in leadership who feels that we
should not go ahead [with the independent media commission] should step
down, because we are going ahead after the 30 day window period".

Florence Gobo is the pseudonym of an IWPR contributor in Zimbabwe.

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