The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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  1. West must act to prevent a bloodbath in Zimbabwe
  2. 58 days or sooner - Zimbabwe needs you & we need your support
  3. Opposition Looks to SADC
  4. 'Thankful for $500 note' (letter)
  5. Army spoils Xmas for Matabeleland folk
  6. Anger over urban terror
  7. Mugabe approves 100% pay hike for armed forces
  8. Govt pleads for US$100m urgent food assistance
  9. WFP emergency operation delayed
  10. From the MDC
  11. Defections hit Zanu PF
    Desperate Zanu PF digging its own grave
  12. Fifth Zimbabwe judge quits after Mugabe criticism
  13. Likely scenarios after the presidential poll
  14. Annual money supply growth surges to 84%
  15. Merchants of death unleashed on nation
  16. Presidential election is being rigged: activist
  17. Zimbabwe among top media freedom violators
  18. Mugabe to scrap poll
  19. Moyo’s law signals death of journalism
  20. Govt land grab targets Mukuyu winery

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Toronto Star

West must act to prevent a bloodbath in Zimbabwe

Fearful of losing power, Robert Mugabe has unleashed a campaign of terror on
his countrymen
Keith Martin

While the world's attention is focused on Afghanistan, Zimbabwe's President
Robert Mugabe, has been inflicting a campaign of terror on his country.
Although portrayed as a conflict over the redistribution of land from a few
white commercial farmers to the landless black majority, nothing could be
further from the truth.

Mugabe has been blaming whites for the country's devastated economy and
social ills. He has been violating them accordingly, their suffering hitting
the international press. But the real target of Mugabe's brutality is the
rural black population.

For the first time in his 21-year history as leader of the country, Mugabe
and his Zanu-PF party are faced with the strong possibility of losing next
spring's presidential election. Fed up with the state-sponsored violence,
corruption and gross violations of their basic human rights, the general
population has finally mobilized into a new opposition party, the MDC, led
by the young, dynamic Morgan Tsangaviri.

Fearful of losing his grip on power, Mugabe has unleashed a campaign of
terror on his fellow countrymen. Earlier this year he threatened and
intimidated three Supreme Court justices, forcing them to step down, and
appointed his own lackeys to replace them. This has enabled him to write the
laws of the land as he sees fit — or to ignore them. With the police and
army firmly under his thumb, he has sanctioned rapes, beatings and arson to
maintain his hold on power.

Of course, none of this is surprising to anyone who has watched the
president operate. After he gained power in 1980, Mugabe ordered his North
Korean-trained 5th Brigade to murder 16,000 civilians of the minority
Matabele tribe in western Zimbabwe. An act of violence intended to
consolidate his power that the international community simply ignored.

Recently I met with dozens of black farm workers in rural Zimbabwe. It was
déjà vu listening to their chilling accounts of being beaten, raped, having
their homes pillaged and their crops destroyed. The perpetrators, who are
mainly referred to as "war veterans" in the press, are really thugs hired by
the ruling party to terrorize the population. Witness after witness told of
extreme violence meted out by these gangs, committed in full view of the
police, who have been ordered by the government not to interfere. The
objective of this exercise is not to redistribute land, but to intimidate
the farm workers into voting for the ruling party or not at all. Many flee
their farms, which are either taken over by supporters of Mugabe or left
derelict. The animals are slaughtered. Deforestation follows. Top soil is
lost, the farms are rendered useless. Beyond losing their land, livelihood
and possessions, the rural black majority face mass starvation as the war
veterans have forbidden the planting of new crops. Mugabe's henchmen have
also forced the rural black population to attend political rallies in
support of the ruling party. Those who resist, or who are suspected of being
opposition supporters, are often beaten or murdered.

To further hide this state-sponsored violence, Mugabe has banned foreign
journalists from his country and has been intimidating the independent
press. The state-sponsored Herald newspaper spews out violent, anti-white
and anti-opposition rhetoric, a dangerous precursor to mass violence.

Zimbabwe is caught in a deadly downward spiral. Given the president's
murderous history, there is little doubt the killings will escalate and
could number in the tens of thousands. Mugabe, says an editor of a leading
independent Zimbabwean newspaper, "will listen to no one".

Thus, if we do not want Zimbabwe to implode like so many African countries
before it, the international community must act quickly and firmly. We must
insist that:

The election monitors that Mugabe agreed to have in the country have
immediate access to all regions of Zimbabwe.

There is an immediate return to the rule of law and that land reform take
place according to the Abuja accord to which Zimbabwe agreed in September.

All farm invaders must be immediately removed.

If the government of Zimbabwe does not comply with these stipulations, the
following sanctions must be applied:

The personal assets of Mugabe and his administration must be frozen.

An international travel ban must be placed on Mugabe and his ministers.

Zimbabwe should be suspended from the Commonwealth.

An arms embargo should be imposed on the country.

The only hope for preventing a slaughter in Zimbabwe is if the international
community stands firm in its demands and has the courage to implement
punitive measures if those demands are not met.

We cannot soft pedal this issue, nor compromise on the rule of law and the
upholding of basic human rights. If we do, Mugabe will take full advantage
of our indecision.

If we fail to act, many thousands of innocent lives will be lost. We saw
what happened in Rwanda. Will we allow a similar tragedy to unfold in
Zimbabwe ?

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Venue: American Embassy
24 Grovenor Square
(Nearest tube Bond Street or Marble Arch)
Date: Saturday 19 January 2002
Time: 12.00hrs - 14.00hrs
**** Group 1  ****
Venue: Home Office
50 Queen Anne's Gate
(Nearest tube St James Park Station - Broadway exit) 
Date: Saturday 19 January 2002
Time: 12.00hrs - 14.00hrs
**** Group 2  ****
Venue: Zimbabwe High Commission
429 Strand Street
(Nearest tube Charring Cross).
Date: Saturday 19 January 2002
Time: 12.00hrs - 14.00hrs Protest
Vigil: 24 hours Starting 12.00hrs Sat 19th to 12.00hrs Sun 20th
**** Group 3  ****
This will be followed by a 24 hour vigil outside Zimbabwe House, ending at
12:00 with the singing of the National Anthem. Red ribbons will be placed
on the trees outside Zimbabwe House representing those known to have been
killed for trying to bring about political change in Zimbabwe.
With months to go before the critical 2002 presidential elections in Zimbabwe it is essential that the international community uses all its resources to ensure that the election not only takes place but will also be free and fair. The presidential election in March is not just about choosing a new government, it is also about choosing a new society for the people of Zimbabwe, a society based on core democratic principles. 

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Opposition Looks to SADC

UN Integrated Regional Information Networks

January 2, 2002
Posted to the web January 2, 2002

Civic organisations in Zimbabwe see regional and international pressure as
the last hope for ending the country's worsening political violence, despite
the failure so far of southern African leaders to take effective action to
stem the political crisis.

Advocacy groups are planning to lobby regional leaders at an extraordinary
Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit on Zimbabwe in Malawi
later this month, Brian Raftopoulos of the Crisis in Zimbabwe Committee told
IRIN on Wednesday. Raftopoulos, an associate professor at the University of
Zimbabwe, said that civic representatives would also visit key countries in
the region in a bid to persuade their governments that sustained pressure on
Harare was needed to ensure free and fair presidential elections in March.

The two-day SADC summit, called by the organisation's chair and Malawian
President Bakili Muluzi, is expected to take place from 13-15 January in
Blantyre, Malawi's Daily Times reported. It will follow a meeting in Harare
last month by a SADC ministerial task team that refused to call the
Zimbabwean government - widely blamed for the political violence - to order.
The regional grouping was labelled as irrelevant by Zimbabwe's main
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

Raftopoulos, whose organisation provided testimony to an earlier SADC
meeting on Zimbabwe, said he did not at the moment foresee the regional body
taking action against President Robert Mugabe - a key figure within SADC.

But, SADC could be spurred into action by the European Union and the United
States who have threatened sanctions against Zimbabwe's ruling party, but
would need to work in consultation with Harare's neighbours, Raftopoulos
said. He added that minimum measures by SADC, such as setting preconditions
for what it would deem a free and fair election, would be "a huge step for
the region".

According to Bidi Munyaradzi, director of the human rights group ZimRights,
"we have already dismissed all domestic channels of appeal. As civil society
we can only revert to international and regional bodies for support".

He told IRIN in a recent interview that "although ZimRights does not
actually support general sanctions, the Commonwealth and SADC should put
pressure on the Zimbabwean government to ensure the immediate restoration of
the rule of law. [Election] observers should be here now, instead of later."

In the worsening political violence, the MDC has accused ruling ZANU-PF
party militants of the murder of four of its members over the Christmas
period. At least one ZANU-PF supporter was also killed. Last week, Sekai
Holland, a senior MDC official, brought three severely injured supporters to
hospital in Harare whom she claimed had been kidnapped and tortured by
national service officers.

"Some of them had their hamstrings and tendons cut, others have been chopped
all over their bodies," Holland was quoted by the London-based Daily
Telegraph as saying.

The government has touted its national service scheme as an initiative to
provide unemployed youths with skills training. However, critics allege that
instead, the Border Gezi training camp in Mount Darwin - named posthumously
after one of Mugabe's most loyal ministers - is turning out politically
indoctrinated "shock troops" for ZANU-PF. They, the war veterans and the
police, are expected to spearhead Mugabe's recent call for "war" against the

Meanwhile, Britain's Observer reported on Sunday that a Zimbabwean dissident
who was refused asylum and sent home was beaten and tortured by security

Gerald Muketiwa, an MDC supporter, had his asylum claim turned down and was
deported on 16 December. He arrived in Zimbabwe a day later despite protests
from human rights groups. Muketiwa was picked up at the airport by secret
police, but later managed to escape through a police station window.
Muketiwa has since fled to a neighbouring country and relatives who helped
him flee have been beaten by security officers looking for the activist, the
newspaper said.

It reported that other Zimbabwean asylum seekers with links to the MDC are
also awaiting deportation from Britain after having their claims turned
down, despite evidence of the killing of opposition figures. It interviewed
dissidents in detention awaiting deportation who said they were scared to
return home.

"We are expecting to see an escalation in violence in areas that are
considered contested," Raftopoulos said. "There is no doubt MDC will not be
able to restrain their people indefinitely," he added.

Concern by the opposition that the government would respond to retaliation
by MDC militants with a state of emergency, has to an extent been superseded
by the fear surrounding a series of draconian pieces of legislation awaiting
parliamentary approval.

Raftopoulos and Munyaradzi said that when passed, Zimbabwe's opposition
would effectively be operating under emergency regulations. The Public Order
and Security Bill, the Electoral Act Amendment Bill, the Labour Relations
Bill and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Bill would
"outlaw all opposition", Raftopoulos said.
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Quite depressing - forwarded to me by a Darwendale farmer friend
Dear All, As I have yet another slow down on the farm I have been thinking of more pleasant things like next years holiday at golden beach destinations, and I wonder how I am going to raise the forex for it, so I doodle on Excel.
If you think a pack of marauding and looting war-vets is enough to send a shiver down your spine think of this...
The exchange rate in August 2000 was 50:1 The exchange rate in August 2001 is 300:1 (an increase of
16% per month)
The exchange rate in August 2002 could be 1800:1 (an increase of 16% per month)
But in the last three months the exchange rate has increased at a rate of
40% per month, if this trend continues then...
The exchange rate in August 2002 will be 17 000:1 The exchange rate in December 2002 will be 65 000:1 I guess that puts a bit of a damper on my August holiday plans where I might need my US$ 5 000 holiday allowance for my family of 6.......
Zim $ 510 million.
Well I suppose it could be worse, four months later, that Xmas holiday will need...
Zim $ 1 960 million.....(Enough in 1980 to purchase rather a large country)
I will thank Bob for the $500 note when I surreptitiously reverse my 8 tonne lorry (with only 15 cubic meters of notes aboard) up to a street dealer and negotiate the best rate.
The flaw in my logic is that the exchange rate will increase at a constant rate, which of course it does not, this past year it accelerated!
Excel does not have column widths wide enough.......  now where are those war-vets.
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Army spoils Xmas for Matabeleland folk

From Njabulo Ncube Bulawayo Bureau Chief
1/4/02 2:07:44 AM (GMT +2)

LUPANE, Matabeleland North — In normal times during Christmas and New Year
holidays here, villager Levy Ndlovu and his peasantry neighbours usually
slaughter a goat or sheep before holding drunken and noisy parties just to
be in the festive mood. But not this past festive season.

"We can’t party as we usually do," says a frail-looking Ndlovu, speaking in
a hushed tone. "You know why we are not having our all-night gigs to
celebrate Christmas and the dawn of a new year?

"It is not because of the economic hardships but there are soldiers
patrolling the villages here . . . they don’t want any noise."

Ndlovu, pleading with this reporter not to blow his cover, points westwards
where, he says, the army has established a base deep in the dense forest.

"These are abnormal times. Most villagers are terrified as we suspect we are
back to the Gukurahundi days until after the elections," the 50-year-old
villager says.

"Some villagers have been beaten up in the past few weeks by youth brigades
and the soldiers for staying out at night," he adds, referring to the heavy
presence of armed soldiers who were unleashed on the rural folk by President
Robert Mugabe’s government ostensibly to protect villagers from terrorism
and white farmers.


"We are living in fear, my son. These people seem to be out on a revenge
mission. I might be alive today but you never know about tomorrow. We saw it
during the Gukurahundi. I think it (Gukurahundi) has come in another
fashion. Only God knows if some of us are going to survive this second
coming," Ndlovu adds.

The presence of the army, according to the villagers, was noticed soon after
the deaths of ruling ZANU PF members Limukani Luphahla and Cain Nkala last

This reporter could not immediately get comment from the spokesman of the
Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) on the alleged assault and harassment of
villagers here. The ZNA public relations office said those authorised to
talk to the media were still on Christmas holiday and would only be back
next week.

But a ZNA insider, while acknowledging that some soldiers had been sent to
Lupane and other districts of Matabeleland North, said the soldiers meant no

"Our army is very professional. We are not there just to kill or harm people
but instead to protect these villagers. The army only shoots when necessary
and this is after firm orders have been given. I don’t think it’s true
speculation that our boys are shooting in the air," said the ZNA official,
denying reports from nearby Tsholotsho that some soldiers had been seen
indiscriminately firing shots into the air.

Apart from the armed soldiers, hordes of ZANU PF-trained youth brigades are
understood to be on the rampage in and around villages in Lupane, Tsholotsho
and Nkayi districts of Matabeleland North.


Most villagers who spoke to this reporter alleged that since the arrival of
armed soldiers, there had been an impromptu curfew in and around the

Themba Phulu, another villager met by this reporter hawking wild vegetables
at the dusty Lupane Business Centre along the Victoria Falls highway, openly
said the presence of the armed soldiers had brought memories of the
mid-1980s grisly activities of the Fifth Brigade here.

"We are fearing for the worst," said Phulu, 51. "The last time the armed
soldiers were here, they left a trail of destruction. People were killed
here . . . remember we were supporters of Joshua Nkomo."

Phulu, casting a glance at an approaching government car as it stopped at
the business centre, said: "We are very afraid. We pray that this election
comes now and we revert to our normal daily activities."

Political commentators and analysts say the soldiers have been deployed by
the ruling party to cow the unsophisticated villagers into abandoning the
main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), whose president Morgan
Tsvangirai is tipped to wrest power from a deeply unpopular Mugabe.

The entire Matabeleland region is a stronghold of the MDC.

In last year’s parliamentary elections, the villagers here overwhelmingly
voted for the MDC, much to the chagrin of ZANU PF which all along viewed
rural areas as its undisputed powerbase. The MDC won 21 of the 23 contested
seats in the region.

Phulu said: "The soldiers are about five kilometres from the business centre
and we dare not walk at night. They have not beaten up anyone I know but the
mere fact that they are armed and only came here after the death of Luphahla
makes us fear for the worst."

As the villagers spoke, other reports of the presence of armed soldiers and
militia were received from Tsholotsho, about 120 kms from Bulawayo, and from
Matopo, about 80 kms from Bulawayo.


Lovemore Moyo, the MDC legislator for Matobo, said: "I have heard reports
that there are soldiers in my constituency and I wonder what they are doing

Moyo, whose area suffered heavy casualties during the Gukurahundi era in
Matabeleland South, went on: "By bringing in soldiers, the government is
opening old wounds."

Abednigo Bhebhe, the MDC legislator for Nkayi who also doubles up as the
party’s vice chairman for Matabeleland North, added his voice to the growing
concern of Matabeleland’s residents over the presence of the army in the

"I saw the soldiers just before St Luke’s Hospital in the bushes along the
Falls Highway. They were not in cars but moving in the bush while others sat
under shadows of trees. I saw them with my own eyes," Bhebhe said, noting
that rural Matabeleand is teeming with ZANU PF’s militant war veterans and
state security agents.

"We have also heard of their presence in my constituency in Nkayi but I have
not seen them there as I am afraid of venturing into the area because the
war veterans are after my head," he said.

Personnel at the Catholic-run mission hospital nearby were mum when asked
about the activities of the army in the area.

Bhekithemba Sibindi, a political analyst based in Matabeleland, said
villagers in the region had been struck with fear. "This is sheer
intimidation by ZANU PF, " he said.

"Mugabe is running scared but he has nowhere to hide. People have learnt and
cannot be intimidated by these soldiers who also don’t want him anymore.
People are clamouring for change."

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Anger over urban terror

Staff Reporter
1/4/02 2:39:02 AM (GMT +2)

HUMAN rights and civic bodies, lawyers and ordinary Zimbabweans this week
roundly condemned a fresh wave of terror unleashed on urban areas by ruling
ZANU PF party militias.

Days after President Robert Mugabe called on his ZANU PF party during its
annual conference last month to wage a "real war" against the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), the militias have descended on
residential areas in Harare and other urban centres hunting down MDC leaders
and terrorising residents willy-nilly.

The human rights and civic groups said the violence being perpetrated by
youths ostensibly on national service was yet another tactic by Mugabe to
try to intimidate the opposition’s urban power base ahead of presidential
elections in March.

Most analysts say Mugabe is likely to lose the election to the MDC’s Morgan
Tsvangirai if the presidential ballot is peaceful, free and fair.

Zimbabwe Human Rights Association director Munyaradzi Bidi said the violence
by the youths trained by the government ostensibly for national service was
an attempt to recreate a culture of fear among Zimbabweans.

"This is a deliberate to re-establish a culture of fear and intimidation in
the electorate in the urban centres before the presidential election," he

Violence by marauding bands of self-styled war veterans has so far kept
rural areas and commercial farms largely a no-go area for the opposition.
The same mobs briefly raided companies and factories last year before
several countries, notably South Africa, threatened to close some of their
businesses in Zimbabwe.

Constitutional law expert and head of the National Constitutional Assembly
(NCA) Lovemore Madhuku said members of his organisation in Harare’s
high-density suburbs of Mbare and Mbvuku had also been attacked by the ZANU
PF militia in the past two weeks.

"The motive is simply to intimidate people and make sure they do not vote.
But this is a stupid strategy which will not work," Madhuku, whose NCA is
campaigning for a new democratic constitution for Zimbabwe, told the
Financial Gazette.

Several residents interviewed by this newspaper in the Harare suburbs of
Budiriro, Mabvuku, Glenview, Kuwadzana, Mbare Warren Park and Epworth told
of how police officers stood by while the mobs clad in green military
fatigues wreaked havoc by beating up defenceless women and children.

The youths are often ferried from place to place in buses or sometimes in
vehicles bearing government number plates.

Police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena however insisted that the police had moved
in to control the violence. He said the police had so far arrested six
youths in connection with the political violence.

He could not deny or confirm whether the youths were part of the youths
undergoing national service at the so-called Border Gezi Training centre in
the ZANU PF stronghold of Mashonaland central province.

"So far we have arrested six people and our investigations so far indicate
that the attacks are politically-motivated," he said.

Most of the residents interviewed, many of whom vowed the attacks would not
change their allegiance, were adamant that the militia belonged to ZANU PF.

" It is not a crime to chose a political party of your choice. What they are
doing is like forcing a donkey to drink water and we would like to see if
they will succeed," said one Harare resident, Nesbert Muchemenyi.

Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace director Tarcissius Zimbiti said:
"This is an attempt by politicians to force voters to vote for ZANU PF. We
are now having cases of people being forced to buy the party’s cards for the
sake of their own security."

The youths have repeatedly clashed with Harare residents, some of whom have
retaliated, in the past two weeks. Property worth hundreds of thousands of
dollars has been destroyed by the rampaging mobs.

Another Harare resident said: "Zimbabweans have tolerated too much
officially sanctioned violence for too long. If these attacks by these
militia don’t stop immediately, the people will have no choice but to give
them the same medicine. We cannot go on like this any longer."

At least 40 people, most of them opposition followers, were killed by ZANU
PF supporters in the run-up to Zimbabwe’s parliamentary elections last year
narrowly won by the ruling party.

Analysts say ZANU PF would have lost the polls had it not resorted to the
violence, which they say the party has now launched again before the
presidential ballot.

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Mugabe approves 100% pay hike for armed forces

Staff Reporter
1/4/02 2:37:56 AM (GMT +2)

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe, who is the commander-in-chief of Zimbabwe’s defence
forces, personally sanctioned a whopping 100 percent pay increase for all
uniformed forces this year, authoritative official sources said this week.

The salary hike for the uniformed forces was not handled by the Public
Service Commission, which deals with salaries of the rest of the public

The sources said the decision to double the salaries of the uniformed
forces — the increase takes effect this month — was reached at a Joint
Operation Command meeting held in November last year chaired by Mugabe.

The ministers of defence, state security and home affairs also attended the
meeting, which draws in Zimbabwe Defence Forces Commander Vitalis
Zvinavashe, army chief Constantine Chiwenga, air force commander Perence
Shiri, police head Augustine Chihuri and Central Intelligence Organisation
(CIO) boss Elisha Muzonzini.

Those to benefit from the pay increase are members of the army and the
airforce and of the police and prison services. It could not be ascertained
this week whether the spy CIO had benefited from the hike but sources said
they believed they were.

Members of the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans’ Association, who
are now controlled by the Ministry of Defence, will also have their monthly
allowances hiked by 100 percent.

"All the uniformed forces in essence have been given a 100 percent salary
hike," a Ministry of Finance official told the Financial Gazette this week.

Other official sources said the pay increase was meant to lift morale within
the defence forces, who have for years complained of low salaries and poor
working conditions and accommodation.

The sources said the latest pay rise for the uniformed forces is their
highest in post-independent Zimbabwe.

The rest of the workers in the public service will be awarded a paltry 55
percent pay increase this year, far below Zimbabwe’s annual November
inflation of 103.8 percent.

In the 2002 budget, the salary bill for the Zimbabwe National Army was hiked
to $12.6 billion from $6.7 billion in 2001 while that of the Zimbabwe
Republic Police surged from $3.9 billion to $8.8 billion.

The salary budget for the air force was raised from $837 million in 2001 to
$3 billion in 2002 while that of the prison service is now pegged at $2.6
billion from $790 million in 2001.

Political analysts say the timing of the pay rise is a calculated effort by
Mugabe to buy the loyalty of the uniformed forces ahead of a crucial
presidential poll in March which most analysts and opinion polls indicate he
is likely to lose.

"This is a clear move to keep the loyalty of the armed forces ahead of the
coming presidential election," Brian Raftopolous, a researcher at the
Zimbabwe Institute of Development Studies, told the Financial Gazette.

Mugabe faces the stiffest challenge of his political career from opposition
Movement for Democratic Change leader Morgan Tsvangirai in that ballot.

Masipula Sithole, Zimbabwe’s leading political commentator, said a desperate
Mugabe did not want to leave anything to chance.

"It is a clear sign of buying loyalty of the armed forces ahead of the
election— that is the motive for granting this huge salary increase," he

The top brass of the Zimbabwe’s armed forces is packed with ZANU PF

Chihuri has openly stated that he is a staunch member and supporter of
Mugabe’s ruling ZANU PF, a declaration which runs counter to the provisions
of the Police Act.

The MDC has said professionals in the uniformed services who are willing to
impartially serve Zimbabweans will be retained should Tsvangirai win the

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Govt pleads for US$100m urgent food assistance

Staff Reporter
1/4/02 2:36:56 AM (GMT +2)

THE Zimbabwe government has requested emergency food aid worth more than
US$100 million from the international community to feed more than two
million Zimbabweans it says face starvation in the next few weeks, it was
learnt this week.

In an appeal to the United Nations (UN) for help made in mid-October last
year, the government — which had continued to falsely insist in public that
there would be no food shortages — indicated it had wanted the aid shipped
into the country last month.

Labour and Social Welfare Minister July Moyo and Agriculture Minister Joseph
Made could not be reached for comment on the issue by the time of going to
print last night.

Made was said to be busy attending meetings outside his office yesterday
while Moyo was said to be off from work.

UN resident coordinator in Harare Victor Angelo told the Financial Gazette
the government had formally asked the UN to organise a massive maize
importation programme worth US$103 408 450 million.

Initially the government had put the figure of people requiring aid at 4 058
943 or about a third of Zimbabwe’s population of 12 million. The figure was
finally reduced to 2 500 000 after consultations between the government and
the UN team, Angelo said this week.

While the maize to be bought under the US$100 million maize importation
programme will be used to replenish depleted national stocks so that
Zimbabweans with purchasing power can access it, the government has also
asked for a further Z$7 billion worth of food assistance to be distributed
free of charge to poor and vulnerable groups such as children, women and the

Of that Z$7 billion worth of free food handouts, the government has
indicated that it will chip in with aid worth Z$3.2 billion.

Violent farm invasions by government supporters which have disrupted
agriculture, plus an erratic 2000/2001 rainy season, have been blamed for
the food crisis in Zimbabwe, which only a few years ago was a major regional
exporter of food.

Angelo, who on receiving the government’s appeal immediately organised a
meeting last November between Moyo and Finance Minister Simba Makoni for
them to explain their case directly to the international community, said the
response by donors had been so far encouraging.

President Robert Mugabe and his government have alienated themselves from
the rest of the international community because of their controversial
policies and failure to uphold the rule of law and democracy.

The United States government has already imposed sanctions on Mugabe and his
administration for their refusal to uphold human rights and guarantee a free
and fair presidential election in March.

Angelo said donors had only put one condition on their assistance ¾ that the
food aid be distributed through transparent and non-partisan channels such
as churches, non-governmental organisations, local associations and

The government had all along insisted that it would not allow local and
international non-governmental bodies to distribute food to hungry
Zimbabweans, saying they would use the opportunity to campaign for
opposition Movement for Democratic Change leader Morgan Tsvangirai.

Analysts say Tsvangirai, whose party weathered unprecedented political
violence by ruling ZANU PF supporters to lose the 2000 parliamentary ballot
by only four seats, could easily defeat Mugabe in a free and fair
presidential ballot.

Besides backtracking to allow non-governmental agencies to help distribute
food relief, the government also agreed in writing that World Food Programme
staff who will be stationed in all districts across the country to supervise
the food aid will be protected from ruling party militias and their
self-styled war veterans terrorising rural areas.

Besides the food, the UN will provide vital drugs and medicines to sick
Zimbabweans as well as help rebuild infrastructure destroyed by Cyclone
Eline two years ago.

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ZIMBABWE: WFP emergency operation delayed

JOHANNESBURG, 3 January (IRIN) - Poor donor responses have delayed the launch of a World Food Programme (WFP) emergency feeding operation in Zimbabwe.

With more than 550,000 Zimbabweans considered to be at risk of hunger and starvation, WFP launched an appeal in December for US $60 million to buy about 117 mt of food. It was hoped that food distributions would be under way, with the help of local non-governmental organisations, by the beginning of January.

WFP deputy regional director Nicholas Siwingwa told IRIN on Thursday that "responses have been extremely slow". He said WFP had already purchased about 5,200 mt of maize meal from suppliers in South Africa and hoped to begin distributing the food by the beginning of February - more than a month late.

However, it is clear that unless more contributions are received soon, the feeding operation could fail to reach those in need. A combination of flooding, drought, severe disruptions on farms and a shortage of foreign currency have caused food shortages in the country. The government has ordered about 150,000 mt of maize from South Africa for its commercial market, but will have to import much more to replenish its reserves.

"The initial parcel we are purchasing in South Africa is coming from our own standby facilities so that we can at least start off the emergency operation, which will require roughly about 10,000 mt of food a month. The more we delay, the more we will be putting many lives in danger ... We need these food resources very urgently. If we don't get this food now, we will begin to see very stressful situations in the areas where we want to begin this operation," Siwingwa said.

"We are now in January. This is normally the lean season. The harvest is not expected until about April or May and we are already receiving a lot of information to the effect that food security is worsening the rural areas of Matabeleland North and South. We are actually making very urgent appeals to our donors to contribute so we are able to launch this operation as soon as possible," he added.

When the appeal was launched in December, WFP regional director Judith Lewis appealed to the donor community for cash contributions, saying that this would help secure food stocks rapidly and locally. It takes about three months from the time a donor pledges money towards an appeal to the time food is purchased, transported and distributed to the needy.

She said at the time that WFP believed that a complex emergency was developing in Zimbabwe, with a "variety of serious problems which when added up, gravely threaten the lives of hundreds of thousands of people". WFP said in a statement that already many Zimbabweans were averaging only one meal a day, or were going without food for the entire day.

What little grain many rural families managed to harvest last year was consumed long ago and their ability to buy food on the market was hindered by increasingly high prices, and limited opportunities to either earn cash through casual labour, or receive money from family or friends who worked in urban areas or in South Africa, the statement had said.

On Thursday Siwingwa said that the 116,651 mt of food the agency was looking for comprised of cereals, vegetable oil, pulses, corn soya blend and ground nuts. He said contributions in kind would be welcome too as they could be more rapidly transported and distributed.

The operation was expected to target the most vulnerable, including female-headed households, the terminally ill without support, households with low food crop harvests and households without any income.

While some believe the sluggish donor response to the WFP appeal is a result of the crisis facing Afghanistan, one diplomatic source said it was also possible that donors were concerned about political developments in Zimbabwe, especially since campaigning for the presidential elections in March has already been marred by violence.

Many local non-governmental organisations voiced concern about a month ago that food aid could be used as a political tool by the government in the run-up to the presidential polls. President Robert Mugabe, facing the stiffest opposition he's had since assuming power in 1980, will contest the election.

Meanwhile, according to a report in the state-controlled Herald, the government has finally put in place mechanisms for the importation of about 150,000 mt of maize from South Africa. The report said that the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) had cancelled a tender awarded earlier amid debate over whether going to tender was necessary given the strategic importance of maize and wheat - both controlled products, with GMB being the sole buyer.

"The bottom line is that we are talking about a strategic interest which should supersede everything else. Accordingly, it should be prudent for the GMB to import maize in its own right as a national interest. This should reduce overhead costs and minimise the risk of sabotage," an unnamed government official was quoted as saying.

GMB acting general manager Joan Mutukwa told the newspaper that maize imports were being finalised, but that more details would be released soon.

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In this mailing:

1. Zanu PF mob destroy MDC official’s house
2. Bindura Police arrest MDC provincial chairperson
3. Moffat Soko Chivaura still missing
4. Zanu seeks to frame the MDC
5. Harare elections must not be delayed

Zanu PF mob destroy MDC official’s house

A Zanu PF mob led by militias from the Border Gezi Training Camp today at
10am attacked the house belonging to MDC losing candidate for Mutoko South
Derrick Mzira in Glen Norah and destroyed property worth well over $500 000.

The mob of at least 50 rowdy youths who were wielding axes, knobkerries and
stones destroyed household property, which included a television set,
refrigerator, VCR, radio and two display units, beds and wardrobes.  The
thugs also looted foodstuffs belonging to the Mzira family. The attack was
unprovoked and adds to the growing list of acts of Zanu PF thuggery and
murder against the MDC.

Bindura Police arrest MDC provincial chairperson

MDC provincial chairperson for Mashonaland Central, Tapera Macheka and about
10 other MDC youths were arrested in Bindura.  They were rounded up between
3am and 5am this morning.  Some of the party youths were guarding the house
and property of Aniko Chikuwanyanga.  Chikuwanyanga is Trymore Midzi father.
Midzi is the former MDC vice-chairman for Bindura district who was killed by
Zanu PF supporters on Saturday 29 December 2001.

In less than ten days, four MDC members have been killed in cold blood by
Zanu PF thugs with the aid of graduates from the Border Gezi Training
Centre.  Moffat Soko Chivaura is feared dead after failing to escape from
axe-wielding Zanu PF supporters.  The police have not arrested anyone.  They
say they are still investigating.  They have instead arrested mourning MDC
supporters.  This flies in the face of morality.

The MDC demands justice.  We want peace.  We condemn violence and call upon
all those entrusted with maintaining peace and order to see to it that
justice is done.  One day justice will come, if not from the law of the land
then from God himself.

Moffat Soko Chivaura still missing

Moffat Soko Chivaura, who went missing on Saturday 29 December 2001 has
still not been found.  Chivaura had accompanied Aniko Chikuwanyanga (Midzi’s
father) to Trymore Midzi’s grave to perform some family rites when they were
attacked by Zanu PF supporters.  Midzi had died at the Avenues Clinic in
Harare after an attack by Zanu PF supporters and the products of the Border
Gezi Youth Training Centre.

Chikuwanyanga and some family members who included Chivaura were attacked at
the cemetery in Bindura by Zanu PF supporters wielding hoes, knobkerries and
machetes.  All the family members managed to escape except Chivaura who is
in his early 50’s.  This incident was reported at Chiwaridzo Police Station
but up to now we have not found Chivaura.  An Assistant Inspector known only
as Tsohwe continues to insist that they have handed over the matter to CID
public Order Bindura.  The police there say we should contact
Officer-in-Charge CID Bindura, Mr Tsvarai.  In short, the police are evasive
and generally unhelpful.

We would like to urge the police to resist the unprofessional interference
that is giving the hard working force a bad name.  We unreservedly condemn
violence, and remind the people of Zimbabwe that one day justice will come.

Zanu PF seeks to frame MDC

We have received information from our intelligence unit that, having been
exposed for the violent thugs that they are, Zanu PF has now hatched a plan
to give its supporters MDC t-shirts to continue with their violent campaign.

This is meant to give the impression that MDC supporters are violent and use
this as a pretext for cracking down on the party.  We understand that these
Zanu PF thugs will move around townships assaulting people and chanting MDC

We have been informed that those involved in the planning of these violent
acts include the following individuals only identified as Machisi, Banda and
Kuchele.  We understand that these individuals are in the Zanu PF Harare

The MDC calls on the police to arrest all perpetrators of violence without
fear or favour.  People are being assaulted daily by Zanu PF thugs while the
police maintain a business-as-usual attitude.

The MDC unreservedly condemns all acts of violence. Under an MDC government,
no one will be above the law.  Most importantly, no one will be persecuted
for belonging to a political party of their choice.

Harare Elections must not be delayed

We note that the government has re-appointed the Harare Commission today.
While the legality of this move is questionable, government argues that it
is necessary to ensure the continued functioning of the city.

The Supreme Court has shown that the government acted illegally in its
failure to hold Harare elections for two years.  It has set a deadline and
said that mayoral elections must be held by 11 February.  The Registrar
General’s office assures us that they are busy making the necessary
preparations for this election, but only time will tell.

Given the timeline set forth in the Urban Councils Act, the election date
must be announced by 13 January.  Thus we await that day to confirm the
actions and intentions of the government.  We hope that the ruling party has
for a change decided to live by the laws of this country.

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Daily News

Defections hit Zanu PF

1/3/02 2:29:02 PM (GMT +2)

By Collin Chiwanza

ANGRY Zanu PF supporters in Harare's Kuwadzana Extension suburb, outraged by
attacks on their houses by Zanu PF militia, on Monday afternoon said they
had cut off ties with the party and joined the MDC.

The supporters also criticised Judith Makwanya, a reporter with the Zimbabwe
Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC), for what they said was a "blatantly false
report which shamelessly sought to blame the MDC for the chaos".
One supporter, an elderly woman, said: "All along we have been campaigning
for Zanu PF here in Kuwadzana. We were trying to convince people to vote for
Zanu PF, but we are now at a loss for words. Zanu PF has de-campaigned
itself and they should not blame anyone because they are definitely going to
lose this election. We will vote for the MDC." The residents, numbering more
than 20, said they would demand a public apology from Zanu PF for the

They said they wanted their houses repaired urgently by Zanu PF. Michael
Chitura, another angry Zanu PF supporter, said: "We were busy campaigning
for Zanu PF, but they have destroyed our houses. How can they attack the
very people who are supposed to vote for them? We know that the people who
destroyed our houses are Zanu PF members and no amount of lies can ever
change the truth that we all know." The residents said until Zanu PF youths
descended on their properties, supporters of both parties co-existed
peacefully and had even set up soccer teams.

The MP for Kuwadzana, Learnmore Jongwe of the MDC, said yesterday the ZBC
report on the terror in his constituency was disturbing. He said: "The
people of Kuwadzana are extremely disturbed by the manner in which the ZBC
elected to report acts of barbarism perpetrated by Zanu PF hoodlums." Jongwe
said the ZBC reporter unsuccessfully attempted to imply that it may have
been the MDC which was involved "in this madness". "However, the ZBC
unwittingly gave itself away by describing the perpetrators as unknown
assailants. Zimbabweans now know that in the vocabulary of the
government-controlled media, the phrase 'unknown assailants' refers to Zanu
PF militia," the MP said.

He said Zanu PF's terror campaign would not stop the tide of change that had
gripped the people of Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwe United Passenger Company
(Zupco) on Monday confirmed that Zanu PF had hired five of its buses. The
youths were transported in the Zupco buses while four trucks carried members
of the Zanu PF militia to Kuwadzana Extension to terrorise the residents.
They looted property worth millions of dollars in an orgy that lasted for
about four hours.

Daily News - Feature

Desperate Zanu PF digging its own grave

1/3/02 2:53:16 PM (GMT +2)

A View from Matopos

THE Zanu PF Victoria Falls conference last month endorsed the candidacy of
77-year-old President Mugabe in the March 2002 presidential election.

That was expected of course and, in fact, there was little use, if any at
all, to do so because there was no rival candidate.
What was of much interest to the people of Zimbabwe were other matters
discussed and decided by the gathering.
These included land distribution, national security (terrorism), the need to
revive the national economy, and the state in which Zanu PF currently finds
itself. Much has been said about the land issue, but it is obvious that Zanu
PF would like to be regarded as the one and only champion of the
repossession of land from the white community and for equitably
redistributing it among the disadvantaged black majority.

For the sake of emphasis and for the record, we should all remember that the
armed liberation war was basically a struggle against the grossly unfair
laws of Rhodesia on land. That is a historical fact. What a large number of
both local and foreign people criticise about the Zanu PF land distribution
programme is the disorderly way in which it is being carried out. According
to Zimbabwean tradition, chiefs are the custodians of land. It is they who
should compile a list of names of people to be resettled in close liaison
with various district administration officials to demarcate land for
resettlement in their respective areas. The current land-grab exercise can
be linked to the 2000 referendum on the draft constitution, which the people
roundly rejected. In a vengeful spirit, President Mugabe then launched the
land-grab exercise using some liberation war veterans and some Zanu PF

The country's legal system was trampled under-foot, the reason given being
that when the white settlers led by Cecil John Rhodes seized the country
from our ancestors in the early 1890s, they did not respect our ancestors
and the laws of the land.
But for our part, we violated our own laws and constitutional provisions not
because it was necessary, but because it was politically expedient to do so.
It is this political expediency that is being referred to by some observers
as "politicisation" of the Zimbabwe land issue by Zanu PF.

The haphazard manner in which the national asset is being currently grabbed
and distributed will have extremely negative socio-political and economic
repercussions when the current population trebles. By then there will be no
Zanu PF or war veterans to explain what happened and why. Such inevitable
negative repercussions could be averted if only Zimbabwe's leaders could
calmly debate the issue instead of using outdated confrontational methods.
It is most unfortunate that in Zimbabwe, national leaders representing
various groups do not debate issues peacefully, but use primitive methods.

If everybody adopted such chicanery to our national issues, there would be
utter chaos in this country. And that brings us to national security, what
Zanu PF now calls terrorism. I, for one, do not understand how Zanu PF can
seriously expect the people of Zimbabwe to take it seriously on this matter
after its functionaries killed at least 35 people during the June 2000
election. Could it be that Zanu PF members are honestly unaware that the
police are under the order of senior Zanu PF leaders not to act
professionally by
protecting all the people of Zimbabwe against political violence from any
source except the MDC? If there is terrorism in this country it is, without
any doubt, brewed by Zanu PF as part of its electioneering campaign. At the
Victoria Falls conference, President Mugabe put it very clearly when he said
delegates should henceforth regard themselves as soldiers.

He said they must make sure on their return to their respective provinces
that "the trajectory of the bullet is always straight".
These words, by a head of state, to a large gathering comprising former
guerrillas some of whom are obvious Zanu PF fanatics, can generate nothing
but terror against those perceived to be "enemies".

The words were not anti- but pro-terrorism. In any case, it is irresponsible
to call one's political rivals enemies, a term always used by Zanu PF
leaders to refer to their political opponents. The word "enemy" has war
connotations, and war is associated with physical injuries, blood and death;
all those are results of violence and terror. It would be so much better to
use the word kwikwidzana (contest or competition) than enemy. It has also
been said before, and let it be said over and over again that Zanu PF's loss
of popularity is deeply rooted in the economic decline of Zimbabwe. That
decline is characterised by two factors: one is inflation now hovering at a
choking 103 percent, and the other is unemployment, presently standing at an
alarming 70 percent.
If Zanu PF realistically wants electoral support in the country, the best
way to do so is to generate jobs.

Unemployment in Zimbabwe needs must be dealt with by analysing
administrative units such as districts, identifying their strengths,
weaknesses, opportunities, as well as possible threats. Such a national
employment creating programme, had it been carried out before the 2000
constitutional referendum, could have most likely saved Zanu PF from its
failures. As it is now, the recent Chegutu MDC mayoral election victory was
an indication of the direction and velocity of the country's political winds
of change, with or without the well known government-sanctioned
anti-opposition terror.

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Fifth Zimbabwe judge quits after Mugabe criticism

HARARE, Jan. 3 — Another senior judge has resigned from Zimbabwe's High
Court, the fifth to leave the bench after President Robert Mugabe's
government forced the head of the judiciary to quit, court officials said on
       In a letter of resignation delivered to Mugabe on Monday, Justice
David Bartlett said he would leave the High Court at the end of March.
       Bartlett was unavailable for comment, but court officials said he did
not give a reason for his resignation in the letter.
       The 49-year-old judge was appointed to the High Court in 1992. His
resignation, which coincides with the statutory retirement of Supreme Court
Judge Nicholas McNally, leaves only two white judges on the Zimbabwean
       Last year, Bartlett said the government should investigate the
circumstances under which the Speaker of Parliament Emmerson Mnangagwa, one
of Mugabe's closest associates, ordered the early release of an armed robber
while he was justice minister.
       With Bartlett, five senior judges -- three whites and two blacks --
have now left the bench in the past eight months after the government forced
Chief Justice Anthony Gubbay into early retirement for declaring Mugabe's
controversial land seizure drive illegal.
       After his forced resignation, Gubbay accused Mugabe's government of
''blatant and contemptuous disrespect of the judiciary'' and abuse of human
       The government has rejected the accusations and in turn accused
Gubbay and other judges of working to defend white minority interests.
       Mugabe replaced Gubbay as head of the country's highest court with
Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku, his political ally and a former deputy minister
in his government.
       The government has also appointed about a dozen new judges to the
High Court and Supreme Court, but denies charges that it has compromised the
independence of the judiciary.
       In December, Chidyausiku and three other newly-appointed Supreme
Court judges overturned a previous Supreme Court ruling and endorsed
Mugabe's seizures of white-owned farms as legal.
       Nine white farmers have been killed and scores of black farm workers
assaulted during the invasion of hundreds of white farms in the past 18
months by militant supporters of Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party.

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Daily News - Leader Page

Likely scenarios after the presidential poll

1/3/02 2:26:36 PM (GMT +2)

By Takura Zhangazha

THE year 2002 comes with a lot of possibilities and fears for Zimbabwean
citizens across the political divide. Naturally the most significant of
events that will shape part of Zimbabwe's future as well as give 2002 a
revered place in the history of our nation is the presidential election due
in March.

It is also this event that has split Zimbabwe into distinct political camps:
those that want a change in government leaders and those that desire to
maintain the status quo. These two camps are manifest in the contest between
the ruling Zanu PF and the opposition MDC. Because both parties not only
want to win but claim that they will win the election, it becomes the right
of the ordinary citizen to try and find out what is most likely to be the
political situation in Zimbabwe after the presidential election where Zanu
PF or the MDC wins.

This can be done by examining two scenarios, the first being possible events
if Zanu PF wins, the second being possible events if the MDC wins. In the
first scenario where we hypothesise a Zanu PF victory, it is most likely
that the first thing that the newly mandated Mugabe government will do is to
call for an acceptance of the results and ask the opposition to put
differences aside in order to work to build Zimbabwe. It will, however, not
form a government of national unity. Instead, it will, while offering the
usual hand of reconciliation to the opposition, embark on a "we-told-you-so"
campaign in the international community as well as with the urban

The urban voters will, however, be subject to the arbitrary beatings by the
army and police that have been occurring in bars and major shopping centres
in the high-density suburbs, while the rural electorate will be revered for
its endurance against the "forces of imperialism and terrorism". The only
exception to extolling the peasantry will be the rural constituencies in
Matabeleland. They might face a repeat of the Gukurahundi period where there
will be a heavy army presence under the lame excuse of fighting terrorism.

In this same scenario, the war veterans will become much more powerful and
some of them will land Cabinet posts as due reward for their relentless
efforts. Individual ministers such as Professor Jonathan Moyo and Patrick
Chinamasa will no doubt become much more powerful politicians and their
influence within the ruling party will range far and wide because they will
be perceived as among the chief architects of the victory.

The land reform programme will be slowed down because the sense of urgency
will have been satisfied by the electoral victory and the Joint Resettlement
Initiative that was proffered by the Commercial Farmers' Union will be
followed through to the letter.
Other farmers that previously had sympathised with the opposition will flee
the country and go to South Africa, Australia and the United Kingdom for
their own personal security, while those that did not antagonise the Zanu PF
war veterans during their Third Chimurenga will still be subject to the
whims of the same persons that threatened and bribed them endlessly.

Another important aspect in this likely scenario is how the opposition will
react. The MDC will immediately declare the election fraudulent, but there
will be division as to what course of action to take to redress the unfair
state of affairs.
There will be two main possibilities that the opposition will have problems
agreeing upon, these being mass action or to take the matter to the courts
and then perhaps to the International Court of Justice in The Hague.
Our assessment is that mass action will prevail not necessarily because the
leaders will decide for it, but more because the ordinary members of the
party will take issue if there is no decisive political action.

This mass action will probably be organised along the lines of the Ivory
Coast protest where people are urged to come into the streets and claim
their victory. There will be attempts to make sure it is a sustainable form
of protest to render the country ungovernable unless the people get what
they want. The second scenario deals with the possibility of the MDC
emerging the victor.

Similarly to the ruling party, the new MDC government will call for
reconciliation but, unlike the ruling party, will probably go further and
seek to form a government of national unity. Most likely to feature in this
government of national unity as Cabinet ministers are Dr Simba Makoni and Dr
Eddison Zvobgo.

The opposition, however, will also ensure some form of atonement for the
murders and atrocities during the June 2000 and March 2002 elections will be
carried out in a form similar to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of
South Africa.
It is a reasonable possibility that the MDC government will declare an
unofficial state of emergency in the country because of its wariness of a
militarised war veterans' body that is sympathetic to Zanu PF, as well as
the worry about the loyalty of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces and the police.

It is, however, unlikely that the army will resort to a coup d'etat because
most of the leading officers in the army realise that it would be nigh
impossible for a military government to exist in the Southern African
Development Community (Sadc) region without some military reaction from
Mozambique and South Africa under the Sadc Organ on Politics, Security and
Defence now chaired by President Joaquim Chissano.

It will also undertake a significant reshuffle of the Central Intelligence
Organisation because of the natural suspicion that has grown between the two
bodies since the murder of Patrick Nabanyama and Cain Nkala. It is also in
this vein that the MDC will not immediately repeal repressive laws that are
in effect at the present moment and at that time. They will keep them in
order to maintain control over the running of the country during the
transition period and will not hesitate to use these laws where it deems
necessary. The rural electorate will react with initial fear at this news
because of the threats that will have been issued by war veterans and Zanu
PF supporters of what will happen in the event of an MDC victory.

The war veterans will call for a mass uprising along the lines of a
guerrilla war, but the army will be reluctant to back such a move if not for
political reasons, then for the problem with the logistics of supplies and
mobility of such an undertaking.
Overall, these two scenarios are fairly strong possibilities come March
2002. But there is still room for non-preferable situations to be avoided by
those that intend to govern. The citizens of Zimbabwe should, however, brace
for various possibilities and thus be able to rise to the challenges that
will confront them no matter who wins the mandate to become Zimbabwe's next

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Annual money supply growth surges to 84%

1/4/02 1:41:01 AM (GMT +2)

ZIMBABWE’S annual broad money supply (M3) growth surged to 83.5 percent in
September but analysts expected it to top 100 percent by the end of last
month as the government continues to borrow heavily from the domestic

According to statistics released this week by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
(RBZ), September’s M3 growth rose four percentage points from 79.5 percent
in August, underpinned by a staggering 124.3 percent and 53.6 percent
increases in narrow and quasi-money respectively.

Narrow money or M1 comprises notes and coins in circulation, plus demand
deposits, while quasi-money refers to instruments that act as a store of
value but are not immediately acceptable as a medium of exchange.

These include savings accounts, money market investments and building
society deposits.

"Growth in narrow money emanated from increases in demand deposits of $45
094 million and notes and coin in circulation and notes and coin in
circulation of $12 178 million," the RBZ said in its Monthly Review for
October 2001.

Deposits with maturities below 30 days shot up by $3.2 billion to $27
billion, largely due to increases of $3.9 billion and $835.3 million at
commercial banks and finance houses.

Net credit to the government rose by $53.6 billion, largely from commercial
banks, which lent Treasury over $32.5 billion during September and the RBZ
overdraft facility whose outstanding balance stood at $17.7 billion.

Analysts have already warned that Zimbabwe’s money supply growth could hit
100 percent by the end of December 2001 and the upward trend would continue
this year unless the government drastically reduced its borrowing from the
domestic sector.

"The underlying factor is that government has resorted to domestic borrowing
to fund its domestic debt and this fuels the growth in money supply," said
economist Witness Chinyama.

"It will continue to rise because the government has no other sources to
finance its budget deficit."

Finance Minister Simba Makoni has already said he will borrow more than $138
billion from the domestic market this year to finance the budget deficit.

Makoni has budgeted to spend $390 billion in 2002 but anticipates to raise
about $251 billion in revenues.

Analysts say Makoni is overly optimistic in his revenue projections because
the Treasury has in the past few years dismally failed to meet its targets.

Zimbabwe’s gross domestic product (GDP) — the sum of goods and services
produced by the country annually — is officially forecast to decline by 5.3
percent this year, which means Makoni will have a smaller base from which to
raise revenue.

Most analysts see Zimbabwe’s GDP in 2002 falling by as much as 10 percent
versus a decline of nearly eight percent last year. — Staff Reporter

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FinGaz - Comment

Merchants of death unleashed on nation

1/4/02 2:08:34 AM (GMT +2)

FOUR officials of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) were
murdered in cold blood in just one week before New Year, sending a clear
signal to Zimbabweans of what to expect ahead of the landmark March
presidential election.

Earlier, two members of the ruling ZANU PF party were killed in Matabeleland
and just as the year closed, another was reported murdered in Chipinge.

The murder of these innocents, whatever the provocation, cannot and must not
be tolerated, coming as they do in addition to the deaths of more than 40
other Zimbabweans killed in the run-up to the 2000 parliamentary ballot.

The merchants of death who have once again been unleashed on Zimbabweans
must be stopped at once by those whose duty it is to keep law and order.

With the country’s political temperature rising dangerously because of these
callous killings, we are most disturbed that the police force has not acted
firmly against clearly identifiable gangs who have been terrorising some
Harare residents in the past two weeks.

Mobs clad in fading green military fatigues issued only to those who have
been trained by ZANU PF under the guise of a national youth service have
descended upon Harare residents in Budiriro, Kuwadzana and Mabvuku with

They have viciously assaulted innocent people going about their daily
business, ordering some to shout slogans of the ruling party and forcing
others to attend the party’s meetings in violence meant to test the people’s

During the attacks in which valuable property was also destroyed, witnesses
reported that the police force either did nothing or responded too late
after the mobs had disappeared.

In fact in one instance during the attack on Budiriro two weeks ago, some
members of the public who retaliated against the gangsters were reportedly

While members of the public cannot and should not be allowed to take the law
into their own hands, it is imperative that the police force, which is paid
by long-suffering Zimbabweans, always intervenes swiftly on the side of the

The police’s failure for whatever reason to act with speed in the face of
this undeclared war against innocent Zimbabweans can only lead to much worse
violence and even loss of life as the public acts to protect itself from
organised chaos.

It is crucial that Zimbabwe’s police, already widely accused of favouring
ZANU PF and of implementing selective justice that targets MDC members, does
all in its power and more during the run-up to the presidential ballot to
ensure that this perception is corrected without delay or risk having a
serious public backlash.

The police must act without fear or favour against anyone found to be on the
wrong side of the law, more so against common thugs who have been hired
solely to instil terror in those who hold different political views.

Zimbabwe’s political landscape is already too uneven ahead of such a crucial
ballot because it has been deliberately made to favour the ruling party, and
the police — as an impartial force — cannot afford to be seen to be
exacerbating this outrage.

Indeed, it is difficult to see how a free and fair election can be held when
innocent people are being tortured, raped and killed for their views every
other week while no visible action is being taken against offenders.

Add to this the state media’s total news blackout on activities of the MDC
except when trashing the party, it becomes clear even to the blind that the
upcoming poll can only be a sham, whose result is likely to be rejected by
both Zimbabweans and the international community.

As a start, the police force must therefore get its act together rapidly,
otherwise it will be difficult and immoral to blame innocent Zimbabweans who
only respond to physical attacks by protecting themselves by whatever means
they have.

In other words, either the police force acts and is seen to be acting
against these hired agents of death and violence or the citizens themselves
will be forced to do so, with ghastly consequences for a country already on
the brink.
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Presidential election is being rigged: activist

Staff Reporter
1/4/02 2:53:40 AM (GMT +2)

MUTARE —A member of the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN), an
umbrella group for 40 civic bodies campaigning for free and fair elections,
says the government is rigging the March presidential ballot by preventing
millions of Zimbabweans from voting.

Elijah Chiwota, a ZESN representative from the Popular Education Network,
said civic bodies are dismayed by the government’s new demand that voters
should produce proof of residence or that they have credit accounts with
service providers before being registered.

"Some of these conditions given by the government make it appear like the
elections are being rigged before they are even conducted," he told a ZESN
camapign meeting held in this eastern border city.

"More than 55 percent of Zimbabweans are unemployed so how can they have
credit accounts for them to register to vote? The elections are being rigged
before they are conducted," he said.

Chiwota said election rules and standards adopted by the Southern Africa
Development Community and Zimbabwe had been trashed by the Zimbabwe
government, putting in serious doubt the credibility of the upcoming
presidential vote.

"Under these norms, an independent electoral commission is one of the
minimum conditions for a free and fair election, but here it is not even
there. Our Electoral Supervisory Commission is not even qualified to do this
job," he said.

Chiwota said every Zimbabwean had the responsibility to ensure that the
country is run in a manner that benefits the majority.

"When leaders behave as if they are running military regimes, it is the duty
of civil society to stop them. The role of civil society is to be involved
in issues that affect their lives and one way of doing this is through
voting," he said.

Catholic Bishop Patrick Mutume, who also spoke during the meeting, said:
"Voter education is not only about elections but about how to make civil
society aware that those elected are not masters but servants, and a servant
is not greater than his master.

"It is therefore important that voters are not only educated that they
should vote, but also that they should follow up on those people they elect
to see if they are implementing their promises."

The ZESN has rejected a government ban on civic bodies conducting voter
education by embarking on a nationwide campaign to educate voters on their

Mutume, a member of the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace, spoke
strongly against the government’s reluctance to make the presidential poll
easily accessible to Zimbabweans.

"People should be able to vote because it is through voting that their
wishes can be known. Sloganeering does not produce results," he said.

"Twenty-one years after independence and after giving people education,
people can no longer be spoon-fed. Tying to think for them and telling them
what to do will only serve to make them angry and this type of politics does
not work in a civilised society."

He added: "If civil society asks for a good government, they deserve it and
they should get it. There are only two ways of changing things in your
country: it is either through taking up a gun or through the use of the
ballot paper, and we are saying do not take up the gun but use the paper
because it is there and can make things go the way you want."

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Zimbabwe among top media freedom violators

1/4/02 2:41:52 AM (GMT +2)

PARIS — Thirty-one journalists were killed in the line of duty in 2001 and
there was a sharp rise in curbs on reporting worldwide, a media watchdog
said this week.

The number of journalists jailed or attacked for their work rose
dramatically last year, the Paris-based Reporters sans Frontieres (Reporters
Without Borders) said in its annual assessment of press freedom.

The number killed was almost the same as in 2000 when the death toll was 32,
it said.

But arrests soared by almost 50 percent to 489 while threats and physical
attacks on reporters jumped around 40 percent to 716.

"More and more journalists are in jail across the world," the group said in
a statement. "There are currently 110 behind bars. Whereas this number had
steadily decreased since 1995, it suddenly started rising again in 2001."

The situation sharply deteriorated in states including Bangladesh, Eritrea,
Haiti, Nepal and Zimbabwe. Few countries recorded progress in granting the
media greater freedom, Reporters Without Borders said.

"Every day, a new media outlet is censored somewhere in the world and close
to a third of the global population lives in a country where there is no
freedom of the press," it added.

Asia was the most dangerous place for reporters, with 14 deaths recorded
last year. This included eight correspondents killed covering the US
military campaign in Afghanistan.

Reuters journalists Harry Burton, an Australian television cameraman, and
Azizullah Haidari, an Afghan-born photographer, both 33, were among a group
of journalists murdered by gunmen in an ambush near Kabul in November.

One journalist and eight media technicians lost their lives in the September
11 attack on the World Trade Centre in New York. Another US journalist died
from anthrax in Florida after receiving a letter laced with the bacteria.

Journalists were assassinated for what they wrote in Haiti, Colombia,
Northern Ireland, Ukraine, Spain and Yugoslavia. No reporters were killed in
Africa or the Middle East last year.

— Reuter

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Mugabe to scrap poll

By Sydney Masamvu Political Editor
1/4/02 2:35:02 AM (GMT +2)

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe is expected to use his sweeping powers next week to
postpone indefinitely Harare’s mayoral and council elections, which were
ordered to be held next month by Zimbabwe’s Supreme Court, official sources
said yesterday.

Mugabe’s expected action would follow a decision this week by Local
Government Minister Ignatius Chombo to extend by six months the tenure of
the state-appointed caretaker commission which has been running the affairs
of Harare City since 1999.

The sources said Chombo’s decision to renew the mandate of Elijah Chanakira’
s panel until June this year was in line with a plan crafted and agreed by
the Politburo — the supreme organ — of Mugabe’s ZANU PF after the Supreme
Court ruling a month ago.

The 12-member commission’s tenure had expired on Monday this week.

The Supreme Court ruled that Harare’s mayoral and municipal polls must be
held on February 11 after embittered Harare residents, represented by the
Combined Harare Residents’ Association, challenged the legality and tenure
of the hand-picked commission.

Harare has been without an elected mayor and council since 1999 when the
government sacked a ZANU PF-dominated council that was led by businessman
and party cadre Solomon Tawengwa for alleged gross mismanagement and

The sources said Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa is crafting a statutory
instrument under the Presidential (Temporary) Powers Act which Mugabe would
use to amend the Urban Councils Act and postpone the eagerly awaited ballot
in Zimbabwe’s capital.

"A statutory instrument issued under presidential powers amending the Urban
Councils Act should be released in the coming week or so which will postpone
the mayoral elections," an official in the Ministry of Justice told the
Financial Gazette yesterday.

Other sources said the government’s legal officers were already busy
cobbling up the statutory instrument that could see the municipal polls
moved to a date well after a landmark presidential ballot due in March.

In the March plebiscite, Mugabe — in power since Zimbabwe’s independence
from Britain in 1980 — faces the stiffest challenge to his autocratic rule
from Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) who enjoys massive support in all urban centres, crucially

ZANU PF has already lost three mayoral elections to the MDC this year in the
cities of Masvingo, Bulawayo and Chegutu.

The sources said ZANU PF’s leadership and Mugabe had been briefed by the
government’s spy Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) on the need to
postpone the mayoral ballot because, the CIO argued, its timing and outcome
would lift the MDC’s political momentum ahead of the presidential poll.

ZANU PF insiders said the CIO had concluded that the ruling party will lose
heavily in the Harare mayoral elections.

"The decision to postpone the elections was reached after we received
adverse intelligence reports on our projected performance," a ZANU PF
Politburo member said yesterday.

"We decided to hold the municipal elections after the presidential poll
because the outcome and campaign itself for the mayoral elections would
derail our momentum," the official added.

The Chitungwiza municipal elections which are scheduled to be held later
this month are also likely to be postponed under the proposed presidential

The sources said the government would also claim that the postponements were
necessary for the office of Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede, a ZANU PF
member, to adequately prepare for the presidential election.

The MDC yesterday blasted the extension of the tenure of the Harare
commission, saying it was a deliberate move by the government to delay the
mayoral ballot it knew it would lose.

"The people of Zimbabwe fought a war of liberation where, among other
things, they sought the right to be governed by their own elected
representatives and not to have leaders imposed on them," said Paul Themba
Nyathi, the party’s shadow minister of local government.

"The Supreme Court has shown that the government acted illegally in its
failure to hold the Harare elections for two years. We hope that the
government will, for a change, learn to live by the laws of the country," he

MDC legislator Tendai Biti said were the municipal elections to be postponed
as suggested, this would not surprise him because "it would be the usual
executive hooliganism against the judiciary", a reference to the government’
s flouting of the rule of law.

Washington has already imposed smart sanctions on Mugabe, which include
banning him and his officials from travelling to the US and freezing their
overseas assets, for their persistent refusal to restore law and order, in
suspension since 2000 when ZANU PF militants were allowed to seize farms
nationwide with Mugabe’s open approval.

The 15-nation European Union, the world’s biggest trading bloc, is expected
to take similar action shortly.

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Moyo’s law signals death of journalism

Jurist Gweta
1/4/02 1:22:59 AM (GMT +2)

"FOUR hostile newspapers are more to be feared than a thousand bayonets."

— Napoleon (1769-1821)

THE media industry is in for very hard times. This is so for the privately
owned media houses. Journalists employed by these media houses face a bleak
future. So do some aspiring journalists.

The media will never be the same again if the Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Bill is passed into law, and the prospects of such an
event are very real. This article deals with the Bill only as it relates to
the media industry.

The government has decided to "regulate" the media. Actually "regulate" is
misleading in this context. The proper word might be to "police".

In the Bill, the government has recognised journalism as a profession,
putting the calling in the same bracket as those ancient professions:
medicine, the law, etc.

But the difference between journalism and these professions is ominous. The
Minister of Health does not "regulate" the medical profession, nor does the
Minister of Justice regulate the legal profession.

The impending legislation places the media industry firmly in the hands of
Information and Publicity Minister Jonathan Moyo!

Provisions which affect journalists and their employers cornfirm what
appears on the surface to be an alarmist interpretation of the Bill.

The problem does not end there. Whatever problems the Bill will cause for
the journalists and their employers will also affect this nation at large.
Political control of the media means political control of what the public
sees and hears. The Bill is reminiscent ofthe apartheid-era Press laws such
as provisions of the Internal Security Act 1982, Newspaper Imprint
Registration Act 1971.

Establishment of media and information commission

Section 39 of the Bill establishes a media and information commission. The
commission is empowered by Section 40 to perform certain functions. For the
purpose of this article, the following powers of the commission are

lTo advise the minister on the adoption and establishment of standards and
codes relating to the operation of mass media services.

lTo receive, evaluate and consider applications for registration as a

lTo accredit journalists.

lTo monitor the media and raise user awareness of the media.

lTo register mass media services in Zimbabwe.

Appointment and composition of media and information commission

Surprisingly, the Bill does not even say what qualification a person should
possess to be eligible for appointment to the commission. It does not
provide for the number of commissioners. It does not provide for a class of
people from whom commissioners will be chosen.

The board

All one is told is that "the operations of the commission shall be
controlled and managed by a board". And in terms of Section 41(2), "the
board shall consist of no fewer than five members and not more than nine
members appointed by the minister after consultation with the President in
accordance with any directions that the President might give him".

While Section 41(3) directs one to the fifth schedule for the qualifications
for eligibility for appointment to the commission and the board, that
schedule is of no assistance whatsoever. It speaks only in the negative - of
disqualifications, that is.

The conclusion here is that it is up to the minister and the President to
handpick board members and, further, the commissioners. A board member or a
commissioner is not required by the Bill to have any semblance ofexperience
in the media industry. These are the kind of people expected to carry out
the governance of the industry!

Ownership of mass media services

Section 70 of the Bill is a drastic provision as far as media ownership is
concerned. Zimbabwean citizenship is the essential requirement for the
ownership of a mass media service.

Foreigners and stateless persons are prohibited from owning or co-owning a
mass media service. The section will put to an end any investment by
foreigners in the media industry. Any company with some members who are not
citizens of Zimbabwe is barred from owning or co-owning a mass media

One of the drastic provisions is that a person who is serving a sentence of
imprisonment cannot own or co-own a media service. The provision is wide -
it does not matter what offence the person is in jail for.

Registration of mass media service

A mass media owner can only operate as such after registering and receiving
a certificate of registration. The commission is empowered to grant or
reject applications for registration. A certificate of registration issued
in terms of Section 71 of the Bill is valid for only two years. The
commission has a discretion to renew such a certificate.

Only mass media services founded under an Act of Parliament and those giving
out free mass media products are exempt from registration.

Cancellation of a registration


A media house's registration certificate can be cancelled by the commission
at any time under Section 77.

A variety of reasons are given for such cancellation. One example is Section
77 (d), that is, if the mass media owner fails to comply with an order or
directive of the commission. As this is not enough punishment, Section 77(3)
adds that "a mass media service whose certificate of registration is
cancelled shall cease to operate forthwith and may not reapply for
registration until after the expiration of a period of two years.

It is however worth noting that the Bill does not say what happens if
persons subject to a cancellation order apply for registration under a
different name before the expiration of the two-year period.

Termination and suspension of activity

The insecurity of media houses is worsened by the commission's power to
terminate or suspend that mass media service. For example, in terms of
Section 78 (3), the commission may, upon the determination of a complaint
against any mass media service, either suspend, terminate or conserve that
mass media service.

Offences in terms of Section 79

It is an offence to operate a mass media service without a valid
registration certificate. The offence is punishable by a fine not exceeding
$1 million or to imprisonment for a period of not more than two years or to
both such fine and such imprisonment.

If the minister has reasonable grounds to believe that a mass media service
is being operated in contravention of this Act, he is empowered to seize the
media's products, for example equipment, and impound them pending the
finalisation of criminal prosecution.

This power is drastic. In some cases it can amount to punishment before a
finding of guilty by a competent court. Besides, the use of such powers by
the minister can put a company out of business for an indefinite period as
the pace of prosecutions in this country is very slow.

News agencies

News agencies are also subject to strict regulatory requirements which are
similar in substance to mass media services.



to journalists

To the question "what is a journalist?", the Bill practically leaves it up
to the minister and the commission to define. It is a sad scenario. If the
Bill is passed as it is many honest and hardworking citizens of this country
who have toiled for the industry will lose their jobs. Not because their
employers want it but because the government says so.


of journalists

Section 86 of the Bill is a minefield planted against what we have known to
be journalists. No journalist will he allowed to work in Zimbabwe without
being accredited by the commission. And it is the minister who shall
prescribe the form and the manner in which journalists should be accredited.

The commission is not obliged to accredit a journalist. It may refuse to do
so. It may accredit an applicant if it is satisfied that he has the
prescribed qualifications. But these qualifications are not defined.

No foreign citizen can be a journalist in Zimbabwe. The era of the Joseph
Winters, etc, will be over.

A journalist's accreditation certificate is not permanent. It is valid for
only one year. The commission may or may not decide to renew it.


The Bill is completely mute as to whom a mass media service, a news agency
or a journalist can turn in the event of, for example, the commission's
refusal to grant an application for registration. The commission can
terminate a media service's certificate overnight and leave the affected
party at a loss as to what to do.

It is submitted here that the only option open in such a scenario is an
application to the High Court for review. But that is no relief. Courts are
loath to set aside decisions of administrative bodies unless, for example,
it is proved that such decisions were activated by malice or gross
irregularities in procedure.


One further provision necessitates comment. Section 69 creates offences
known as "abuse of freedom of expression". One of them reads:

"denigrating, bringing into hatred or contempt or ridicule or exciting
disaffection against the President, the law enforcement agents or the
administration of justice in Zimbabwe".

Such an offence is punishable by a fine not exceeding $100 000 or to
imprisonment for a period not exceeding two years.

Clearly, this offence is meant to stifle any criticism of the President. So
much for the Bill purporting to be a protector of the freedom of expression!
The offence can even cause disaster for a newspaper just because it has
published a cartoon image of the President. This is the end of journalism as
we know it.

 Jurist Gweta is a concerned Zimbabwean

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Govt land grab targets Mukuyu winery

Staff Reporter
1/4/02 1:44:30 AM (GMT +2)

MUKUYU Estate, one of Zimbabwe’s largest wine-making farms, has been
targeted for compulsory acquisition by the government but the farm owners
this week vowed to oppose the listing of the Marondera property.

The estate, which measures more than 854.68 hectares and is registered in
the name of Willards Foods Limited, was among 267 commercial farms gazetted
for acquisition by Agriculture Minister Joseph Made on December 14 last

Willards Foods is a subsidiary of Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE)-listed
Cairns Holdings Limited.

Other properties also targeted for expropriation by the state include three
farms owned by the Anglo American Rhodesian Development Corporation Limited
in Mazoe and part of Triangle Ranch, whose owner is listed as Triangle

Cairns Holdings chief executive Philip Chigumira last week confirmed the
listing of Mukuyu Estate but said the group would contest the decision to
acquire the farm for resettlement.

"We are opposing the acquisition," he told the Financial Gazette but did not
say if the group had already approached Made over the issue.

Cairns Holdings manufactures a range of food products through its Cairns
Foods subsidiary and the winery contributes seven percent of the company’s

The decision to acquire the farm comes at a time when Cairns has been trying
to increase exports of wines and when volume sales for almost all products
has plummeted due to weak domestic demand.

"We have just become stronger in Zambia and we are working on growing our
exports regionally and internationally," Chigumira said.

The government is currently the largest single shareholder in Cairns
Holdings, with a 66.53 percent stake in the company.

The 267 farms are the latest victims of the government’s controversial land
reform programme that has so far seen more than 4 000 largely white-owned
properties being listed for compulsory acquisition.

The programme, under which the government officially wants to resettle
landless people but benefits its cronies, has disrupted activity in Zimbabwe
’s key agricultural sector.

Agriculture employs more than 350 000 workers and contributes about 15
percent of Zimbabwe’s annual gross domestic product while over 60 percent of
local industry is agro-based.

Zimbabwe’s agricultural output is estimated to have declined by 25 percent
during the 2000/01 season and the country faces deficits of 593 000 tonnes
of the staple maize, 150 000 tonnes of wheat and 11 000 tonnes of rice.

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