The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Will you be able to vote in this year's General Election?

Is your name on the Voters Roll?  Are your employees, relatives and friends
If not, you/they will not be allowed to vote - whatever happens.  Better be
safe than sorry, or "Be Prepared" as the Boy Scouts say.  Please, if you
have not registered to vote or changed your address or name to the correct
one, PLEASE, Please do so NOW!!

In Harare, you can register at Market Square (Harare District Office),
Makombe Building (next to Passport Office) or at the de-centralised
Registrar-General's offices at Mt Pleasant District Office, Mabvuku District
Office, Machipisa District Office and
one other (sorry, no detail).  You can also get your ID, register births,
deaths and marriages, register changes to your details and apply for a
passport at these offices.  Currently, there is NO QUEUE AT MT PLEASANT -
RUSH THERE if you need to register or apply!  You need your ID and proof of

We have now been informed that VOTERS ROLL INSPECTION will take place from
MONDAY 17 January to SUNDAY 30 January ONLY.  After 30 January, you will not
be able to register, or to change your details (address, married name,
etc) - so

PS - Please pass this message on to EVERYONE YOU KNOW!  You can print this
mail, make a poster or flyer, or just talk to people, but please let's get
Zimbabweans in the DIASPORA - we need their vote!  Not much time to do
this - ONLY 3 WEEKS.
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Visions of Zimbabwe

 Manchester Art Gallery

Alfred Hickling
Thursday January 6, 2005
The Guardian

"When words fail, art speaks," writes the young African curator Raphael
Chikukwa, which sounds like the kind of windily portentous statement
curators are prone to make, except that in this case it happens to be true.
Chikukwa has invited 13 of Zimbabwe's most prominent artists and writers to
comment on the country's social and political condition; among them the
influential journalist Bill Saidi, who decided that the most telling way to
respond to the gagging order of the Mugabe regime would be to recreate his
front room exactly as it was 30 years ago.

Saidi was editor of the Daily News, the last independent newspaper in
Zimbabwe, until it was shut down by the government in 2003. His living room
functioned as a shebeen, one of the illicit drinking dens in which young
radicals gathered covertly in the late 1960s and 1970s. Its frowsy retro
furnishings, brown plastic sofas and faint reek of ganja speak poignantly of
long evenings spent plotting a dream of independence that somehow turned
into a nightmare.

Tsvangirayi Mukwazhi, the former chief photographer of the Daily News,
presents some shockingly candid shots of contemporary Harare streetlife. One
shows a heavily armed police officer standing with his boot on a suspect's
head while another, of street children torturing a pigeon, looks like the
casual repetition of random violence, until you realise the children intend
to eat the bird.

Guardian correspondent Andrew Meldrum's eviction from the country is alluded
to in Michele Mathison's disturbing video recreation of what it feels like
to be bundled into the boot of a car; while Voti Thebe's wedding dress,
festooned in balloons the colour of the Zimbabwean flag, looks like an item
of temporary relief, until you realise that the balloons are actually
condoms, and the work refers to the fact that 30% of the population are now
infected with HIV.

Chikukwa turns out to be quite correct - words fail you, though the art
quite potently speaks for itself.
Until February 13.
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Independent, UK

Mugabe faces new threat as party militants stage revolt
By Basildon Peta, Southern Africa Correspondent
06 January 2005

Zimbabwe's ruling party is on the verge of disintegrating after party
militants invaded its headquarters in Harare to protest at Robert Mugabe's
autocratic style.

President Mugabe, who had just started a month-long holiday in Malaysia, is
expected to cut his break short and return to Harare on Saturday to save his
party from collapsing ahead of elections in March.

The 81-year-old leader got a spoonful of his own medicine when the angry
supporters invaded his head office, as they have invaded thousands of white
farms, and briefly held his ruling Zanu PF's political commissar hostage to
protest at a purging of officials opposed to Mr Mugabe's autocratic style.

The supporters blocked the main entrance and barred the commissar, Elliot
Manyika, a close Mugabe confidante, from leaving the premises. They wanted
him to explain why the party was imposing candidates for parliamentary
elections in March on the rank and file and purging those disagreeing with
Mr Mugabe over his successor.

Eyewitnesses said the demonstrators expressed outrage at Mr Mugabe's purge
ahead of primary elections next week to choose election candidates. Many
potential candidates have been struck from the candidates list on the
grounds that Zanu PF wanted to give female candidates a greater chance.
Ironically, most of the invaders were women from the party's influential
women's league who believe that Mr Mugabe is merely using the need to
promote women as a trump card to impose his will on the party.

"Many of the protesters think what is happening is not in the interests of
stability of the party," said a junior Zanu PF official interviewed by
telephone from party headquarters. "They think the imposition of candidates
at the expense of others for whatever outcome will do more harm than good.
The argument for empowering women is being seen by some just as a pretext
for settling scores."

The party members struck from the list include six senior provincial
chairmen who angered Mr Mugabe for plotting against the election of Joyce
Mujuru as vice-president to replace the late Simon Muzenda. Among the
plotters were the disgraced ministers Patrick Chinamasa, July Moyo and
Jonathan Moyo, who have all been dropped from the top structures of Zanu PF
and struck off from the candidates to contest elections in March.

Even Mr Mugabe's close crony, the semi-literate Joseph Chinotimba, who led
the destructive invasions of white farms that have ruined Zimbabwe's
agriculture, has been banned from contesting the March poll after he angered
the leader by backing the rival candidate, speaker of parliament Emmerson

Ms Mujuru is now firmly on course to replace Mr Mugabe when he retires in

It is the first time that Mr Mugabe and his supporters have quarrelled in
public throughout the 41-year history of his party. It is now feared that Mr
Mugabe, never afraid of spilling innocent blood to protect his power base,
will unleash the army and police against opponents, even those from within
his party, when he returns at the weekend.
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      Purge splits ZANU PF

      Felix Njini
      1/6/2005 7:26:37 AM (GMT +2)

      A PURGE waged by the ruling party against rebellious cadres might cost
ZANU PF, which is facing another tricky poll against the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), as it emerged that spurned party bigwigs might
contest the March elections as independent candidates.

      While the potential for fissures within ZANU PF became more glaring
after the infamous Tsholotsho meeting, which has claimed the scalps of over
a dozen party hopefuls, it is the imposition of candidates this week that
has driven disgruntled cadres to the edge.
      Sources said the decision to elbow out party heavyweights linked to
the Tsholotsho debacle by reserving their constituencies for women and the
nomination of other senior party members unopposed had raised the ire of
party activists in the grassroots - the backbone of ZANU PF.
      The Young Turks, the most aggrieved section, were cut off from the
inner cabal of the ruling party, which has maintained a firm grip on
Zimbabwe's body politic since independence in 1980, with most of them being
dropped off the nomination list for the ZANU PF primary elections.
      This has ignited a spark in the faction-ridden party, with insiders
intimating that the rejected mafikizolos were considering standing as
independent candidates.
      The boiling discontent has been fuelled by the recent suspension of
six provincial chairmen. The former provincial leaders, who include Energy
and Power Development Minister July Moyo, have since been slapped with a
five-year ban from the party.
      "Most of the people being sidelined because of the Tsholotsho meeting
are contemplating standing as independents after the rejection of their
candidatures," said a ZANU PF insider.
      "Some of them had put a lot of money in certain constituencies and
have a strong chance of winning," the insider added.
      Eight ZANU PF members broke ranks with the ruling party to campaign as
independent candidates in 1995, citing irregularities in the nomination
      The eight, who were later suspended from the party, included Margaret
Dongo - Harare South; Stanley Chabvepi - Bikita; Eddie Musabayana - Mutare
South; Ephraim Marwizi - Gutu; Patrick Marime - Mufakose; Great Makaya -
Bikita; and Winston Munangi - Zaka East.
      Among those allegedly imposed against the electorate's own nominees
are Prisca Mupfumira - Chinhoyi constituency; Sabina Mugabe - Zvimba South;
Edna Madzongwe - Manyame, a Mr Jonasi - Kariba constituency; Sydney
Sekeramayi - Mashonaland East; Cleveria Chizema - Glen Norah; Tendai
Savanhu - Mbare; David Chapfika- Mutoko North; and Amos Midzi - Hatfield.
      The alleged imposition has caused a furore within ZANU PF's ranks.
      Some women party supporters this week besieged the ZANU PF
headquarters demanding an explanation from political commissar Elliot
Manyika on the controversial nominations.
      Manyika maintained the situation was under control, saying the party's
election directorate would "solve the problem".
      "We are waiting for the election directorate to resolve the issue but
I cannot tell you how we go about our work. We are going to solve it our own
way," Manyika said.
      Insiders intimated the disgruntlement was a sure recipe for voter
apathy within ZANU PF.
      The situation could however provide a window of opportunity for the
MDC, which has a faltering grip, especially on the rural electorate.
      "The people are not happy. They should have allowed people to chose
their own preferred candidates, not to impose people. If we go against the
will of the people we are done," said an insider.
      "There are people who are deluding themselves that the MDC does not
exist and do not want to listen to advice but they will start listening
after March 2005," the source said.
      The parliamentary elections have been slated for March 2005.
      "It does not make sense to impose women because they are good ladies
from Harare. They do not have grassroots support. Candidates must come from
the people. The elections must be open so that every card-carrying member
participates," the source said.
      In Mashonaland East, ZANU PF supporters alleged that Sekeramayi had
been imposed ahead of their chosen candidate, Wilfred Marimo.
      Political analyst Heneri Dzinotyiwei said "manoeuvreing big chefs into
positions of power could further marginalise electorate, already reeling
from effects of economic mismanagement".
      "In and outside ZANU PF, people are just frustrated and when they see
unfairness in a party they support, they are likely to drag their feet,"
Dzinotyiwei said.
      "They can campaign as independent candidates but eventually they will
just turn back to ZANU PF. That is the problem with this country's
 politics," said another political analyst.

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      We have moles in ZANU PF: Tsvangirai

      Nelson Banya
      1/6/2005 7:27:12 AM (GMT +2)

      MOVEMENT for Democratic Change (MDC) president Morgan Tsvangirai this
week stoked the fires surrounding the unfolding espionage saga by claiming
that his party had infiltrated the ZANU PF government.

      Tsvangirai, whose party had suspended participating in all elections
unless the government undertook broad electoral reforms, said the MDC had
broken into ZANU PF's election rigging machinery, courtesy of moles within
the system.
      "We are watching every step the regime is taking in a poor attempt to
steal your voice. That shall fail because we now know them well. We are deep
      "We know their strategies and plans, thanks to an increasing number of
patriotic Zimbabweans in their system. We have sufficient material and
determination to draw a line in the sand and block yet another round of
electoral fraud. In 2005, we are ready to hit the ground and stop the rot,"
Tsvangirai said in his widely distributed weekly message.
      The ZANU PF government has, in recent weeks, been besieged by a
sensational spy saga, which has so far sucked in prominent businessman and
the party's Mashonaland West province, Philip Chiyangwa,
ambassador-designate to Mozambique, Godfrey Dzvairo, ZANU PF deputy security
chief Kenneth Karidza, Zimbabwe's intelligence attaché in Geneva, Erasmus
Moyo and the party's director for external affairs Itai Marchi.
      Former Metropolitan Bank company secretary Tendai Matambanadzo has
also been implicated in the alleged spy ring, while several other senior
ZANU PF officials, including two cabinet ministers, look set to be drawn
into the imbroglio.
      Chiyangwa, Dzvairo, Marchi and Matambanadzo have already appeared in
court to face charges of contravening Section 4 of the Official Secrets Act,
while Karidza will make a court appearance tomorrow. Moyo, who had been
recalled by the government from Geneva, did not return to Zimbabwe is now on
the run.
      Party and government officials implicated in the case are alleged to
have been passing on state secrets to foreign intelligence organisations,
with the US' Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and Britain's MI-5 being
linked to the intriguing espionage drama.
      Harare has had a bitter diplomatic stand-off with Washington and
Whitehall for the past five years, with President Robert Mugabe accusing the
latter of seeking to overthrow his government.
      Britain and the US have led international efforts to isolate the ZANU
PF government, accusing it of a serious democracy deficit and widespread
human rights abuses.
      The two states led a chorus of disapproval following President Mugabe's
hotly contested re-election in the 2002 presidential election.
      Tsvangirai's statements are likely to cause further discomfort within
the ruling party, itself long accused of infiltrating opposition groups and
ultimately destroying them from within.
      ZANU PF national chairman John Nkomo, a target of Jonathan Moyo's
vitriol a couple of months ago, has recently spoken about infiltrators that
have destabilised the foundation of the party.
      "We were infiltrated by a few termites, which began their long journey
of burrowing through our core values of liberation, discipline, unity,
respect and loyalty," Nkomo wrote in ZANU PF's Voice newspaper.
      ZANU PF is in the middle of frantic efforts to break away from
emergent young politicians who had broken into influential party positions,
with the old guard of liberation war politicians reasserting themselves in
the party.

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      Zim grain imports rise

      Zhean Gwaze
      1/6/2005 7:27:42 AM (GMT +2)

      THE government, which last year refused international food aid, is
stepping up grain imports from South Africa to avert a crisis that could be
triggered by dwindling stock levels.

      Statistics released by the South African Grain Information Service
(SAGIS) in its weekly maize exports report showed that Zimbabwe is importing
between 5 060 tonnes and 8 000 tonnes of maize every week.
      Zimbabwe, according to independent food aid agencies, is faced with
more than 2.4 million starving and malnourished people, a figure hotly
disputed by government.
      The country, which is reeling from the effects of a three-year drought
and a recession spanning over five years, is now among South Africa's major
maize importers.
      Commentators this week said the imports were likely to leave a hole on
the fiscus, further worsing the budget deficit, amid speculation that the
treasury had not budgeted for the import bill.
      SAGIS said Mozambique, which is fast emerging from a decade-long civil
strife, is importing up to 396 tonnes, Lesotho 1160 tonnes, Congo 216
tonnes, Botswana 598 tonnes and Namibia nine tonnes.
      Samuel Muvuti, the chief executive officer of the Grain Marketing
Board (GMB), Zimbabwe's national granary, could not be reached for comment.
      The GMB boss recently said the parastatal should be applauded for
importing maize.
      "The issue of importing grain has been unnecessarily made newsworthy
by some sections of the media. Actually, we should be applauded for
importing maize. A lot of countries are importing maize," said Muvuti, a
former soldier.
      A parliamentary committee on food and agriculture recently made
startling revelations that the country's silos had only received 350 000
tonnes of maize from the 2003/4 farming season.
      This was despite assurances by Agriculture Minister Joseph Made that
the country had sufficient grain to feed its 11 million-plus people.
      Zimbabwe consumes an average of 158 000 tonnes of maize per month. The
GMB has so far imported only 224 000 tonnes.

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      ZANU PF targets suspended war vets leader's farm

      Felix Njini
      1/6/2005 7:28:15 AM (GMT +2)

      SUSPENDED Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association
(ZNLWVA) chairman Jabulani Sibanda is being pushed out of his Silverspring
Farm in Umguza as ZANU PF gurus move to punish the rebellious former freedom

      It has been established that Sibanda's problems arose from campaigning
for presidential hopeful Emmerson Mnangagwa and attending the Tsholotsho
meeting allegedly to drum up support for the Speaker of Parliament.
      Sources said the defiant Sibanda, who has openly clashed with ZANU PF
heavyweights, including Matabeleland North Governor Obert Mpofu, was being
pushed out of Silverspring, situated on prime farming land in Umguza.
      They indicated that Silverspring was the suspended war veterans leader's
only property, ruling out any suspicion of multiple farm ownership.
      ZANU PF insiders said the swoop on Sibanda's farm was intended to
neutralise Mnangagwa's support base following the suspension of six
provincial chairmen, who were supporting his presidential ambitions.
      Mnangagwa, who had become known as the "Son of God" in the ZANU PF
power game, came close to snapping the vice-presidency when he mobilised
support from seven provinces.
      Dispossessing Sibanda of Silverspring Farm is seen as one way of
punishing the war veteran for openly defying President Robert Mugabe when he
was suspended from the party last month.
      President Mugabe, the patron of the war veterans association,
authorised Sibanda's suspension from ZANU PF for allegedly attending the
Tsholotsho meeting.
      "Silverspring Farm, his only farm, has been taken away. That was his
only farm. The other worrying issue is Sibanda has just disappeared from the
scene . . . maybe he had gone to his rural home," said a source from
      Sibanda's conspicuous absence from Bulawayo comes as Dumiso Dabengwa,
Josiah Tungamirai, Solomon Mujuru and Vitalis Takawira, all ZANU PF
politburo members, move to dissolve the ZNLWVA executive and neutralise its
      President Mugabe, irked by political gamesmanship that threatened to
split the ruling ZANU PF, appointed the four-member panel to "restructure"
      Sibanda last year quoted trouble when he announced his intention to
fight for the top ZANU PF provincial post in the country's second largest
      "He had problems with Obert Mpofu. Jabulani (Sibanda) was eyeing the
Umguza constituency, which is also being eyed by Mpofu," the same sources
      "Sibanda was not a multiple farm owner, like some of these party chefs
who are now being dispossessed. This was his only farm, which he often
complained was not big enough. At one time he complained that he did not
fully benefit from the land reform programme," the sources said.
      Sibanda, not one to mince his words, last month described his
four-year suspension from ZANU PF as a "suspicious move" and a "great
      ". . . I feel betrayed by the so-called four-year suspension from the
party. I would like to make it clear that it is not four-years but seven
years in that the same people have tormented me for the past three years,"
Sibanda is on record as saying.
      He alleged that some party heavies were baying for his blood at each
and every turn.
      Sibanda has for the past two years been on suspension from the ruling
party on charges of gross insubordination, stemming from charges that he had
been disrespectful to Vice-President Joseph Msika and other ex-senior
members of the former PF ZAPU.

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      ZESA increases tariffs by 126%

      Staff Reporter
      1/6/2005 7:28:44 AM (GMT +2)

      POWER utility Zesa Holdings has hiked electricity tariffs by an
average 126 percent with effect from January 1 2005.

      Zesa general manager for corporate affairs Obert Nyatanga announced
that the weighted average electricity tariff would go up from the current
$104 per kilowatt hour (kWh) to $235 per kWh, as recommended by a government
appointed consultant - Sad-Elec of South Africa.
      "After further consultations with government in November and December
2004, it was agreed that Zesa implement the Sad-Elec recommended cost
reflective tariffs from January 1 2005 since government alone cannot carry
the electricity tariff subsidy of $1.14 trillion in 2005.
      "At the same time, Zesa cannot continue to carry the heavy burden of
that subsidy alone, hence the decision to implement the recommended cost
reflective electricity tariffs," Nyatanga said in a statement.
      Nyatanga indicated that the cross-subsidies would not be eliminated in
the first quarter of 2005 due to low tariff levels currently enjoyed by some
      "This therefore means that there is not going to be any tariff
adjustments for those few customers who are currently paying above the
recommended cost reflective tariffs until such time the tariff
rationalisation exercise is full implemented," Nyatanga added.
      The mining and manufacturing industries are likely to be the
hardest-hit by the tariff adjustment, while the agricultural and residential
sub-sectors will have gradual tariff hikes.
      Zesa, which ran up a whopping $160 billion loss in 2003, was forced to
back down on a 400 percent tariff hike it had sought to effect in 2003.
      Zesa was recently on the market seeking to raise $50 billion to
finance power importation and the purchase of coal for its thermal power
station and managed to raise $40.92 billion through the issue of bills.

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      Female quotas spark outcry

      Staff Reporter
      1/6/2005 7:29:20 AM (GMT +2)

      THE implementation of a quota system in selecting ZANU PF candidates,
starting with the March polls, has sparked controversy among the party's
male ranks, as it emerged that 36 constituencies have been set aside for

      When ZANU PF adopted the quota system, not many aspiring males
appreciated its full implications, while others reluctantly endorsed it in
the spirit of promoting gender equality. Others simply went with the flow
hoping their preferred constituencies would not be affected.
      Sources, however, said the quota system has now sparked disgruntlement
among the ruling party's male folk that had been eyeing to represent the
party in 36 constituencies set aside for women.
      The Financial Gazette has it on good authority that some male
parliamentary hopefuls had pumped in several millions of dollars in
constituencies were they had hoped to stand, but were now left in the cold.
      Oppah Muchinguri, the ZANU PF Women's League boss said the 36 seats
represents 30 percent of the entire seats, which the party is to contest in
this year's parliamentary elections.
      Muchinguri added: "There has been some resistance from both men and
women, but as a party we should now put our heads together to beat the enemy
in the elections."
      Elliot Manyika, the ZANU PF national commissar, said the quota system
was a "full decision of the party" and that all party cadres should adhere
to it.
      In Harare, six constituencies have been reserved for women, while
Bulawayo had two, Manicaland five, Mashonaland West four, Mashonaland
Central three, Matabeleland North two, Matabeleland South two, Midlands four
and Mashonaland East four, bringing the total reserved seats to 36.
      In Matabeleland North, the Tsholotsho seat that had been eyed by
Jonathan Moyo, the government spin-doctor, has been set aside for a woman.
      Two women will fight it out in the primaries.
      Muchinguri said she had been forced to call an emergency executive
meeting on Tuesday to strategise on the new political development, coming
hard on the heels of the appointment of Joyce Mujuru as the party's first
female Vice President.
      Workshops have been lined up for next week Monday to train female
cadres selected to represent the party on how to campaign peacefully despite
lack of financial resources to roll-out meaningful campaigns.
      "We know there are women who were campaigning for men but we are happy
that we have managed to have 36 seats reserved for us.
      "Of the 36 seats, fifty percent of the women are unopposed while the
other half women will fight it out in the primaries set for next week," said
      "As a the Women's League, we are impressed by the number of women that
sent in their CVs for consideration as candidates. We had about 100 CVs from
women from all the provinces. What is left now is for women to put their
heads and energies together to make the dream of having more women in
parliament come true.
      "We know most of the women lack sufficient resources of their own to
launch a formidable campaign but we have looked at all this and we are ready
for the challenge," she said.

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      Tsholotsho debacle: the untold story

      Charles Rukuni
      1/6/2005 7:31:38 AM (GMT +2)

      BULAWAYO - Who is Who of Southern Africa, published in 1998, a year
before Jonathan Moyo came onto the political scene, describes him as "a
high-powered academic" destined for a senior post at the University of

      He did not make it back to the University of Zimbabwe, where he had
been a lecturer before joining the Ford Foundation in Kenya, but he made it
to the University of Witwatersrand.
      Moyo did not stay, however. Within months he was heading the
propaganda section of the Constitutional Commission tasked with drafting a
new constitution that was rejected by Zimbabweans in February 2000. But he
had laid the groundwork for his appointment as Information Minister
following a narrow ZANU PF victory in the June 2000 elections.
      Considered an outsider and an opportunist, Moyo methodically worked
his way up, chopping down anyone who stood in his path and becoming one of
the most powerful people in the country.
      Editors were thrown out of jobs faster than junior reporters. More
than 1 500 media workers lost their jobs.
      Moyo had become so powerful that most people thought he was now
untouchable. But things changed dramatically after he allegedly organised a
meeting in his home constituency, Tsholotsho, in November to oppose the
nomination of Joyce Mujuru as vice-president. He fell with a thud. He was
kicked out of the ZANU PF central committee and its politburo. He has been
denied the constituency he worked so hard for and the axe is hanging over
his ministerial job.
      But, surprisingly, although he has lost control of the state media,
his most powerful tool, he has dominated the news ever since his political
career took a dive, overshadowing the new vice-president Joyce Mujuru, who
made history by becoming the first woman to attain that position and should
have been the media focus.
      Moyo, who is said to be one of the most disliked ministers both by his
own colleagues in the ruling party and the public, has proved that he is hot
material. His story sells.
      But the media's obsession with Moyo, although justified because of the
havoc he created in the industry, has robbed the public of an explanation of
what really transpired at Tsholotsho and who was behind the meeting.
      Moyo has successfully organised political and musical galas. But he
did not have the capacity to organise a gathering of the magnitude of the
Tsholotsho meeting, unless he had powerful backers.
      According to reports, the meeting was almost a who-is-who in ZANU PF,
especially among the party's so-called Young Turks. The fact that it was
attended by six of the 10 provincial chairmen, provincial governors and
ministers says a lot.
      This is reflected by the fact that although President Robert Mugabe
vowed to deal with all those who attended the Tsholotsho meeting, a good
number seems to have got away.
      The media has so far given the impression that Moyo was the biggest,
if not the only, loser. He has drawn so much attention that people have not
been kept abreast with the fate of the suspended provincial chairmen, or
that of the chairman of the war veterans association and all the others who
attended the meeting.
      But more importantly, the public has not been informed about the
significance or implications of the meeting itself and President Mugabe's
decision to deal with the rebels.
      "There was nothing wrong with the suspension of the six chairmen, but
what is wrong is the media focus," political commentator Lawton Hikwa said.
      "There is too much focus on Moyo. We are not being told what happened
to the suspended chairmen, the leader of the war veterans association and
all those who attended the Tsholo-tsho meeting. And people are still in the
dark about what the meeting was all about."
      Hikwa argued that the party had every right to suspend the people it
suspended. He said from a layman's point of view, it appeared that the party
was being harsh because people had a right to meet in any democratic
      "Organisations are run along specified operational guidelines and
according to their constitutions. Those involved in the Tsholotsho meeting
got it all wrong because they ignored party protocol. So the disciplinary
action taken against them was a question of procedure rather than an attack
on democracy," Hikwa said.
      He said another problem was that the local media, both independent and
public, tended to institutionalise people. "Moyo is not an institution
within he party. The media has to tell us what happened to all those who
attended the meeting."
      Although President Muga-be has tried to give the impression that he
was on top of the situation, he conceded a lot of ground to the "rebels".
Apart from the provincial chairmen, the only other people who seem to have
been given the chop are Justice Minster Patrick Chinamasa, war veterans
deputy chairman Joseph Chinotimba, who had been elected to the party's
central committee, and former deputy minister Tony Gara.
      Junior ministers Abednico Ncube, Andrew Langa and Flora Buka, and
provincial governor Josaya Hungwe seem to have got away. The list could be
much longer as no one made an inventory of who attended the meeting.
      The media seems to have ignored these anomalies which, some say,
reflect the simmering divisions within the ruling party.
      Observers say the ruling party's decision to deal with the provincial
chairmen and some of the politicians who had built solid bases in their
constituencies could cost it dearly in the coming elections.
      Herald columnist Natha-niel Manheru, who most people claim is Jonathan
Moyo, put it this way: "ZANU PF needs to introspect a little and see itself
warts and all. Its Young Turks may have been abrasive and even subversive,
but they represent an urge that exists in the party, which may grow stronger
and too insistent to be ignored, the urge for a style more competitive,
elective and meritorious.
      "Equally, its old guard represents wisdom and the radical continuity
of struggle. But not all of them are patriotic, innovative, current,
competent and of democratic temperament . . . Some in their midst hide
behind the aura of age, the halo of time and in fact stand greatly beholden
to the same Young Turks who stood stout and steadfast to reorganise against
the MDC after the 2000 bruising challenge.
      "Moyo and his colleagues may have erred, may even be a problem. But
they are hardly enemies."
      By focusing entirely on Moyo, the media could be in for a bumpy ride.
There is much more to the Tsholotsho meeting than meets the eye.
      Moyo could just be a scapegoat to enable the government to smoothen
things so that ZANU PF can get back its respectability ahead of the crucial
elections, which have to be seen to be free and fair and have to conform to
regional and international guidelines.

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      Shocking revelations on AIDS drug

      Charles Rukuni
      1/6/2005 7:32:11 AM (GMT +2)

      BULAWAYO - A drug that is being vigorously promoted in Zimbabwe as the
answer to solving the mother-to-child transmission of HIV may have serious
side-effects, especially if used as a single dose.

      Reports now surfacing show that the drug, nevirapine, may cause
long-term resistance to AIDS drugs if used as a lone dose, thus foreclosing
other treatment options.
      Associated Press says while the United States' National Institute of
Health (NIH) knew about the problems way back in 2002, it did not tell the
White House before President George W Bush launched a plan to spread
nevirapine throughout Africa.
      The NIH's AIDS division chief, Dr Edmund Tramont, even doctored a
report by one of his subordinates, Dr Betsy Smith, that showed some of the
negative safety concerns that had been discovered in Uganda during clinical
trials there.
      Tramont's report, submitted shortly before Bush's visit to Africa from
July 7-12 2003, concluded that nevirapine was safe even when used as a
single dose. Bush visited Botswana, South Africa, Uganda, Nigeria and
      "HIVNET 012 has demonstrated the safety of single dose nevirapine for
the prevention of maternal to child transmission of HIV infection," the
doctored report said.
      It added that although discrepancies were found in the database and
some unreported adverse events were discovered during the re-monitoring
process, these were not clinically important in determining the safety of
the drug.
      According to Associated Press, Tramont's juniors and Jonathan
Fishbein, an expert hired by the NIH to improve the agency's research
practices, had argued that they needed more time to rectify some of the
safety concerns that had been raised. These problems had forced a 15-month
stop on research into using a single dose of nevirapine to prevent the
mother-to-child transmission of HIV.
      Tramont argued that the research should resume because the monitors
did not understand HIV/AIDS. And they had "very little sense or feeling for
the local culture".
      "I personally have been involved with this site's problems and I am
convinced that this site is ready to resume given the limitations of doing
research in any resource-poor under-developed country," Tramont wrote to his
      "I want this restriction lifted ASAP (As Soon As Possible) because the
site is now the best in Africa run by black Africans and everyone has worked
so hard to get it right as evidenced by the fact that the lab is now
      Tramont's deputy, Jonathan Kagan, argued that he did not see any harm
in giving Fishbein time to review the data on the Uganda research site.
      "I think Fishbein deserves to see what those reports said and what
evidence there is that the deficiencies were corrected. If we have the data,
it shouldn't take a long time for him to review this and I believe both he
and DAIDS (Division of AIDS) deserve the time to do this," Kagan wrote.
      "From his vantage point , Ed, it must look like we have something to
      "Let him find out what was wrong and what was done about it. Where's
the harm? Ed, what your note is essentially saying is that you want the site
      "I think we're cutting off our noses to spite our face here. It's not
going to matter if the site opens this week, or next or even the next. We
should not be motivated by political gain and it's dangerous for you, of all
people, to be diminishing the value of our monitors."
      Tramont would not budge. He closed debate on the subject, saying:
"HIVNET012 has been reviewed, re-monitored, debated and scrutinised. To do
anymore would be beyond reason."
      The director of the Medicines Control Authority of Zimbabwe, Mafios
Dauramanzi, said nevirapine was registered in the country as an antiviral
drug and was to be used in triple combination and not as a single dose. He
said it was not registered to prevent mother-to-child transmission of HIV,
but was being used for this as "operational research".
      Drug information on nevirapine from the NIH clearly states that the
drug can cause severe life-threatening liver damage and skin reactions that
can be fatal.
      lDetailed information about the drug is available at:

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      Mujuru flexes her muscles

      Allen Chifokoyo
      1/6/2005 7:32:39 AM (GMT +2)

      ACTING President Joyce Mujuru has started flexing her muscles and last
week ordered the Ministry of Transport and Communications to put an end to
the rot at the national airline, Air Zimbabwe (AirZim).

      Mujuru, the country's first female vice-president who is acting while
President Robert Mugabe is on his annual leave in the Far East, was not
amused by the goings-on at the parastatal, which has been losing billions of
dollars because of flight delays over the past two months.
      Karikoga Kaseke, the permanent secretary in the Ministry of Transport
and Communications, said Mujuru was concerned by delays in AirZim's flights
and had tasked the ministry to resolve the problems bedevilling the airline
"once and for all".
      "Government decided to intervene and investigate the cause of the
delays, which were even taking up to eight days for international flights,"
Kaseke said.
      He said his ministry had, since last Friday, started monitoring AirZim
flight schedules.
      The cash-strapped AirZim has been experiencing long delays in the
departure and arrival of its flights on all its routes since November last
year and has been paying hundreds of millions of dollars in hotel bookings
every day for passengers who miss their flights as a result.
      Karikoga said the airline was paying 300 pounds (Z$4.5 million) every
day for each passenger who missed a flight because of the delays, especially
on its London route.
      The airline's Beijing flight was at one time delayed by more than
eight days. But the situation is said to have significantly improved, with
this week's Monday night flight departing on schedule.
      The delays at the national airline have been attributed to industrial
action by some AirZim staff, reportedly protesting against the suspension of
their 10 percent travel discount facility, which has since been reinstated.
      The new airline's chief executive officer, Tendai Mahachi, has been
tasked to prepare a report to be presented tomorrow to the transport
ministry, showing how much the airline lost during the two months

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      Of challenges and dilemmas

      1/6/2005 7:48:34 AM (GMT +2)

      The Zimbabwean ruling class must have, in the years leading up to
2003, identified more with Robert Browning's The Lost Leader. For the period
between 1998 and 2003 seemed more like "never glad confident morning again".

      ZANU PF's rule was given a twist of realism. The once reassuringly
resilient economy faltered. Political tensions heightened more as an
expression of the general disillusionment of the people frustrated by social
deprivation. Thus Zimbabwe entered 2004 amidst the agony of an economic
meltdown, violent political battling and dangerous tensions threatening to
tear the usually tranquil and stable society apart.
      The atmosphere was poisoned by the noxious fumes of the politics of
intolerance and hatred for compromise brewed in the Zimbabwean pot -
bringing into sharp focus the polarity of the stands taken by the opposing
political views. This is why, by the time the curtain was finally drawn on
2004, even though the chronic high-inflation economy had begun showing signs
of modest recovery, the year had thrown up in the air, challenges as regards
the people's expectations as well as several contentious issues - most of
which present a moral dilemma demanding self-introspection from all
stakeholders, but particularly from the leadership.
      Regarding the challenges which include the incipient process of
re-integrating the increasingly ostracised Zimbabwe into the community of
nations and pressing ahead with austerity measures to put a fresh heart into
the enfeebled economy, also arose the question of prioritising and
strategising to meet national aspirations. That is if the incumbent
government, with a proud revolutionary past, is not to leave a terrible
legacy of obsolete socio-political and economic structures.
      On the political front the authorities seem to be aware of the people's
growing concerns. None other than President Robert Mugabe himself has taken
great umbrage to the institutionalised culture of political violence if his
public statements and their elaborate tones are anything to go by. He has
since made it clear that Zimbabweans have high hopes for further
democratisation and expansion of political pluralism where they should be
allowed to organise freely of their political convictions. As categorically
stated by President Mugabe in his 17th State of the Nation Address on
December 9, 2004, the people yearn for: a decisive rupture with the
reproachable past characterised by politically-motivated murders, wanton
destruction of property, bullying and intimidation perpetrated by vicious
political attack dogs.
      The people also hunger, if we might add, for freedom of the press
where politically confused, inconsequent, voluble, ill-poised and insecure
government spin doctors with impure motives and their political colleagues
who listen to no one and won't hear any contradiction or discussion, do not
seek to guide journalists piercing self-serving veils of government secrecy
in search of the truth - threatening them with political backlash; a
principled, pragmatic, strong and resolute political leadership that shuns
meaningless populist rhetoric but instead listens to the voice of reason and
the influence of realities; a leadership that does not waver from hard
choices nor avoid novelties regarding them as a threat to stability - which
is synonymous with stagnation; a leadership that does not mind political
cartoons and jokes at its expense. Lastly but not least, an increased
accountability of the executive power to the legislative power, among other
      In other words, the generality of the Zimbabwean people want to be rid
of everything that should have been swept away with the rubble of the white
supremacist Rhodesian regime - remembered for its obnoxious and peculiarly
anachronistic system of racial discrimination - so that it does not rise
again to the demands of some future oppressive ruling class.
      It does not end there. There are also a number of outstanding issues
government should pursue to their full expression, chief of which is the
anti-corruption drive. Hence the inexorable increase in moral pressure for
government to intensify its campaign against the deep-seated corruption
scourge. After the government made a pledge to deal with corruption the
people feel that that promise must be kept.
      Up until recently the general perception has been that the government
never missed an occasion to let slip an opportunity to deal with corruption,
especially in high places. This was not without reason. There had been
persistent lack of action by the authorities after relevant information is
obtained and presented. The lack of prosecutorial progress despite
incontrovertible evidence of corruption resulted in frustration spreading
not only within the ranks of law enforcement agents but among the generality
of the people as well.
      Even now, despite what, at face value appears like a pro-active
campaign against corruption, the result has largely been anticlimactic, as
it were. First, the grand total of indictments is disappointing to say the
least. Second, long-standing probes have unfortunately languished for some
time without any visible progress. Not only that but the arm of the
Zimbabwean law has not been long enough to catch up with fugitives from
justice. And there is very little hope for the extradition of those who, in
the court of public opinion, acted with criminal intent, reducing some of
the country's financial institutions to hollow shells and should therefore
be put into bottles and be sent out with the Indian Ocean Tsunamis.
      This has unfortunately created the impression among Zimbabweans-who
are obviously askance as to why the government took the aim if it could not
pull the trigger-that the country's criminal justice system has been twisted
to protect the powerful and influential members of society. Put simply, it
is hard to escape the conclusion that the law is now at best cheap and at
worst blind to the transgressions of the rich and powerful.
      The feeling among the people is that the powers-that-be, whose aim, in
ruthlessly dealing with the so-called ZANU PF Young Turks who had thrown
their diapers into the ring, was to lose as little as possible from a
political point of view, should show the same zeal in dealing with
corruption - the dangerous cancer afflicting the national fabric.
      We however hasten to say that the law should not be applied
selectively like the spider's web, which catches only the smallest insects
and lets through the big ones. All are supposed to be equal before the law -
social or political status notwithstanding. We say this because like an oil
spill, corruption has been slowly spreading - tarring a growing list of
influencing-peddling prominent politicians, their cronies and businessmen
linked to the high echelons of the ruling class. There are therefore fears
born of a healthy scepticism that this alone might shrink the government's
resolve to decisively deal with graft and corruption - where it will zero in
only on the politically expendable. That will be not only a travesty of
justice but a tragedy too.
      In a nutshell, the foregoing chronicles an integral part of the people's
wish list of the issues government should deal with in 2005.

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      ...and now to the Notebook

      1/6/2005 7:47:04 AM (GMT +2)


      Events of the past three or so weeks have shown that it is not only
CZ, the MDC, the NCA, Zvakwana or any such individuals and groupings that
are bent on "subverting" a constitutionally elected government. Even people
within that government are pushing the same agenda! Jesu Kristo!

      Who was making the most noise in Parliament last year when Tony Blair
said he was working with the MDC to effect regime change in this country?
      "He-eeh we need to pass a motion to outlaw the MDC, blah, blah."
      And right now where is he? So who is a true patriot? CZ now believes
that most, if not all, of these super-patriots are fakes!
      Anyway, God is not a fool. Some Professor spent sleepless nights
drafting draconian laws to settle personal grudges with those who did not
agree with him . . . and he gets the boot before even one of his enemies has
been caught in his snare. Isn't it painful?
      Some handpicked Justice Minister who is always drafting zany laws,
such as the NGO Bill, provokes an elected opposition member of Parliament
into a scuffle in the august House, resulting in the elected MP being thrown
into jail without any trial.
      Barely months after the MP has been jailed, and before some of the
crazy laws have been promulgated, the handpicked Justice Minister is about
to be thrown out of the ship.
      Doesn't this show something about the power of God . . . I mean,
divine intervention?


      It is bad, if not downright criminal, for anyone to try and get cheap
mileage from other people's mishaps.
      Here CZ is referring to this noisy brother of his, one Donald
Charumbira, who claims to be the secretary-general of that dubious
Malaysia-based organisation calling itself the World Assembly of Youths
      Following last week's tsunami disaster in the Far East, CZ could not
believe it when Charumbira claimed he was rushing there to command an army
of hundreds of youth volunteers in mounting rescue operations.
      Since when has this WAY, a two-man band, become a serious world body?
We hear all the stories about the Zimbabwe Federation of Youths being an
affiliate of this WAY, but since when has this WAY animal grown beyond being
a shadowy organisation only known to two men, one from Malaysia, and the
other from Zimbabwe?
      So Cde Charumbira thought he was not getting enough mileage from his
column at The Herald and decided to use the disaster to draw attention to
himself? It's criminal!


      Last weekend, CZ's outgoing brother at The Chronicle - we mean this
thoroughly dishevelled brother who calls himself "Busybody" - thought he
could change his fate by hauling some tendentious insults on CZ and everyone
else at the Fingaz.
      From the outside of it, the man seemed to have taken issue with the
paper's lead story of last week about the Professor!
      However, the truth is that Cde Busybody was irked by the paper's story
in the previous issue which reported that all those fawning hangers-on
thrown into senior editorial positions in the state media by the outgoing
Professor were, as expected, also outgoing.
      But this is the truth. He and several of his colleagues who sashayed
their way to the top by licking the Professor's bottom are surely in the
departure lounge right now - anytime soon, we will miss them! Unfortunately,
this is the truth, and Cde Busy has to wear it like a peptic ulcer!
      Pretending as if the Professor is still very much secure in his
pigeonhole will not change anything . . . it will not mean that Busy
himself, whose credentials are dubious, will not follow his master. If
anything, this is mere ostrich mentality and we wonder where it will take
one to.
      Busybody, of all comedians in this country? Who is he to preach about
which news stories are true and which ones are not?
      Remember that story about MDC planning to bomb all tall buildings in
the country? We wonder when the bombings will take place.
      But only the demented and the hysterical need a soothsayer to tell
them that this is the end of the road for the rambunctious Professor. His
minions can scream denials until their voices grow hoarse but that won't
make a shade of difference as the man is surely now part of our country's
sad history!
      "Pigment" of fertile imagination! My foot!
      Even Cde George Charamba was shocked by the level of madness with
which Cde Busy and his colleagues in the state media are trying to defend
the beleaguered Professor.
      This is what he had to say after The Chronicle and The Herald decided
to sex up a simple statement in their blind quest to glean sympathy from
their sobbing master:
      "What the editors have done in the story amounts to being aggrieved on
behalf of a private party member. This is untoward, partisan and quite
overboard given that the matter is between a party and its member who, in
the present circumstances, can only be assumed to have submitted himself to
his party's actions of censure and sanction," Charamba said.
      "The report itself is a straight story falling outside an editorial
comment, and based solely on unnamed sources. It, thus, amounts to
unwarranted editorialising, itself quite unprofessional.
      "Until Professor Moyo, strictly as a member of his party, expressed
public dissatisfaction with decisions of his party, newspapers had no right
or reason to invent a grievance for him. Overall, therefore, the piece
smacked of zealous advocacy made all the more odd by the fact that it
appeared in two leading national newspapers which should be better informed
about party and government matters," he added.
      From the tone that Cde Charamba employed, one could be forgiven for
assuming that the statement was meant for The Daily News . . . and this
tells the full story about the future of our brothers!
      Anyway, we all know that Cde Busybody, just like his godfather, is
bitter and dangerous.
      Ever heard of a cobra with a broken spine? It tries to kill anything
within its reach before is it dies.

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      Wheat shortage looms

      Zitha Dube
      1/6/2005 7:35:02 AM (GMT +2)

      ZIMBABWE is fast running out of wheat, with the Grain Marketing Board
(GMB) reportedly down to four months' worth of grain supplies in store,
despite government declarations that the country has sufficient stocks to
last until the next harvest.

      National Bakers' Association vice-chairman Burombo Mudu-mo, said the
industry was bracing for the deficit and would start imports at the
beginning of the second quarter.
      "There are only four months wheat stocks and we are gearing up for
imports. We hope we would continue getting positive response on foreign
currency allocation. We have never had problems and we hope it will continue
that way," said Mudumo.
      Although GMB officials were not available for comment on the issue,
another wheat shortage would result in widespread bread shortages as
witnessed between 2001 and 2002.
      Famine Early Warning Systems Net-work (FEWSNET) said the country needs
about US$85 million for wheat imports this year to satisfy an estimated 260
000 metric tonnes deficit for the crop.
      Only 80 000 metric tonnes of wheat were produced locally for the
2004/2005 season.
      Farmers failed to expand the total area under wheat to a targeted 80
000 hectares, with only 33 000 hectares planted.
      Most farmers also failed to harvest the crop before the onset of the
rains, resulting in poor yields as the moist conditions adversely affected
grain quality.
      Farmers - the majority of whom were newly-resettled under the
government's controversial land reform - have cited high water charges and
electricity tariffs coupled with poor producer prices as reasons for
depressed productivity.
      Many have abandoned production of the crop for barley.
      In 2003, less than 150 000 tonnes of wheat were produced, a decrease
from 360 000 tonnes produced in 2001. Zimbabwe consumes about 400 000 metric
tonnes of wheat a year.

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       . . as bakers, millers hit stalemate over prices

      Staff Reporter
      1/6/2005 7:35:39 AM (GMT +2)

      A PRICING stalemate between millers and bakers threatens the
availability of bread and related products, following the recent
announcement of new wheat and flour prices by the Ministry of Industry and
International Trade.

      The dispute was sparked by millers who have continued charging $4.1
million per tonne of white wheat flour compared to the gazetted $3.5 million
per tonne.
      Bakers' Association vice-chairman Burombo Mudumo accused millers of
intransigence by failing to adjust prices to the gazetted levels.
      "Millers did not reduce the price of wheat as laid out by the
government. As an association, our input costs are affected and we remain
disadvantaged as we have complied with the current gazetted prices.
      "They are getting cheaper wheat from Grain Marketing Board," said
      Zimbabwe's sole wheat supplier GMB increased its allocation from 1 500
tonnes per week at a cost of $900 000 to 4 000 tonnes per week for the same
      The maximum producer and wholesale price for a kilogram of
self-raising flour is $4000 and $4 200 respectively. The retail price for
the same product was pegged at $4 650.

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      Jonathan Moyo: what a waste of energy!

      1/6/2005 7:46:22 AM (GMT +2)

      The 2004 Zimbabwean political year came to a close with a bang, thanks
to the explosive developments within the ruling ZANU PF.

      Who would have guessed 12 months ago that the nation would wake up on
January 1 2005 under the leadership and authority of a female acting
      But, of course, a year is a very, very long time in politics. The
behind-the-scenes manoeuvreing that has propelled former freedom fighter
Joyce Mujuru to the very top has been a subject of intense speculation and
      The political power quake that has rocked ZANU PF in the last few
months has provided a useful diversion for economically battered
Zimbabweans. The spellbinding developments within ZANU PF enabled many
Zimbabweans to forget that they were about to have one more no-frills
Christmas-cum-New Year "festive" period.
      In the run-up to Christmas, the hottest story concerned the political
tribulations of the erstwhile all-powerful and hyperactive Minister of
Information and Publicity, Jonathan Moyo.
      The swashbuckling amateur propagandist left the ruling party's
national people's congress in early December with his tail between his legs.
The party's top leadership had been ruthless in clipping Moyo's wings over
his foolhardy involvement in organising the infamous Tsholotsho indaba.
      They then proceeded to banish the man known as the most prominent
mafikizolo (Johnny-come-lately) from the inner circles of ZANU PF,
systematically disqualifying him from all the important organs of the party.
      As a result, he may not even be able to contest the party's primary
elections in Tsholotsho, into which he poured millions of dollars in
donations and development projects.
      I found it extremely interesting to read Moyo's statements in his
desperate attempt to exonerate himself and cast himself as someone who was
being unfairly blamed for the crafting of the draconian Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) when the fact of the
matter was that this was a law for which the party was collectively
      It is ironic for Moyo to regard himself as a sacrificial lamb in this
instance. His critics and victims of his high-handed pronouncements and
actions at the height of his reign pour scorn and sarcasm on him precisely
because he personalised his crusade against media freedom.
      He regarded media organisations such as the Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corporation, Zimbabwe Newspapers and ZIANA as such personal fiefdoms that he
had no qualms about imposing absolute control over them.
      This meant that Moyo dictated editorial policy and could fire staff
without regard to any labour regulations.
      Moyo was also accused of invoking AIPPA to "fix" or humiliate media
practitioners by ordering their arrest on the flimsiest or most implausible
      Indeed, when Moyo was committing these abuses against mostly
independent media practitioners, questions were raised whether he was
following any coherent policy or whether he was simply acting according to
      During these heady days of Moyo's power, commentators regularly
described him as a ruthless opportunist who sought to portray himself as
more radical than long-standing members of ZANU PF.
      But never once did the professor pose to re-examine his approach and
tone down his pronouncements. He, in fact, did everything possible to show
that he was a power unto himself.
      The events that have unfolded over the last few months can only serve
to confirm the truth of the Biblical proverb: "Pride goes before a fall."
      Last year was the year when Moyo must have reached the pinnacle of his
powers a Minister of Information and Publicity. This was the year when,
through his very public verbal duels with Vice-President Joseph Msika, party
national chairman John Nkomo and information and publicity chief Nathan
Shamuyarira, he demonstrated that he was "untouchable".
      His very public determination to defy these party heavyweights seemed
to send a clear message that the only person he was prepared to take orders
from was President Robert Mugabe.
      That Moyo's misfortunes since the infamous Tsholotsho debacle became
public also shows how true it is that one should be careful not to step on
other people's necks on one's way up.
      The media has been accused of being obsessed with Moyo's woes and even
plotting his downfall. The simple truth is that the professor made himself
such a dominant figure on the political landscape that he could never hope
to quietly blend into the woodwork again. Those who live by the media indeed
die by the media!
      Zimbabwe has never had a minister like Jonathan Moyo. There have been
some mavericks, such as Herbert Ushewokunze, but the difference is that
these were passionate about their portfolios in a constructive way.
      Zimbabweans have not been able to appreciate Moyo's apparently
boundless energy because it has largely appeared to be misdirected.
      Just imagine where the country would be if such energy and zeal were
directed towards positive national pursuits and goals rather than the
vindictive and personal skirmishes the professor got bogged in.

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      Need for hope for our legal system in new year

      1/6/2005 7:49:13 AM (GMT +2)

      The year 2004 witnessed a lot of law points within our broader legal
      The wheels of justice failed to turn smoothly and efficiently because
our law operated within political and economic systems that were hostile.

      All lawyers and individuals with a sense of justice will look back at
the past year with a combination of loathing, regret and sadness.
      It is hoped, but half-heartedly so, that the year 2005 will usher in
positive developments within our entire legal system.
      A wholesale positive transformation of our system is doubtful unless
some of our obstinate and repression-obsessed politicians will repeal all
unconstitutional and neo fascist laws promulgated in the recent years.
      Further, our legal system shall never be able to usher in real and
substantial justice as long as the institutions of the state mandated with
the administration of justice are impoverished.
      We must all look into the new year, with new hope and unflinching
confidence that before and after the elections, legality and
constitutionalism as universally defined will visit upon us.
      This optimism must motivate first our politicians, and state officials
within the police, prison service, the courts and entire justice ministry to
acknowledge that a society with no equality will enjoy no everlasting peace.
      Currently out justice Ministry and other indispensable arms of the
state are strangled by multiple operational problems whose solution only
lies in the government's change of attitude, more importantly by identifying
priority arrears.
      It is hoped that the Justice Ministry, which has hitherto been kept at
the periphery and regarded as irrelevant will get its deserved recognition
by receiving adequate funding. The capacity of the courts to dispense
justice efficiently and timeously can only recommence and be sustained
through various methods including but not limited to; addressing the
incessant brain drain among magistrates, judges and representatives of the
Attorney-General, through adequately remunerating all professional, and
non-professional staff as well as, adequately equipping the courts with
appropriate furniture, computers and stationery.
      It is hoped that the year 2005 will witness the recognition of the
indispensability of magistrates as against the politically expedient
recognition of traditional leaders.
      Consequently it shall not only be pleasing, but imperative that these
valuable judicial officers be allocated cellphones, vehicles and reasonable
      It is further hoped and prayed that the phylanthropism exercised by a
host of aspiring Members of Parliament will extend to giving our courts
computers, stationery, vehicles and other necessary material to ensure that
our community receive better service.
      lVote Muza is a lawyer with Gutu & Chikowero Legal Practitioners.
      Email:, website:

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New Zimbabwe

Moyo fights election disqualification

By Staff Reporter
Last updated: 01/06/2005 10:05:31
ZIMBABWE'S controversial Information Minister Jonathan Moyo is fighting his
disqualification from standing in Zanu PF primary polls to elect candidates
to represent the party in Parliamentary elections in March.

In a letter to Zanu PF's secretary for the commissariat Elliot Manyika, Moyo
said he had been unfairly disqualified after Zanu PF ruled at the last
minute that the Tsholotsho seat, which Moyo was eyeing, had been reserved
for women.

"If Tsholotsho had been indeed reserved for women candidates only, this
should have been announced publicly and in advance to give all potential
qualified women in the party an equal opportunity to participate and to give
men due notice that they are excluded from participation. This was not
done," Moyo said in the letter seen by the State-run Chronicle newspaper.

Moyo's latest attempts to win back the sole ticket to represent Zanu PF in
the elections puts to rest rumours that he had given up on politics or that
he had fled the country. He is currently on holiday with his family in

Zanu PF's Matabeleland North provincial coordinating committee sat and
decided on Tuesday that they wanted new women contestants for the seat -- 
controversially picking-up the wife of Bulawayo governor anf former
Tsholotsho MP Cain Mathema, Moyo's political foe in the region.

The original candidates who had submitted their CVs, and had them accepted,
Josephine Moyo and Similo Dube were disqualified for having attended a
controversial indaba in Tsholotsho at which Moyo is alleged to have plotted
a palace coup and tried to block the nomination of Joyce Mujuru to be the
country's first female Vice President.

Moyo was dropped from the Zanu PF central committee and the politburo after
the meeting. The recriminations against those who attended were felt far and
wide, with six provincial chairman being suspended for five years each.

Moyo insists he meets all the party's requirements -- being a member of its
National Consultative wing and a former central committee and politburo

He says in the letter: "When you (Manyika) directed late last month that the
DCCs should start the process of officially selecting candidates, no
instruction came either from you or the Matabeleland North Coordinating
Committee to say that Tsholotsho had been reserved for women candidates

"...the two women who ended-up submitting their CVs did so from the floor of
the meeting and apparently after they had been tipped to come prepared for
the eventuality, nothing could be more unfair."

Moyo gave notice that he would be appealing to the Zanu PF national election
directorate for a review of the case.

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