http://www1.voanews.com
Sources told VOA Mr. Guebuza shared with regional ministers the
contents of
a report on Zimbabwe submitted to him recently by South African
President
Jacob Zuma, SADC's mediator in the unity government
talks
Ntungamili Nkomo | Washington 07 January 2010
The
Southern African Development Community troika or committee on politics,
defence and security on Thursday briefed regional foreign ministers meeting
in Mozambique on the SADC mediation process in Zimbabwe.
Mozambican
President Armando Guebuza, who is currently chairman of the
so-called
Troika, briefed the ministers on progress made so far in
negotiations
between President Robert Mugabe's long-ruling ZANU-PF party and
the two
formations of the former opposition Movement for Democratic Change.
The
ministers reportedly compiled a report on the region's hot spots,
including
Zimbabwe, Madagascar and the Democratic Republic of Congo which
they will
present to the African Union at a summit later this month in Addis
Ababa.
SADC officials said the ministers are pleased the various
parties to the
unity government in Zimbabwe have resumed negotiations on
fully implementing
their 2008 power-sharing agreement. They said they
believed Zimbabwe was on
the right path, as VOA correspondent Scott Stearns
reported.
Sources told VOA Mr. Guebuza shared with regional ministers the
contents of
a report on Zimbabwe submitted to him recently by South African
President
Jacob Zuma, SADC's mediator in the unity government
talks.
Zuma advisor Lindiwe Zulu earlier confirmed that ministers were
set to hear
from Mr. Guebuza on the developments in Harare where South
Africa has been
facilitating at the behest of SADC and the African
Union.
"South Africa was mandated by the SADC troika, so it's the troika
chairman,
President Armando Guebuza, or the SADC secretariat who will brief
the
foreign ministers," she told VOA Studio 7 reporter Ntungamili Nkomo.
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Sebastian Nyamhangambiri Friday 08
January 2010
HARARE - London-based mining company African
Consolidated Resources (ACR) on
Thursday warned international diamond
traders against buying germs from
Zimbabwe's controversial Marange diamond
field, saying they are "stolen".
Reacting to an announcement by mining
firm Mbada Diamonds of an auction -
later abandoned -- of some 300 000
carats, ARC lawyer Jonathan Samkange said
the precious stones the firm
wanted to put under the hammer on Thursday were
"stolen
diamonds".
Mbada Diamonds is a joint-venture between the government's
Zimbabwe Mining
Development Corporation (ZMDC) and little-known South
African company Core
Mining, formed last year to work the Marange field that
is also known as
Chiadzwa.
"Those are our diamonds. Anyone buying
them must know that they are trading
in stolen diamonds. We are placing an
advert in the press to that effect,"
Samkange told ZimOnline.
The
London Stock Exchange-listed company holds right of title to claims on
the
Marange diamond field that was seized by the Harare government in
October
2006 and allocated to ZMDC.
The government also seized considerable
quantities of diamonds from the ARC
but was last year ordered by the High
Court to return the diamonds to the UK
firm. The court also upheld ARC's
right of title to Marange - in a judgment
Harare's
contesting.
Thursday's planned diamond sale was aborted on instruction
from the Ministry
of Mines which accused Mbada Diamonds of failing to follow
proper procedure
by calling the auction before relevant government
departments including the
police had been informed.
In addition,
Mines Ministry permanent secretary Thankful Musukutwa told
journalists that
Mbada had erred by attempting to auction diamonds from
Marange without
obtaining certification for the diamonds from the Kimberly
Process (KP)
which regulates the world diamond trade.
Under a set of measures meant to
bring Zimbabwe's controversial diamond
industry in line with KP standards,
the watchdog must monitor sales of
diamonds from Marange.
Marange is
one of the world's most controversial diamond fields with reports
that
soldiers sent to guard the claims after the government took over
committed
gross human rights abuses including murder against illegal miners
who had
descended on the field following the expulsion of ACR.
International
rights groups have been pushing for a ban on Zimbabwean
diamonds.
In
November, Zimbabwe escaped a KP ban despite calls for the country to be
suspended over abuses in Marange, with the global body giving Harare a June
2010 deadline to make reforms to comply with its regulations.
The
largest diamond mining company in Zimbabwe is Rio Tinto. Other players
are
Anglo-American and little known River Ranch mine. - ZimOnline
http://www.globalwitness.org
Press Release – 07/01/2010
Global
Witness today welcomed a decision by the Zimbabwean authorities to
cancel a
planned auction of diamonds from the Marange fields but warned that
the
country must take concrete steps to demonstrate their commitment to
cleaning
up the diamond sector or risk suspension from the Kimberley Process
certification scheme.
The Zimbabwean secretary for mines, Thankful
Musukutwa, said on Thursday
afternoon that the government had stopped the
auction of 300,000 carats of
rough diamonds because it had not yet won
approval from the Kimberley
Process (KP) or national authorities.
If
the sale had gone ahead, Zimbabwe would very likely have been in breach
of
an action plan agreed at the KP plenary in November last year. Zimbabwe
has
been the focus of significant attention following widespread reports of
human rights abuses and non-compliance with the KP's minimum
standards.
Annie Dunnebacke, diamond campaigner at Global Witness, said:
"If rough
diamonds from Marange had been exported from Zimbabwe without
prior
inspection by a Kimberley Process monitor, then Zimbabwe would have
been in
clear violation of the action plan they agreed to at the plenary
session in
November.
"We are pleased that the auction has been
suspended but disappointed that
the Zimbabwean authorities did not
communicate their plans in advance to KP
bodies. We are deeply concerned at
Zimbabwe's complete lack of engagement
with the Kimberley Process since last
year's plenary session. Their silence
jeopardises the success of the action
plan and the viability of a clean
future for the Zimbabwean diamond
industry."
It is imperative that Zimbabwe works more closely with the
Kimberley Process
and demonstrates its willingness to implement meaningful
reforms in the
diamond sector. If it fails to do so, the Kimberley Process
must be ready to
take swift and decisive action to suspend Zimbabwe and
protect the
credibility of the scheme.
/ Ends
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010 20:03
THE MDC-T has
set up a 13-member team to probe at least three ministers and
several
legislators and councillors on corruption charges.
The party, led by
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, says those implicated in
underhand
dealings would be dismissed.
The team, led by the party's deputy
secretary-general Tapiwa Mashakada, will
carry out investigations into all
MDC-T-led councils and has since opened
investigations into the goings-on at
Bindura council, which is already under
probe by a team set up by acting
Local Government minister Webster Shamu.
The MDC-T probe team
comprises mainly members of the party's committee on
local government, who
include its chair, Local Government deputy minister
Sessel Zvidzai, Last
Maengahama, Kadoma Central MP Editor Matamisa and
Chimanimani West MP
Lynette Karenyi.
Sources in the party revealed that at least three
ministers (names supplied)
would be investigated for various corruption
charges, including flouting of
government tender procedures, seeking bribes
for tender awards and conniving
with their Zanu PF counterparts for
self-enrichment.
The party has come up with a code of conduct which
is soon to be taken to
the national executive committee and then national
council for approval. The
code will require MDC-T ministers, legislators and
councillors to declare
their interests and assets in line with modern trends
to ensure that there
is accountability and transparency.
MDC-T
spokesperson Nelson Chamisa confirmed that some ministers, councillors
and
legislators were under investigation for engaging in corrupt
activities.
He, however, refused to disclose the names of the people
under probe, but
said there would not be any sacred cows to demonstrate the
party's zero
tolerance of corruption.
Chamisa told the Zimbabwe
Independent this week that anyone found to be
corrupt would face automatic
dismissal from the party.
"We are a party of excellence.
Transparency, accountability and good
governance are part of our fabric," he
said. "We expect these from our Prime
Minister, from our ministers and from,
most importantly, our councils. If
anyone negates these principles, then we
will be destroying the very fabric
of the MDC. We should be the opposite of
Zanu PF."
Chamisa said the party's biggest challenge at the moment
was to deal with
corruption and plans were underway to weed out those people
involved in any
corrupt activity, irrespective of their position in the
party.
"Unfortunately others are now falling for this culture of
corruption. Our
crusade to get rid of bad apples is unstoppable. There will
be no sacred
cows - this goes for ministers, MPs, councillors. Zero
tolerance on
corruption is not for convenience but is our conviction," he
said.
Chamisa said cases of corruption in the MDC that have been
exposed so far
should not be seen as a sign of weakness because the party
was dealing
decisively with such cases and would not allow vice to flourish
as Zanu PF
did.
"A lot of our councillors have breached the
citizen's charter and flouted
tender procedures. As a party we need to nip
this corruption demon. Our
councillors have been emulating and imitating the
Zanu PF model of a
councillor.
"With the Chitungwiza case, we
were late in dealing with that matter. Now we
are going to be more
proactive. We have set up a committee led by Mashakada,
which is going to go
to all provinces and all councils," said Chamisa.
Former Chitungwiza
mayor Israel Marange was dismissed and councillor
Rangarirai Mutingwende
suspended from the party over allegations of
corruption and more councillors
were likely to face the axe as fresh
investigations to unearth more cases of
corruption were underway in
Chitungwiza.
Meanwhile, the
Mashakada-led team went to Bindura yesterday to carry out
investigations on
the allegations of mismanagement of council affairs and
continued
deterioration of services in the town.
Of the seven allegations
levelled by Shamu against the council, the team
found that there might be
one case involving stands that needed further
probing.
Mashakada
said all except one of the 12 councillors had at least two stands
each, one
residential and one industrial, which they allocated themselves.
One
councillor had four stands, three of which he claimed he already had
when he
became a councillor in August 2008.
Mashakada said they would
continue to look into this issue to verify his
claims.
"We have
made it clear to them that if any one of them gets more stands they
will be
dismissed from the party. With the one councillor, we are gong to
carry out
further investigations to verify the authenticity of his claims.
We will not
leave any stone unturned," he said.
Mashakada said the previous Zanu
PF council led by Mayor Martin Dinha had
passed a council resolution that
each councillor should have five stands.
He was, however, quick to
say MDC-T welcomed genuine probes on corruption,
which are done
professionally and are not politically motivated.
"The Bindura probe
by Shamu smacks of political interference using the probe
as a veil to much
deeper political interests in the affairs of Bindura,"
Mashakada
said.
After their investigations, he dismissed the other allegations,
including
the recruitment of 56 security officers which was necessary to
protect
council property; mismanagement of council affairs, whose accounts
were last
audited in 2005; and the abuse of public funds, whose revenue
could not meet
the salary bill.
Mashakada said there was no basis
for the accusations leveled at the
16-month-old council, which has done more
in the last 16 months than ever
done by the past Zanu PF-led
councils.
The council has bought two ambulances, several cars and
sourced drugs for
the council health institutions.
The last council led
by Zanu PF, Mashakada said, had auctioned all vehicles
and there was no
ambulance in the town.
The team will be visiting Chegutu municipality
today, where MDC councillors
are alleged to have abused council funds for
personal use at the expense of
service delivery to residents and
taxpayers.
Tsvangirai in December told councillors to shun
corruption, saying that his
party would not hesitate to weed out those
involved.
Meanwhile, MDC-T has suspended its UK branch executive for
allegedly
defrauding the party of over 57 000 pounds.
This is the
second time the party has sacked the UK executive after another
was
suspended in October 2007 on charges of misusing party funds.
The UK
branch was the second largest to be closed after the South African
executive
was relieved of its duties for failing to account for donated
funds.
Faith Zaba
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010
19:56
ZIMBABWE'S ambassador to Tanzania, Edzai Chimonyo, has been ordered
by the
High Court to vacate a banana plantation which he occupied over the
festive
season in Manicaland, but the retired army general has stayed put on
the
farm.
The property, Fangundu Farm, in Burma Valley, south-east of
Mutare, is owned
by a Dutch and Malaysian company and is protected by a
Bilateral Investment
Promotion and Protection Agreement
(Bippa).
Chimonyo has reportedly ordered armed soldiers onto the
property and has
proceeded to harvest bananas in spite of Tuesday's High
Court order.
Justice Tedius Karwi presided over the matter and
ordered Chimonyo to
immediately vacate the plantation saying his occupation
was illegal.
The judge ruled: "That it be and is hereby declared that
all plantation
crops, infrastructure and all movable property belonging to
the applicants
on Fangundu are not subject to the appropriation, holding and
use by the
respondent (Chimonyo) or any other people acting through or in
association
with him."
Workers at Fangundu Farm told the Zimbabwe
Independent yesterday that
individuals believed to be soldiers from the
Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA)
were still camped at the banana
plantation.
An official from the Ministry of Lands in Mutare said the
invasion of
Fangundu Farm was unlikely to be reversed despite the court
ruling.
"That ruling is just a piece of paper," said the official.
"Almost every new
farmer in that area has been served with court orders so
there is nothing
that Chimonyo can be afraid of."
Chimonyo, a
retired major-general in the ZNA, occupied Fangundu Farm on
December 18. He
entered the farm brandishing an offer letter allegedly
issued to him in 2006
by Didymus Mutasa, then Lands minister.
Government sources said when
he occupied the land he was in the company of
senior lands officials from
Mutare.
The farm is owned by a Dutch and Malaysian investment firm,
Property Route
Toute BV. Property Route Toute BV is a company registered in
The
Netherlands, approved and recognised as an investor in Zimbabwe through
the
Zimbabwe Investment Centre Act.
Property Route Toute BV owns
commercial farming entity Matanuska (Pvt) Ltd,
a major banana producing and
processing concern with a massive processing
and packing plant on Fangundu
Farm in Burma Valley.
The occupation of Fangundu Farm could have
far-reaching consequences for
Zimbabwe's quest to attract direct foreign
investment.
Kelvin Jakachira
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010 19:52
HUMAN Rights
activists this week questioned the appointment of former chief
immigration
officer Elasto Mugwadi and other short-listed candidates to the
Zimbabwe
Human Rights Commission (ZHRC) saying some of the commissioners
were unfit
for the job given their history. The activists said some of the
commissioners had no "demonstrable" records in the human rights
field.
President Mugabe last month appointed ZHRC commissioners,
Mugwadi, Kwanele
Jirira, Carol Khombe, Joseph Kurebwa, Jacob Mudenda, Japhet
Ndabeni-Ncube,
Neseni Nomathemba, and Ellen Sithole in line with
Constitutional Amendment
Number 19.
The commissioners were
appointed by Mugabe after they were nominated by
parliament's standing rules
and orders committee chaired by House of
Assembly Speaker Lovemore
Moyo.
The human rights activists were in particular angry about
Mugwadi's
appointment.
Mugwadi, the activists said, would be a
handicap to the integrity of the
commission. This followed his refusal in
May 2003 to comply with a High
Court order blocking the deportation from
Zimbabwe of American journalist
Andrew Meldrum, a permanent
resident.
Meldrum, then Guardian correspondent, was deported for
allegedly writing
"unfavourable" stories about the then Zanu PF-led
government, despite having
a legal basis to continue practising
journalism.
"Some of the appointments have raised eyebrows and it is
difficult to
understand how persons with no demonstrable records in the
areas into which
they have been appointed can properly discharge their
mandates," a human
rights lawyer who asked for anonymity
said.
"Lawyer Elasto Mugwadi was the chief immigration officer when
Andrew Meldrum
was unlawfully deported from Zimbabwe," the human rights
lawyer said. "The
officers who were involved in the abduction of Meldrum at
all times acted
with the knowledge and connivance of Mugwadi, who was their
boss. The
various court orders which prohibited Meldrum's deportation were
personally
served on Mugwadi who was therefore at all times aware that
Meldrum's
deportation was against the law."
The African
Commission on Human and People's Rights has since confirmed that
Meldrum's
rights were violated when he was unlawfully deported.
"The question
that immediately comes to mind is how Mugwadi can in fact be a
human rights
watchdog when he is in fact a human rights violator,"
questioned another
activist.
"How does someone who has undermined the rule of law by
ignoring court
orders suddenly become a human rights commissioner? And how
did the MDC
formations agree to this appointment?"
Mugwadi's
appointment, the activist added, would "undermine the credibility
of the
Human Rights Commission even before its work starts".
Efforts to get
a comment from Mugwadi yesterday were in vain.
Apart from Mugwadi,
the activists also queried the appointment of perceived
Zanu PF apologists,
Jacob Mudenda and University of Zimbabwe political
scientist Joseph
Kurebwa.
Other commissioners were described as "nonentities who have
no track record
of upholding or even speaking out in defence of human
rights. -- Staff
Writer.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010
19:26
EDUCATION minister David Coltart wants to set up 20 academic
centres of
excellence this year to cater for bright disadvantaged children
who will
receive full scholarships.
Coltart told the Zimbabwe
Independent this week that two such centres would
be established in each
province with the best education facilities.
This, he said,
would help bridge the gap between government education and
elitist private
education.
“We are looking at ways of catering for the disadvantaged
children. If you
are a bright kid, the danger is that you will never realise
your talent,”
Coltart said. “Only a few can afford non-government schools.
We are
developing a mechanism that will bridge that gap between government
and the
non-governmental education system.”
Coltart said there
were local and British organisations that have expressed
interest in funding
the project, with the Chinese willing to take over some
of the
schools.
“We will establish one girls and one boys school in each
province. We are
targeting schools where we will channel money towards and
rehabilitate and
then identify the best teachers and heads in government for
these academies.
We will also establish a scholarship fund,” he
said.
Coltart said the next phase would be to establish 20 primary
academic
centres in 2011 and then vocational centres for the non-academic
students.
His long-term vision, Coltart said, would be to have an
equal number of
academic and vocational training centres in the country so
that all
differently gifted children would be taken care of.
His
ministry has raised more than US$30 million for the Education Transition
Fund, whose main funder is Unicef, and its first priority is the provision
of textbooks in primary schools.
At the moment the textbook ratio
at primary schools varies between 15
children to one and 36 children to one
at rural schools and Coltart wants
the ratio to go down to two children to
one book.
Coltart said his ministry would this year buy more than
nine million
textbooks for primary schools.
He is still to get
funding for textbooks for secondary schools.
On the Zimbabwe Schools
Examinations Council (Zimsec), Coltart admitted that
it would take years
before credibility of local examinations is restored.
“Zimsec was in
a complete shambles when I took over. We have managed to
restore a measure
of financial viability to Zimsec, although exams were
delayed. But it will
take time before credibility is restored,” he said.
Faith Zaba
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010
18:36
LEGISLATORS are divided on how the constitution-making outreach
programme
should be carried out, especially on the role government
departments
perceived to be partisan will play in the process. MPs also feel
that the
process would be discriminatory and excludes ordinary
citizens.
The lawmakers voiced their concerns in the capital on
Tuesday at a training
workshop held by the Constitution Parliament Committee
(Copac), a
parliamentary select committee, in preparation for the outreach
programme
scheduled to start next week.
During a heated question
and answer session, some MPs objected to the
planned use of government
departments such as district and provincial
administration offices,
councils and traditional leaders during the
outreach programme meant to
gather the views of the people on the new
supreme law.
MDC-T MP
for Magwegwe in Bulawayo, Felix Sibanda, said it was difficult to
trust
government departments given that in the past they were inclined to
support
Zanu PF. He said the structures could be biased in the
views-gathering
process.
"My concern is with the involvement of government officials.
How reconciled
are they to facilitate this and see that they have been
trained without bias
because there have been a lot of misunderstandings with
them?" questioned
Sibanda.
Just before the June 2008 presidential
election run-off, government
recruited over 13 000 youths who were deployed
nationwide at provincial and
district levels as ward
officers.
The MDC-T alleged that the youths, war veterans and Zanu PF
militia were
responsible for the orgy of violence before the run-off which
resulted in
the death of at least 200 of its supporters.
The MPs
also said they were afraid that sponsored violence could emerge
during the
outreach programme to derail the constitution-making process.
But
Copac co-chairperson Douglas Mwonzora said it would be difficult to
carry
out the process without the support of government departments. He said
the
police would be deployed to ensure peace.
"We picked headmen,
district administrators, provincial administrators and
councillors because
these are people we find at local government level.
These are certain
government officials to assist us in the outreach
programmes," Mwonzora
said.
"There are certain roles we want them to play and this has been
agreed to by
all political parties. They are opinion- makers so they have to
be involved.
They will be trained and we made a deal with the police to make
sure that
they will respond to any disorder quickly."
Zanu PF MP
for Mwenezi East, Kudakwashe Bhasikiti, asked the committee what
measures
were in place to ensure that people's views would be properly
captured in
the 65-day outreach programme.
Bhasikiti also wanted to know how the
committee was going to reach areas
that were not accessible by road due to
bad weather conditions Paul
Mangwana, co-chairperson of Copac, said
logistics were in place to ensure
that every ward in the country would be
consulted.
Mangwana said: "If any area is not accessible we will
provide time for it.
That is why we said our period is plus or minus 65
days. We will make sure
that no single ward making part of Zimbabwe will not
be accessible. If it
means hiring helicopters we will do so. We have
employed mechanisms and
video recorders for back up."
Zanu PF MP
for Mhondoro Ngezi, Bright Matonga, was of the view that some of
the
thematic committees members were too academic and could give people an
"academic constitution" and complained that there was discrimination against
the ordinary person.
He cited the religion thematic committee as
an example where those who would
lead the committee are a doctor, a
professor and a pastor and did not
constitute ordinary people like members
of the apostolic church.
Mwonzora said the list of those on the
thematic committees was still going
through "adjustments".
He
said no reference constitution would be used during the outreach
programme,
putting paid to Zanu PF's insistence that only the Kariba draft
should be
used as a basis for the new constitution.
Mwonzora said: "These
constitutions (Kariba and National Constitutional
Assembly drafts) were
divisive and threatened the programme. Instead the
committee will be using
talking points which will come from the people of
Zimbabwe. For example,
when they answer questions like in whom they think
most executive powers
should be invested, how this person can be chosen and
for how long should be
his or her term of office.
"The constitution-making process will be
issue-based and not document-based.
We are in a very unique process. This
process has not been undertaken
anywhere. It is almost superior to the South
African process."
Social scientist and Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
member Joyce Kazembe said
during the outreach the MPs should strive to
capture the desires of the
people.
Kazembe said: "You will
probably get a situation where people are not
addressing what the thematic
committees like, for example, I want my
children to go to school or some
will come and say I don't have fertiliser.
"Where will those issues
fall? It is important that whatever the people say
will fit into one or the
other thematic committees. It is important when you
go out there to listen
to what people will say."
Meanwhile, the NCA this week said it would
continue to intensify its
campaign for a "genuine people-driven
constitution-making process" guided by
the position of the people who
attended their second convention in July last
year.
The NCA is
opposed to the current constitution-making process saying it was
not
people-driven.
Wongai Zhangazha
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010 18:34
THE
government will soon institute an audit into the activities of the
Matabeleland Zambezi Water Project (MZWP) as it takes over that venture in
line with a cabinet decision made in 2004. The Matabeleland Zambezi Water
Trust (MZWT), the current manager of the water project, is embroiled in a
tug of war with the Ministry of Water Resources and Development over control
of the project.
Water Resources and Development minister Samuel
Sipepa Nkomo announced
towards the end of last year that the government has
taken over control of
the water project, a move that did not go down well
with the MZWT
chairperson, Dumiso Dabengwa, who accused Nkomo of hijacking
the project.
However, Nkomo revealed this week that the takeover of
the water project was
not personal but a decision made by cabinet six years
ago.
"The decision to take over the water project was made by cabinet
in 2004 and
what government is doing is re-affirming that position because
the ownership
of the project from the onset was by the government and MZWT
was only
managing the project, so there is nothing new with the government
taking
over the project," Nkomo said.
He said the audit to be
conducted by government would seek to produce a
comprehensive report on the
activities of the MZWT and MZWP that would be
tabled before
cabinet.
Nkomo said the government wanted an audit of what has been
done since the
inception of the MZWT and said audited financial accounts
have to be
produced.
"We need to know the liabilities of the
water project and that entails
producing accounts and accounting for
everything that has been done since
the project commenced," Nkomo
said.
The water project has moved at a snail's pace with no
substantial
developments despite numerous cash injections by the government
and other
stakeholders and the progress of the water project has slackened
while there
have been numerous allegations of misuse of funds at
MZWT.
The ambitious project to pipe water from the mighty Zambezi
river, 452
kilometres away, in a bid to ease perennial water shortages in
Matabeleland
was first mooted in 1912 but abandoned by successive
governments due to the
high costs involved.
Some former MZWT
trustees, led by former councilor and activist, Arnold
Payne, took the MZWT
to court in a bid to force the organisation to produce
audited financial
accounts.
However, MZWT has failed to produce the audited accounts
report almost five
years after the court application.
Nkomo said
MZWT was one of the stakeholders in the Zambezi water project and
said the
government will work with all stakeholders including the MZWT.
"The
project will from now be run from government offices but we will work
with
other stakeholders in the project and MZWT is one of the stakeholders
but it
is not the only stakeholder in the project," Nkomo said.
He said the
government decision to nationalise the project should not be
politicised.
"There should be no politics in all this, the
government nationalised the
water project because there was no progress on
the ground," he said.
A Chinese engineering company, CWE, won a
tender for the construction of a
dam which was the first part of the
project. The company only carried out
excavation works, built access roads
and identified a quarry site before
abandoning the site due to lack of
funding.
Investors who include the Chinese, Malaysians and Italians
have shown an
interest in partnering the MZWT in the construction of the dam
but have all
left in unclear circumstances.
Loughty Dube
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010 18:32
THE
formation of the National Economic Council (NEC) in line with the global
political agreement (GPA) hangs in the balance amid confusion as to who is
responsible for the setting up of the economic think tank. Following last
November's Sadc troika meeting on the outstanding issues to the GPA,
negotiators of the power-sharing pact resolved in December that the Joint
Monitoring and Implementation Committee (Jomic) should notify stakeholders
to nominate would-be members of the council by end of this
month.
According to a report of the negotiators that was sent to
South African
President Jacob Zuma, nominations for the NEC were received
from the Bankers
Association of Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe National Chamber of
Commerce and the
Chamber of Mines of Zimbabwe, and Jomic was instructed to
invite the
Zimbabwe National Farmers Union and the Institute of Chartered
Accountants
of Zimbabwe to submit their nominations.
But to date
neither of the two organisations had been informed, casting
doubts on the
coalition government's commitment to fully implement the
September 15 2008
agreement.
Article 3 of the GPA -- which gave birth to the inclusive
government between
President Robert Mugabe, prime minister Morgan Tsvangirai
and his deputy
Arthur Mutambara -- binds the three principals to establish a
NEC composed
of representatives of three political parties and
representatives of the
manufacturing, agriculture, mining, tourism,
commerce, financial, labour,
academia and other relevant
sectors.
The terms of reference of the council shall include giving
advice to
government and such other functions as assigned to the council by
government.
Icaz chief executive officer Sonny Mabheju confirmed
to the Zimbabwe
Independent this week that Jomic had not invited the
chartered accountants
body to make nominations.
"I confirm that
the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Zimbabwe (Icaz)
has not yet
received an invitation to appoint a representative on NEC," said
Mabheju.
On why the two organisations had not been invited to
make nominations and
when political parties were going to submit names of
potential members,
Jomic member Tabitha Khumalo said the committee had no
powers to implement.
"That issue is an outstanding issue for the
principals," said Khumalo. "We
wrote a letter to the principals advising
them on the need to set up the
council. We (Jomic) do not have implementing
powers."
Provisions of the GPA, however, state that Jomic should
ensure the
implementation in letter and spirit of the
agreement.
Khumalo added that it was up to Mugabe, Tsvangirai and
Mutambara to choose
which organisations should constitute the
NEC.
Bernard Mpofu
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010
18:31
THE United States Agency for International Development (USAid) has
awarded
US$14 million in grants to seven non-governmental organisations
aimed at
restoring livelihoods to farmers in rural Zimbabwe and
kick-starting
agricultural recovery. The grants target more than 52 000
farmers and
agri-businesses in support of a broad range of activities and
sectors, with
the ultimate goal of increasing production and raising
incomes.
Grant activities include vouchers for agricultural inputs,
provision of
extension services to farmers, training in conservation
farming,
strengthening agro-dealers and processors, development of local
commodity
associations, re-establishment of market linkages, business
training, seed
retention, creation of internal savings and lending groups,
and small-scale
irrigation.
One grant focuses on increasing
production, processing, and marketing of
meat, milk, and eggs, whereas other
grants focus on staple crops (eg, maize,
groundnuts, beans, and sweet
potato) and cotton.
The projects will benefit farmers in Mashonaland
Central, Mashonaland East,
Mashonaland West, Masvingo, Midlands,
Matabeleland, and Manicaland.
USAid mission director Karen Freeman
noted that the United States government
is committed to restoring the
agricultural sector in Zimbabwe as an engine
of growth and a source of
pride.
"Zimbabwe's economy has always revolved around agriculture. We
are proud of
the activities proposed by the Livelihood awardees to help to
restore this
important sector to health," she said. "This is an investment
from the
people of the United States which demonstrates our strong and
continued
support for Zimbabwean farmers and
agri-businesses."
The NGOs include Agricultural Cooperative
Development
International/Volunteers in Overseas Cooperative Assistance,
International
Relief and Development, the Cooperative League of the USA,
Africare, Mercy
Corps, Care, and Land O'Lakes. Beneficiaries of the grants
will work with
local partners and communities to ensure quick start-up,
rapid and
sustainable impact, and high levels of local involvement and
participation.
Staff Writer
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010
18:15
AS Zimbabwe enters the year 2010, it is of interest to consider the
various
possibilities of how the politics of the nation may play in this
year. The
nation's political direction is somewhat unpredictable and thus
has no
predetermined or mathematical trajectory.
The political
parties in Zimbabwe are likely to face a lot of pressure from
within and
without, which may result in some structural or operational
changes. These
changes may be intentional or perpetually enforced.
The MDC led by
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai may face a year of steep
challenges as the
party comes under resilience and strategy-adaptation
tests.
Given the
matrix of their newly found glory of being in a shared government,
this has
ushered in a new dimensional load, which has previously been
non-existent.
By being a new player in a government, the MDC-T faces
the pressure of
proving their mettle to perform at such a grand political
stage.
If the MDC-T is going to convince Zimbabweans of its ability to
govern then
there is a slightly higher expectation upon them than that of
their
tried-and-tested Zanu PF counterparts.
The MDC-T has the
pressure of creating effective visibility in this
government of national
unity (GNU). This visibility has to come with some
earmarked operational
distinctions which must clearly reveal the difference
between the
traditional way of government and the way government should be,
courtesy of
the MDC-T's coming in.
The MDC-T has no luxury of blaming the total
failure of the GNU on Zanu PF's
contrary muscling and spanner-in-the-works
gimmicks.
Rather there is an expectation of surviving the political
marriage they
intentionally went into. They no longer enjoy the total, old
and assumed
public sympathy that was characteristic of their outright
opposition tag.
Rather, there is a public expectation of their ability in
managing to
negotiate their way through the political jungle that they
married
themselves into.
In this case, the MDC-T will likely continue
to give maximum attention to
their government duties and roles.
This
is also against a background of the need to equally focus on
strengthening
their party structures, resolve and operations in order to
prepare for
future elections as well as in keeping the party fluid and in
shape.
Given that the MDC-T had to pull all its "strong men" into
government and
given the huge task of this government, I am left to wonder
just how much
attention will be afforded to party stabilisation and
development.
This year, the MDC-T may start to feel the challenges of
bifocal
operations - operating in a tiring government and at the same time
trying to
effectively run the party.
In this regard, the MDC-T also
has a challenge of managing their supporters'
expectations. Inasmuch as they
are not in full control of this government,
there is so much expectation for
them to show just how different their
ministers' and officials' conduct is
from what Zanu PF has been since 1980.
This will bear so much on the
issues of values, democratic discharge and
efficiency.
The other
dimension that will critically affect the MDC-T is its ideological
standpoint. When the party was launched it seemed to exhibit democratic
socialist ideals.
These were characterised by the strong labour base
and the paramount
consideration of the workforce as the core determinant of
party policy and
direction.
However, over time the party seems to
have transformed to embrace a more
social democracy dimension in which
labour is no longer as visible as it was
in its earlier years. The MDC-T
must strongly define its ideological
identity.
Zanu PF on the
other hand enters 2010 with a more robust voice against its
leadership's
imposition of candidates and a clearer call for the prevalence
of internal
democracy in the party. This was the clear message from their
incident-filled 2009 congress.
In that light, the party may face
bolder voices that will not only call for
circumferential leadership changes
but will challenge the presidium's
continued dominance in a time which
cautiously introspects on their
retirement.
The lonely voices
that have previously called for their retirement may be
joined by more
voices from more objective party supporters and from those
hopeful of
gaining personal stature from such eventuality.
Zanu PF will not be too
focused on improving their performance in the GNU;
rather their efforts will
be in maintaining control of the power echelons of
the GNU.
For
Zanu PF, government performance will not be a primary motivation this
year
as their notion seems to dictate that power entrenchment is a weightier
determinant of who runs government and who does not.
This in essence
will therefore afford them more time for party business than
for government
duties. I therefore see Zanu PF going all out this year to
start preparing
for elections in their party structures.
Zanu PF's internal pressures
from the marked power struggles will also
likely cause internal purging of
the party, sacrificing those standing with
"wrong" presidential hopefuls and
those whose credentials and public
declarations are deemed sympathetic to
the MDC-T.
There may be more leaders in the party who will follow the
Basil Nyabadza
route or may face the Walter Mzembi debacle.
The
MDC-M led by Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara also has its own
dynamics to contend with. In this regard, the party may realise just how
fast its honeymoon in government may come to an end should an early election
come into being. In that regard, the party will likely spend the year
considering which party (MDC-T, Zanu PF or other parties) to dissolve itself
into.
Then there is the oblivious Mavambo-Kusile factor, which I
think has not
taken the political space that many thought it would. Simba
Makoni is still
regarded with some credibility as an individual, but it is
unfortunate that
his party has not followed that up with any justified
muscle to present any
meaningful political option.
Makoni is best
advised to brand himself out of this Mavambo-Kusile
experiment in order to
salvage whatever remnant of political respect that he
still
has.
We also have the re-launched Zapu party led by Dumiso Dabengwa.
The party
came into life to reclaim the space of the original Zapu which in
1987 had
gone into a lop-sided marriage with Zanu.
Zapu has done well
in terms of its presence in Matabeleland, parts of
Midlands and in some
portions of the diaspora. The party may need to
re-strategise if it is to
make any meaningful headway.
It must also focus on achieving a
national rather than regional agenda.
Given this scope, Zapu may stand to be
another glide into the past unless it
transforms its focus, then it can be a
party of the future.
On the outlook however, 2010 may see the
emergence of a new and strong
opposition political party.
This party
will most probably come from new political players who have never
been fully
tainted by the misgivings of the current political parties.
I see this
party being able to come in and try to fill some of the gaps that
currently
exist from the political composition of the parties in existence.
One of
the critical areas would be to offer strong and resilient opposition
to the
parties in the GNU as the current tirade of political madness
requires a
checking mechanism.
Trevor Maisiri is the Executive Director and
co-founder of African Reform
Institute - a political leadership development
institute based in Harare
also operating as a political
"think-tank".
Trevor Maisiri
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07
January 2010 18:07
A BULAWAYO based company has taken the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe (RBZ) to the
High Court seeking its eviction from its premises for
failing to pay rentals
amounting to over US$42 000. The RBZ, according to
court papers filed by
Trebo and Khays (Pvt) Ltd, has not paid any rentals
for the premises since
February 2009 thereby accruing arrears amounting to
US$42 435.
Zimbabwe abandoned the local currency and adopted the
multi-currency system
in February last year, the same time that the RBZ
started failing to pay
rentals.
Trebo and Khays (Pvt), through its
lawyers Cheda & Partners, also want the
RBZ to pay holdover damages
before it is evicted from the rented premises in
the Belmont industrial
area.
The premises house offices, a warehouse, a storage space for
RBZ machinery
and equipment, and a garage for RBZ vehicles.
Court
papers filed in December 2009 show that the Bulawayo company is
seeking an
order forcing the RBZ to pay the debt and for the cancellation of
a lease
agreement entered into by the two parties. It also wants the central
bank
evicted from the rented premises.
"Plaintiff's claims against
defendant are for: an order for the payment of
US$42 435 due on account of
rent arrear as at 30th September 2009 together
with interest at the
prescribed rate from the date of summons to date of
full payment," read the
court papers.
"An order for the defendant to pay holdover damages
equivalent to the
rentals due at US$172,50 per day from 1st October 2009 to
date of eviction
and an order confirming the cancellation of the agreement
of lease on
account of the defendant's failure to pay rentals on time or at
all."
The company also wants the RBZ to be evicted within 48 hours
once an
eviction order has been granted.
"Plaintiff also claims
an order for defendants' eviction from No 8. Empress
Road, Belmont, Bulawayo
within 48 hours of service of this order, failing
which the Deputy Sheriff,
Bulawayo, be and hereby ordered to evict the
defendant and all those
claiming through it," read the court papers.
The RBZ, which is
represented in the matter by Chitapi & Associates, has
applied for an
interdict to stop its eviction from the rented premises.
Since the
suspension of the Zimbabwean dollar the RBZ has found it difficult
to
operate as most of its costs were borne through the printing of the
worthless local currency under its quasi-fiscal activities.
The
central bank has also failed to pay its workers on time due to financial
constraints.
Loughty Dube
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010
18:03
GOVERNMENT plans to open up rail services to private players and
review
current regulatory policies governing railways in a move that could
bring
competition to the ailing National Railways of Zimbabwe (NRZ). This
was
outlined in the five-year economic recovery plan, 2010-2015 Medium Term
Plan
(MTP), aimed at stimulating the economy and restoring human rights and
the
rule of law.
According to the 212-page draft, government is
considering "a separate body
to own/operate infrastructure while the rail
services are opened up to a
number of sector players for a
fee".
The document, which is a follow up to the Short Term Emergency
Recovery
Programme (Sterp), seeks to open up the running of the country's 3
077 km
rail network to other players.
The document says NRZ
performance has been on a decline over the past decade
due to inadequate
locomotive power and rolling stock capacity constraints
resulting from lack
of funding.
The rail infrastructure, which includes signalling and
telecommunications
systems, would be rehabilitated.
However, in
December Finance minister Tendai Biti told parliament that the
railway
system is collapsing and the World Bank said Zimbabwe should close
some
parts of the network.
"Studies by a team of experts from the World
Bank recently say we should
shut down at least two-thirds of the network
because it is a disaster in
waiting," said Biti.
The revival of
the rail infrastructure is pivotal to the country's economic
turnaround
programme as investors require such infrastructure if they were
to pump
money into the economy.
Critical lack of resources is hampering the
maintenance and replacement of
ageing infrastructure, some of which is over
50 years old.
Vandalism has not spared the parastatal, with thieves
targeting electric
cables and signalling equipment. This has led to electric
locomotives being
suspended.
The parastatal has also been hit by
a spate of accidents over the last few
years as a result of ageing or
vandalised signalling equipment.
NRZ is said to require at least
US$274 million to invest in new equipment
and expand its
network.
Biti allocated US$16,7 million to revive the country's rail
network.
The parastatal plays a major role in the transportation of
goods and
materials for the mining, manufacturing and agricultural
industries.
Currently the NRZ is operating at between 30% and 50% of
its capacity
because of a myriad of challenges.
Its also plays a
pivotal role in linking other landlocked countries with
ports in South
Africa.
Rail infrastructure expansion programme including
construction of new links
to provide a shorter route to and from seaports
and regional countries would
be explored.
The 2010-2015 MTP,
submitted to the World Bank and other international donor
organisations
recently, details strategies and projections that have been
made by the
inclusive government.
According to the draft, the government intends
to establish a "vibrant
market and private sector driven economy" which will
be funded mainly by the
public and private sector through Public Private
Partnerships involving
banks, investors and the
government.
Nqobile Bhebhe
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010
16:02
PROPOSALS to have all funding and assistance to Zimbabwe from
humanitarian
organisations channelled through government would present
administrative and
operational problems, analysts have said. It has been
resolved by
negotiators of the three political parties which are signatories
to the
global political agreement (GPA) that funding for aid be channelled
through
government which should have the right of determining where
resources are to
be allocated.
This resolution which has already
been adopted by the negotiators is carried
in the report on progress on
implementing the GPA which was sent to the
Southern Africa Development
Community last year. It was a result of Zanu PF’s
position that
non-governmental organisations (NGOs) were aligned to MDC-T
which was
affecting the political playing field.
Zanu PF has alleged that there
is “politicisation of humanitarian food
assistance and the selective funding
of elements or ministries by donors”.
It has gone on to allege that
there was no transparency in “funds channelled
to the NGOs in terms of both
size and quantities of funds and recipients
thereof.”
It is also
clear that the Multi-Donor Trust Fund, which has been a source of
contestation between Zanu PF and MDC-T was also targeted under the
proposals.
Communications manager at the National Association for
Non-Governmental
Organisatons Farai Ngirande said it was too early to have
the government
controlling the funds as there was a serious need for
institutional change.
“It is also important to note that because of
the brain drain especially in
the last five years, government may not have
the capacity to effectively
handle the funds as most of the qualified
personnel left the public
service,” said Ngirande. “On the other hand, the
NGO sector has been able
to retain personnel who are best placed to
undertake the humanitarian aid
effort.”
Ngirande added that
issues which have been raised against government,
especially corruption, may
work against the move to centralise control of
funding for
NGOs.
However, Ngirande added, government and civic society are not
mutually
exclusive.
“It is not an either-or question as both the
government and the NGOs are
important,” Ngirande said. “What is required is
a comprehensive strategy
that involves all willing
players.”
Simon Badza, a political science lecturer at the University
of Zimbabwe,
said the centralisation of control of funding may be done as a
measure to
monitor the operations of the NGOs.
“From time to
time, all sovereign states may want to monitor the operations
of NGOs to see
if they are operating within the parameters of the law,” said
Badza. “This
may be done to make sure that if they are humanitarian
organisations, then
they would be doing humanitarian work.”
Badza added that in most
Third World countries, NGOs may be viewed as a
security threat operating as
agencies of their parent countries.
Another analyst who said he was a
consultant for several NGOs in the country
said the decision to control
finances was literally ‘going where others were
coming
from.’
“Most NGOs have an outstanding administrative capacity,
something which is
almost absent in most government departments,” said the
consultant. “When
the NGOs identify a gap, they always fill it because they
have the finance
and this is a sign that they would be in a better position
to execute
different tasks.”
The consultant suggested that the
government should empower the NGOs instead
of disempowering
them.
“It is surprising that it is only the funding that the
government would want
to control. There are a number of cycles and
procedures which are followed
and release of funds is only a stage, thus it
may not make sense to control
one stage,” added the consultant. “What would
happen, for example if a
proposal for infant feeding in Muzarabani is
approved but the funds are
diverted to another district?”
MDC-T
spokesperson Nelson Chamisa said the resolutions are only a work in
progress
and they would have to be approved by the respective political
parties.
“This is not being implemented and we need to fully
appreciate the impact of
such a move,” Chamisa said. “Who knows, perhaps
this may not fly when it
comes to implementation.”
The
resolutions which were made by the negotiators of the three political
parties have once again exposed the fraught nature of the state-civil
society relationship in Zimbabwe.
It has become traditional that
the state is suspicious of the activities of
civil society while on the
other hand NGOs argue that they play a
complementary role to government
activities. This once again puts the role
of NGOs under the
spotlight.
Government has since the turn of the century been trying
to increase control
on the operations of the civil society through
legislative means. Apart
from these methods, there are some strict
processes and procedures which one
has to follow if they want to operate as
an NGO in the country.
Parallels can be drawn between the proposals
recently agreed to by
negotiators from the three political parties and the
Political Parties
(Finance) Act passed eight years ago.
The
Political Parties (Finance) Act provides for the financing of political
parties by the State and at the same time prohibits foreign donations to
political parties and candidates.
When it was passed in 2002,
this act was mainly targeted at the opposition
MDC which two years earlier
had mounted a serious campaign against Zanu PF.
While regulating
funding of political parties through the act has been done
with few
glitches, NGOs may be a lot more difficult.
Analysts pointed out that
the definition of an NGO was not watertight, thus
there would be a number of
problems when it came to the implementation. It
would also present problems
if funding for an international NGO were to be
controlled by government
which would have a prerogative to allocate
resources as there are programmes
which are already running and may be
disturbed.
Questions have
also been raised as to how government would be able to
allocate resources
which were raised by third parties which are on the
ground and know the
needs of the people.
Most of the NGOs have been operating for close
to a decade and they now have
a better understanding of the communities they
operate in and they may be
raising funds based on the needs
assessment.
Regulation of NGOs through centralised control of
finances by the state,
analysts added, may present problems especially at a
time when many players
in the sector are opting for
self-regulation.
Other countries, South Africa for example, have also
been debating the issue
of regulation with the NGOs arguing that this would
best be done by an
independent body.
Such a body would execute
tasks specific to the regulation of NGOs as these
roles cannot be optimally
performed within a specific government department
which may have other
pressing needs.
It has been argued that governments are not best
placed to perform such
roles because their budgets are shaped by forces
beyond an entity’s actual
need, such as political will, economic conditions,
international pressure,
and other, seemingly more pressing demands on
limited government resources.
If the control of NGO funds were to be
put under the ambit of government,
then there would be a further straining
of resources and at the same time it
may create unnecessary delays in the
disbursement of funds for pressing
needs.
Leonard Makombe
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010
17:55
ANY brief comment upon the national budget, especially so
relatively soon
after the public disclosure of its contents, runs the very
real risk of
misconstruing, or certainly doing less than justice to the
influence its
measures are intended to have upon the country's future
affairs. What might
seem to have high priority, for example, at least
according to the monetary
weight assigned to the funding of particular
activities, is not always an
infallible guide to the likely fruitfulness of
the respective financial
provisions.
This is not so much because
economics is an inexact science but because
choice in the allocation of
resources can also be exercised to destroy,
instead of enhancing, material
welfare as the woeful experience of the
nation, particularly since the
mid-1990s, so cruelly illustrates.
Such considerations, however, have
not totally aborted all carping at the
budget proposals which have been
accused of doing little or nothing to
improve the real earnings of the
lowest paid, and are thus inconsistent with
its stated theme of providing a
"pro-poor, broad-based and inclusive
development framework".
Despite
this, few people of goodwill are likely to take serious issue with
any
steps, however halting, which seek to ameliorate the lot of the
population's
85% "'submerged and drowning poor" or even their 13% "floating
or
dog-paddling middle class cousins". The brutal reality of the situation
the
country - and the minister - currently faces is that the genuinely
foreseeable growth in revenue provides no room for
magnanimity.
Projected expenditure in 2010, including the US$810
million vote of credit
(essentially aid funding) is only US$2,25 billion
against combined
ministerial, departmental and parastatal bids of US$12
billion. Allowing for
the fact that the demand for public funds almost
invariably exceeds whatever
is available the situation can only be described
as dire.
The priority given to health, education and social welfare
spending in both
the budget allocations proper and the vote of credit thus
provides little to
cavil about beyond making the trite point that few, if
any, of the available
means are anywhere near adequate to address the ends
being sought - hardly a
novel conclusion.
Where reservations over
the budget proposals do seem likely to have somewhat
greater legitimacy over
the latter's quite possibly over optimistic
assumptions concerning the
country's short-term economic outlook. This is
seen as consisting of nominal
GDP growth in 2010 of 7% predicated upon
strong real performances in the
three materially productive sectors
agriculture, mining and manufacturing
complemented by a buoyant performance
in tourism.
Although a
caveat is recorded in so far as anticipated weather conditions
are concerned
insufficient allowance is likely to have been made for the
uncertainty
invariably present in respect of the outcome of the summer
cropping season
where rainfall totals and distribution patterns are
notoriously
erratic.
Moreover, since the country's agriculturally useful rain is
usually confined
to just four consecutive months (roughly mid-November to
the following
mid-March) the probable farming outcome cannot be foreseen
with anything
like accuracy as early as December when the initial Budget
forecasts have to
be made notwithstanding an increased reliance upon
irrigation.
Since farming still provides an estimated 40% of
secondary industry's inputs
and constitutes a market for, perhaps, some 10%
of its output as well as
earning an albeit-much reduced income from exports,
the effects of fickle
weather conditions are not confined to agriculture
alone.
To the uncertain influences of the weather have more recently
been added
those arising from the agricultural season's net impact upon
money supply in
a situation of ongoing liquidity restraint and its
implications for the
balance of payments.
The budget acknowledges
the country's acute dependence upon grant aid and
investment inflows in a
situation in which there is effectively no lender of
last
resort.
While the scope for fiscal policy initiatives is extremely
limited the
budget does not overlook either the essential role in
stimulating growth
which "a conducive business environment" will be required
to play.
It is here that the necessary reinforcing relationship between
economic,
social and political objectives is obliquely alluded
to.
For far too long ministers of finance have been expected to
advance economic
growth and development in the most inauspicious of
circumstances when
developments outside their portfolio have frustrated,
impeded or totally
undermined attempts to promote the more efficient
operation of market forces
to the national benefit.
Money alone can
be of no use in a country without laws, property rights or
trust in
institutions as ordinary citizens have found to their
cost.
Notwithstanding payment of lip-service to the needs of "the
economy", timid
politicians irked by the difficulty of making enough money
honestly have
been continuously able to bring sufficient short-term
influence to hijack
any moves viewed as likely to cramp the lifestyle of
"the 2% prawn-eating
free stylers". The underlying message of the 2010
Budget is not sufficiently
spelt out. It needs to be.
Jimmy
Girdlestone
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010 17:52
GOLD
mining companies in the country have continued to increase exploration
activities in anticipation of better earnings from improved commodity
prices, especially that of gold. Two companies, Mwana Africa and African
Consolidated Resources (ACR), last year released reports showing the extent
of exploration activities.
Mwana Africa’s Zimbabwe Greenfields
Exploration would see the company
foraging for minerals in Bindura, parts of
Midlands, Mutoko and Bubi.
The company has 1 308 claims in the said
areas.
ACR’s explorations have shown that there are gold and diamond
deposits which
have previously not been looked into.
A report
detailing the mining company’s mineral potential in the areas where
it has
claims has shown that the firm can further exploit resources.
“Gold
exploration in the Gadzema Belt, a few kilometres south of the Giant
Mine,
has discovered broad, near-surface gold mineralisation hosted by stock
works,” ACR said. “This style of mineralisation has received little previous
exploration.”
ACR also said that the economic pit modelling of
the Giant Gold Mine has
indicated that a conceptual pit at current gold
prices will extend below the
current drilling depth of
100-150m.
“A deeper drilling campaign is recommended to add further
resources at depth
and to close off broad gold intercepts hosted by a quartz
diorite intrusion
to the south,” said the mining company. “ACR is currently
modelling a
consolidated gold operation to encompass gold resources in the
Midlands
district at Gadzema (Giant and Blue Rock), and at
Pickstone-Peerless, 30 km
to the south.”
ACR’s exploration
activities have been buoyed by the policy changes last
year which have seen
the liberalisation of marketing of gold with only a
percentage being
remitted to the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe.
Exploration into the
potential of other minerals has shown three areas
containing probe-proven
kimberlite indicator minerals.
These have been interpreted as being
sourced from the diamond stability
field.
“Ongoing detailed
sampling is currently in progress to discover the parent
kimberlites.
These targets have been generated from a large
historical database that ACR
acquired in July 2008,” said
ACR.
Apart from these potential diamond deposits, the company also
has proven
claims in Marange and these have been confirmed by the High Court
though the
company is yet to start mining.
Despite the
confirmation of the ACR claims by the High Court, the Zimbabwe
Mining
Development Corporation has, in partnership with two other companies,
continued to mine in Marange.
ACR also has claims and interests
in other mineral resources apart from gold
and diamond and these include
nickel, base metals and platinum.
Leonard Makombe
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010 17:50
MINEWORKERS have
threatened to go on strike next month in protest against
poor remuneration
and working conditions. The threat followed the failure by
the Associated
Mineworkers Union of Zimbabwe (AMUZ) and the Zimbabwe Chamber
of Mines to
agree on wages.
The dispute between the two parties has deteriorated
with the mineworkers'
body taking the chamber to the High
Court.
"We will start going to all the mines this month to address
mineworkers and
get them to vote to go on strike," AMUZ president Tinago
Ruzive told
bussinessdigest this week.
He said a decision on
whether or not to embark on strike would be made by
month-end.
Mineworkers were awarded a minimum wage of US$140 for
the third quarter of
last year by arbitrator and lawyer Arthur Manase. The
arbitration was
prompted by disagreements between the two
parties.
The chamber had said they were only prepared to pay a minimum
wage of US$80,
a reduction from the previous minimum wage of US$100, while
the mineworkers
were demanding a minimum wage of US$200.
The
mineworkers wanted US$174 as salary plus US$26 to cater for uniforms,
school
fees, medication and other items.
Manase however awarded the workers
US$120 plus US$20 to cover items such as
safety clothes, fees and medication
Issues came to a head when the Chamber
agreed to pay only US$120, arguing
the additional US$20 awarded was already
catered for by the provisions the
mines give the workers.
This prompted the mineworkers' body to
take the chamber to court.
The deadlock is aggravated by the failure
of the two parties to meet over
wage adjustments for the last quarter of
2009 and the first quarter of this
year.
"The chamber has refused
to pay us the US$20 we have been awarded and we
have taken them to the High
Court," Ruzive said.
He said this had bogged down negotiations for
the first quarter of this year
in which they expect the minimum wage to be
set at US$496.
"We are expecting a minimum wage of US$496 which is
the Poverty Datum Line.
The figure is not a thumb suck," he
said.
Chamber of Mines chief executive Chris Hokonya declined to comment
on the
issue when contacted.
Meanwhile, employers have resolved
to hold wage negotiations once this
year - effectively scrapping quarterly
wage negotiations.
"We as employers have unanimously agreed that we
will only negotiate once
this year and that's it," Employers Confederation
of Zimbabwe director John
Mufukare said. "We are doing this to in order to
lift the country from the
bottom of the productivity scale within the Sadc
region."
He said they were "completely devastated" by plans by
mineworkers to go on
strike at a time the country should be focused on
economic recovery."
Kudzai Kuwaza
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010 17:42
FALCON Gold,
a major mining company in the country, may soon go under the
hammer due to
severe operational problems. The company's chairperson, Roy
Pitchford, said
the mining concern was exploring several options to secure
the future of the
firm.
Among the options, he said, was selling the company to new
investors.
"The focus of Central Africa Gold (CAG) is now to secure
the future of
Falcon Gold and to this end several options are being
considered including
further debt financing, the introduction of a strategic
partner either at
the CAG or the Falcon level and the sale of the Falcon
Group to investors
who undertake to provide adequate funding to fully
restore the mining
operations of the company," said
Pitchford.
The future of Falcon Gold, one of the biggest gold mines
in Zimbabwe, would
be made known during the first quarter of this
year.
Pitchford said lack of funding since 2008 and non-payment of
gold lodgments
by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe impacted negatively on
production levels.
"The absence of adequate funding during 2008
resulted in very limited gold
production, a situation that has continued
throughout 2009. The suspension
from trading on the AIM exchange in London
requested by CAG coupled with the
world economic situation has prevented CAG
from raising adequate capital,"
Pitchford said.
He said the
global economic downturn has made it impossible for CAG to
support Falcon
Gold.
The company's principal property - Dalny Mine in Chegutu - last
year treated
22 936 tonnes of ore producing 9,52 kg of gold and at an
average yield of 0,
41g a tonne. Vince Mine in Kadoma, Golden Quarry and
Camperdown Tribute in
Shurugwi are under care and
maintenance.
Several mines in the country have shut down in recent
years, suffocated by
hyperinflation, lack of skills, power and foreign
currency.
Gold is a key foreign currency earner for Zimbabwe's
struggling economy and
accounts for about 52% of total mineral production
and a third of export
earnings.
Gold deliveries fell to 13 000 kg
last year from 21 300 kg the previous year
with the central bank saying the
mineral was being smuggled abroad where
earnings were higher.
The
mining sector has been on the decline since 2000. This is despite the
fact
the country has a huge base of mineral resources and that there had
been a
sustainable worldwide commodity price boom from 2004-2008.
Last year,
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai said the country could attract
up to US$16
billion in exploration and mining investment if it corrected
policies that
have scared away foreign investors.
Mining has become a pillar of the
country's battered economy following the
collapse of commercial
farming.
But large mining houses have kept away from Zimbabwe's
mining sector after
an economic crisis worsened by a nationalisation law
requiring majority
holding by locals in foreign-owned
mines.
Nqobile Bhebhe
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010 17:39
DAVID
Whitehead Textiles Ltd (DWTL) workers want the High Court to place the
company under judicial management for the second time to save their jobs and
the firm from collapsing. In a letter to the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions (ZCTU) the workers asked the umbrella labour body to approach the
High Court to have the company under judicial management.
If the
High Court application is made and succeeds, it would be the second
time for
DWTL to be under judicial management.
In May 2006, the High Court
placed the company under judicial management
after it experienced a severe
liquidity crisis precipitated by
undercapitalisation and corporate
governance shortcomings.
In the letter to ZCTU dated December 21 2009
signed by workers
representatives from the company's three manufacturing
divisions and sales
outlets, the employees cited power struggles, alleged
incompetence, empty
promises and unfavourable working conditions as the
reason why DWTL should
be placed under judicial management
again.
The three manufacturing divisions are Fabric Division in
Chegutu, Yarn
Division in Kadoma and Hosiery Division in
Gweru.
"DWTL is a viable company if properly managed. The employer
has proved that
he cannot even run half machinery," reads the letter.
"Instead, the employer
is busy creating scrap out of running machinery for
sale so that he could
make money quickly and enjoy the proceeds. All the
three manufacturing
divisions in Gweru, Kadoma and Chegutu had order books
full in 2009, but
because of bad governance they failed to deliver to their
customers locally
and abroad."
The letter said DWTL has been
failing to pay most of its employees for the
past eight
months.
"All the three manufacturing divisions were reduced to ghost
zones such that
if you do not walk vigilantly you can easily be attacked by
snakes in the
plants - the same applies to Bulawayo and Harare. DWTL is
rated as a giant
company such that without its presence in Kadoma and
Chegutu we cannot talk
of the two towns," it said.
Interested
parties in DWTL differ on how to rescue the country's largest
textile
firm.
Executive director Andrew Toendepi who is also a major
shareholder with 51%
is proposing that the textile company raise capital
through disposal of some
assets and retrenchments to fund operations as the
company was failing to
borrow money on the market.
Ex-judicial
manager Cecil Madondo however said it was not proper for
Toendepi to
liquidate "a public company of national strategic importance
without a High
Court order".
He said there was no production at the company because
the "company was
heavily undercapitalised and did not have any working
capital".
"What is required are people well versed in the textile
industry to run the
company," Madondo argued. "A credible investor with at
least 51% controlling
stake to recapitalise the business, establish
effective corporate governance
structure and appoint a competent and
qualified board of directors and the
company will roar back to
life".
The letter said workers closed for the annual festive season
after being
paid US$50 per employee without a bonus.
The letter
alleged that Toendepi frustrated DWTL's first CEO George Maulidi
to resign
in January last year.
His successor, a C Maswi, also left the company on
July 31 2009. In a
memorandum dated July 17 2009, Toendepi told general
managers that he had
taken over the role and functions of CEO with immediate
effect.
"Does the Companies Act Chapter 24:03 require a major
shareholder to convert
himself and operate as CEO? How can a company have
checks and balances if he
is the chief executive?" the workers questioned in
the letter.
Toendepi is also said to be the chairman of the group's
works council.
Paul Nyakazeya
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010 17:30
THE
liberalisation of the economy in the second half of last year spurred
positive business developments and that impetus should be maintained if the
comatose economy is to be revived, business leaders said this week. Giving a
preview of business last year, the president of the Zimbabwe National
Chamber of Commerce, Obert Sibanda, said formation of the inclusive
government last February brought confidence into the economy, which
translated into the corporate world recording positive
gains.
“The beginning of 2009 saw the general liberalisation of the
economy, the
multi-currency framework, the removal of controls and the
formation of the
inclusive government,” Sibanda said. “All these
developments had a positive
contribution to business as we were able to plan
and budget for our
businesses. This was an improvement as compared to the
same period in 2008.
The year 2008 was characterised by a number of
challenges, among them
hyperinflation, industry operating below 10%
capacity, companies and
individuals failing to access their money from banks
and a serious shortage
of basic commodities.
Sibanda said most of
these problems subsided after multi-currencies were
introduced into the
country’s payment system.
“The beginning of last year saw inflation
going down. Basic goods were
readily available in shops at a reasonable
prices, although most of the
goods were imported, capacity utilisation also
increased to about 35%.
Although seemingly few, but these are positives that
we should note,” he
said.
Sibanda however said there were still
some problems the business community
was still facing.
“There are
certain challenges that still need to be addressed such as the
issue of
capitalisation for businesses. But the challenge in that aspect is
that
lines of credit are not available, interest rates at banks are high and
are
for short terms. There are also liquidity constraints whereby goods
produced
are sold at low volumes as there is not much disposable income,”
Sibanda
explained.
He also said the cost of production was extremely high and
while the local
industry was keen to substitute foreign goods with locally
produced goods,
it became expensive. In addition, locally produced goods
were not as
competitive as those produced in neighbouring
countries.
Another challenge was that the country’s infrastructure
was not up to
scratch with constant power outages, frequent water cuts and
poor road
networks, Sibanda said.
He said it was important for
the country to be positive in 2010 so as to
realise more positive
outcomes.
“As this year begins, we need to continue to improve from
where we left off.
As a country there is need for confidence from ourselves
and politicians.
Politicians must create a positive impression about the
inclusive government
and that it will not collapse,” Sibanda said. “Issues
such as that of the
constitution should also be looked at seriously so that
the outside world
can look at us and accept that we are in a transitional
period and
eventually the country’s economy will be
stable.”
Sibanda added that another vital issue to look into this
year was that of
people’s disposable income, which he said need to be
increased.
“Business growth depends on income circulation. However,
the situation we
are facing currently is that money that is circulating is
being used for
importing goods from neighbouring countries. If production
increases, money
will then circulate within the country. People should then
get reasonable
salaries for them to be able to spend and money circulates,”
he said.
As at August 2009, the Poverty Datum Line stood at US$454
for a family of
six. However, most people, who largely encompass the civil
servants, have
been earning about US$150. Hence, the government, which is
the largest
employer, needs to increase people’s
incomes.
Bulawayo businessman mogul Delma Lupepe said business was
better during the
last half of 2009.
“The 2009 festive season was
better than the last one as people were making
meaningful purchases.
Business was going to be even better if people were
able to access their
money early enough. Most people spent the better half
of the mornings
queuing for cash at the banks and they began trickling in
after 12 noon. In
general it was a better festive season than 2008,” he
said.
One
of the sales managers at Meikles Departmental Stores who spoke on
condition
of anonymity also said business was better this time around.
“Between
January and November 2009 business was quite low, but from the
beginning of
December business was better as compared to the festive season
in 2008,” he
said.
The chief economist at the Confederation of Zimbabwe
Industries, Lorraine
Chikanya, said while business was good her organisation
was still collating
information to determine how successful 2009 was for the
business community.
“We do not have precise information on the
performance of industries in 2009
as most industries will only open next
week,” she said.
Fortune Dlamini
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010
16:10
THERE was much discussion in the government media over the holiday
period of
Nestlé's decision to suspend operations in Zimbabwe. That decision
has since
been rescinded but we should not leave the subject before noting
the
following paragraph in the Herald of December 23.
"The move by
the Switzerland-headquartered food company comes after it bowed
to pressure
from activists that are against Zimbabwe's land reform programme
to stop
buying milk from Gushungo Dairy Estate, which is owned by the First
Family,
and (from) seven other farms in October."
The decision was strongly
criticised by the AAG, we are told, which said the
move was "tantamount to
the company imposing sanctions on the country".
Nowhere in the Herald's
account was there any mention of Zanu PF's ban on
multiple-farm ownership.
Instead readers were led to believe that the First
Family's farming
operations had fallen victim to opponents of Zimbabwe's
"land reform
programme". Industry minister Welshman Ncube went so far as to
blame the
media for the dispute. This enabled Indigenisation and Empowerment
minister
Saviour Kasukuwere to weigh in with threats to "bring under
indigenous
control all companies that continue to pursue the policy of
sanctions".
In other words companies that don't toe the line will be
nationalised just
when government has been busy assuring investors that it
will not do any
such thing.
And what about the missing dimension to
this debate? Is land reform to be
measured by the number of farms owned by
the First Family? And should they
not be subject to the same rules that
govern other farmers? No wonder there
has been a concerted attempt to keep
Roy Bennett out of the Agriculture
ministry.
We note the concern of the
business sector expressed in newspaper adverts
about the safety of Nestlé
employees. This followed the arrest of Nestlé
company chairman, Kumbirayi
Katsande.
You can imagine what message that heavy-handed intervention sent to
investors. What sort of a country is it where a company chairman is arrested
and interrogated because his company would not purchase milk from a company
belonging to the First Family?
A statement by the Confederation of
Zimbabwe Industries, Chamber of Mines,
and Zimbabwe National Chamber of
Commerce expressed its concern that "the
fragile economic recovery underway
should not be adversely affected by
perceptions of inappropriate actions to
dealing with simple commercial
issues".
Indeed. Cde Kasukuwere should
take note. He has struck another blow to
Zimbabwe's ailing
economy.
We need to remind ourselves why Sadc became involved in helping
to resolve
Zimbabwe's problems in the first place: to prevent Zanu PF
inflicting
further damage on the regional economy. That the assault on
Nestlé should be
linked to land seizures is a useful pointer to the
country's underlying
problems.
Another underlying problem is the MDC's
inability to see issues clearly.
Speaking at Manchester University recently,
Tendai Biti seemed to think
newspapers are not important for democratic
reform.
Complaining about the West's refusal to lift sanctions, he said:
"They
(Western countries) have adopted a chicken-and-egg approach. They say
'give
us newspapers' and then we reintegrate you and so on. It's not
mathematics.
You can't do that."
Biti needs to wake up. Without a
diversity of views in the press Zimbabweans
won't be able to make an
informed choice at the polls. It is understandable
that Zimbabwe's friends
abroad should insist on media freedom as a
precondition of aid and
investment in the country.
We always wondered why the MDC was dragging its
heels on Aippa and appeared
happy to have cosy little arrangements with Zanu
PF on media reform without
consulting local journalists. It all stems from
the same ignorance on the
role of the press in a democratic society.
Biti
should make it clear that his party is working hard to secure a free
media
instead of making fatuous remarks about chickens and eggs.
Gorden Moyo
has been making the same mistake. He thinks the West should
support
parastatals before structural reforms have been completed. The
promise of
reform should be sufficient to unlock funds, he thinks.
Can you imagine
serious donors or investors handing large amounts of money
to Air Zimbabwe,
Tel*One, Zisco and other delinquent outfits before first
being satisfied
that reforms are showing results?
In a lot of cases the reasons why sanctions
were imposed have yet to be
addressed. Zanu PF is continuing to pretend that
sanctions were imposed in
response to "land reform". They are still in
denial about electoral
violence, abductions, and torture.
Zimbabwe's
friends abroad should ignore Biti and Moyo's blandishments. In
several key
areas there has been no progress whatsoever.
For instance, little noticed in
the list of those appointed to the Human
Rights Commission is Elasto Mugwadi
who, as chief immigration officer,
ignored several High Court orders
instructing his officials not to deport
Guardian correspondent Andrew
Meldrum who was a permanent resident of
Zimbabwe.
That is Zanu PF's view
of human rights and media freedom. Useful to have it
advertised. But the MDC
said nothing about Mugwadi's appointment apart from
nodding it
through.
We enjoyed the picture in the Herald of Joice Mujuru holding up
the latest
recruit at the Border Gezi Training Camp last week. He cannot
have been any
older than one. We understand that the patriotic forces Simon
Moyo spoke
about in his address are in short supply, but recruiting toddlers
is
scraping the bottom of the barrel.
Mujuru warned of "selling out
tendencies" that were evident in Zanu PF while
SK Moyo, now national
chairman after country-wide manipulation, spoke of
Unity Day, December 22,
as a "special day".
"We cannot allow our revolution to be hijacked by vana
mafikizolos. The
enemy is here," he warned. In the audience were Webster
Shamu, Olivia
Muchena, Jonathan Moyo and Philip Chiyangwa.
Even more
revealing was a Herald editorial claiming that a "strong
reactionary group"
had emerged ahead of elections in 2008 to challenge Zanu
PF that "used lies
and deceit to swing almost half of the population to its
side".
The
Herald should understand that it is a cardinal rule in politics not to
insult voters. If they choose to reject the "lies and deceit" of Zanu PF at
the polls they should be able to exercise that right without being attacked
in the editorial pages of the state press. It is obviously a bitter pill to
swallow when voters reject your party, but Zanu PF should be advised to do
so graciously instead of heaping vitriol on the electorate. Then they can
get on with the serious business of examining why their stale shibboleths
and empty nationalism no longer cut any ice with voters.
On December
24 the Herald carried a letter to the editor in the place often
occupied by
government spokesmen. The letter, headed "Let us be united
against
sanctions", was attributed to "Honourable Paul C Kaseke, Junior
Governor,
Harare Metropolitan Province".
Has anybody heard of this outfit? Kaseke said
he was writing on behalf of
the children and youth of the country on the
occasion of Unity Day yet the
language was clearly that of Zanu PF. Kaseke,
for instance, denounced "some
sections of the media that thrive on negative
nation-splitting reporting at
the cost of national unity".
The Unity
Accord was rejected by the voters of Matabeleland in 2000, 2005
and
2008.
We recall in the past children dressed up as soldiers, policemen and
councillors as part of the former ruling party's agenda of indoctrination.
Their antics were always given generous coverage in the state media. It is
remarkable that they are still being put to work!
Here once again we see
the losing party in the 2008 elections manipulating
the government media to
explain why they performed so badly! This is media
abuse writ
large.
The MDC need to remind the Speaker of the House of Assembly
Lovemore Moyo
that he is a servant of parliament, not its master.
The
Zimbabwe Independent carried a story before the holiday of Moyo
demanding
that his portrait be hung in every office at parliament and in
constituency
information centres around the country.
Official portraits had been
commissioned in 2008 but the Speaker took a
dislike to them and asked that
they be done again.
Secretary to parliament Austin Zvoma put his foot down,
saying "we cannot
justify a repeat of expenditure already incurred".
We
suspect this may be part of a wider struggle. But whatever the case, we
expect greater humility and less pomposity from MDC officials.
Are we
being a tad naïve here?
Muckraker was interested to read President
Mugabe's comments on the
government of national unity made at a press
conference with the other
principals. He called for patience and said the
three parties represented
should reach out and find each other.
There was
no one who could claim to be more Zimbabwean than others, he said.
"We belong
to Zimbabwe, all of us, and we have a common destiny."
Curious that, because
just a couple of weeks earlier, addressing the Zanu PF
Congress, he said
something very different. The MDC-T should open its eyes,
he told delegates
to the party congress.
"This is your country and not for whites. Not the
Bennetts. They are
settlers. Even if they were born here, they are offspring
of settlers."
So what do we conclude from this: that racism trumps
nation-building?
The Zimbabwe Independent reported on December 18 that
Zanu PF had refused to
dismantle the Joint Operations Command, a state
security organ that was
reportedly behind the bloody presidential poll
run-off in 2008. The MDC-T
argues there was no need for JOC now a National
Security Council was in
place. Furthermore, the NSC is mandated by the GPA,
JOC is not.
Now we learn that JOC has been busy abusing its powers by
stationing troops
on farms whose ownership is in dispute, in some cases
before the courts. VOA
reports that members of the ZNA have been deployed to
many farms around the
country in what sources said was a push to remove the
last few hundred
remaining white commercial farmers from such properties.
VOA cited sources
as saying the deployment was ordered by JOC.
The
Commercial Farmers Union told VOA that of the approximately 300 white
commercial farmers still on the land, 152 face the imminent threat of losing
their properties to politicians of the former ruling Zanu PF party.
Attorney-General Johannes Tomana told VOA that the army is justified in
deploying soldiers on the farms, charging that the white farmers have
disregarded eviction notices.
But political analyst Pedzisayi Ruhanya
told VOA that the attorney-general
is misreading the law and the military
should not be used for enforcement
purposes. Commentator John Makumbe of the
University of Zimbabwe warned that
the latest military deployment will scare
away investors, adding that Tomana
wrongly concludes white Zimbabwean
farmers have no rights.
A tribunal of the Southern African Development
Community in 2008 found in
favour of a group of Zimbabwean and South African
white farmers who argued
that their property had been illegally seized, and
that they had not been
compensated properly under the land reform programme
which the court
described as racist.
It was rather unedifying to see
a gushing advert by Minister of Defence
Emmerson Mnangagwa, defence
officials and service chiefs congratulating
President Mugabe on being
re-elected president and first secretary of Zanu
PF at the recent Zanu PF
Congress.
This suggests that delegates actually had a choice.
"Gushungo,
you proved to the world, our detractors and prophets of doom that
Zimbabwe
is not for sale." the ad declared. "We applaud you for galvanising
party
cadres to defend our God-given natural resources and people's economic
empowerment."
Now we can see why he is called "Gushungo" with all that
gushing going on
around him. As for defending natural resources, we were
under the impression
that many of these had been mortgaged to the Chinese.
And apart from an
avaricious post-liberation aristocracy making gushing
noises, who exactly
has benefited from "people's economic
empowerment"?
The Herald, in an editorial comment on January 1 said
ordinary people would
"probably be shocked that unanimity could not be
easily achieved among
indigenous Zimbabweans on the need to complete the
liberation struggle.
"We are confident that history will record accurately
these revolutionary
efforts," it said.
In fact history has already noted
the ruthless plundering of the economy by
a political elite that has led to
unprecedented privation among those
sections of the community whose
interests they claim to be upholding.
The Herald is right to refer to the
onslaught against a sovereign nation
taking place and how the international
community has joined forces with the
democratic parties to prevent this
destruction of a once prosperous nation.
This year
should put an end to
the hypocrisy and mendacity of editorial writers hiding
in the dark
corridors of power who saw the unambiguous rejection of their
corrupt
project in 2008 and haven't forgiven the voters of Zimbabwe for
preferring
the party of reform.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010
16:07
THIS column has previously addressed the controversial issues of
whether
Zimbabwe should continue to use a multi-currency basket. Or should
it adopt
only one international or regional currency? Should it change its
currency
of reference from the US dollar, while continuing to use the
multi-currency
basket? Or should it revert to having its own
currency?
There was, therefore, no intent to pursue the subject again
for it is said
that "one should not cook the cabbages twice". However, for
every rule
there is an exception, and the ongoing calls from divers sectors
of the
population for government to determine that the currency of usage, or
of
reference, in Zimbabwe should be the South African rand, constitutes such
an
exception.
For months, many letters to Zimbabwe's newspapers
have called for the South
African rand to become Zimbabwe's principal
currency. At last month's
congress of Zanu PF, spokesmen of that party's
Matabeleland South branch did
likewise. And, last week, the influential
Confederation of Zimbabwe
Industries (CZI) made a similar
call.
CZI strives to assure the wellbeing and growth of Zimbabwean
industry,
sometimes successfully, and sometimes unsuccessfully. But its call
for
government to consider the adoption of the rand is most ill-advised,
should
be reconsidered by CZI, and disregarded by government.
CZI
president, Kumbirai Katsande, is reported saying: "We as the CZI have
held
meetings on the adoption of a single currency, and it was agreed that
the
use of a single currency will be critical in the survival of the local
industry".
He continues that the adoption of the rand would alleviate
the challenges
faced by local industry, chief among them being the firming
of the rand
against the greenback (the US dollar). He said "the South
African rand is a
stable currency, hence its adoption would be a positive
move for the
country".
First of all, the contention that the
rand is a stable currency must be
disputed. Nine months ago, the exchange
rate approximated R10: US$1, and
then it progressively strengthened, within
a few months, to R6,85:US$1, then
slightly weakening, to approximately
R8:US$1, whereafter it again
strengthened marginally, to levels
approximating R7,35:US$1. Movement over
a nine month period of as much as
26% cannot be credibly regarded as being
"stable"!
Moreover,
there is every likelihood that in the course of 2010 the rand will
weaken
substantially. Its significant strengthening in 2009 was primarily
due to
two related circumstance, neither of which were a reflection of South
Africa's economy.
The first of these was that the intense global
economic recession of 2008,
spearheaded by the collapse of many US and
British banks, destroyed
confidence in the US dollar, which weakened
considerably, aligned to the
considerable disintegration of the US
economy.
As the value of the US dollar diminished, the value of the rand
automatically rose, in US dollar terms. And the second cause of the
strengthening of the rand was a direct consequence of the first.
As
the US dollar became weaker and weaker, countries with accumulated
monetary
resources, such as Saudi Arabia and China (and many others) became
increasingly reluctant to be possessed of US dollars, the value of which was
progressively eroding.
So they invested in gold and platinum,
disposing of their US dollars. Over
a nine-month period, the world market
price of gold soared from
approximately US$730 per ounce to over US$1100.
Being one of the world's
largest producers of gold and platinum, this was
very beneficial to South
Africa.
However, the adage applies:
"What goes up, must come down", and that will
surely happen to gold and
platinum prices, as it had done many, many times
before, whereupon the rand
will inevitably weaken considerably.
In fact, the South African
economy is already showing marked signs of
weakening (notwithstanding the
grossly exaggerated expectations of World Cup
2010). Numbers employed in
South Africa's textile industry have apparently
declined by almost 70%, the
industry being unable to compete against the
unfair, excessively subsidised,
Chinese producers.
Similarly, there are reports of a more than 55%
shrinkage of South Africa's
clothing industry. Other reports indicate that,
with most World Cup 2010
projects nearing completion, about 30% of
construction workers have been
laid off.
As the South African
economy contracts, so the rand must inevitably weaken.
Moreover, there are
pronounced indications that most of the developed,
first-world countries are
progressively recovering from the appalling
recession of the last 18 months,
and as that recovery continues, the US
dollar must strengthen, which means
that the rand will weaken.
Therefore, it is fallacious, in the extreme,
to contend that the rand is a
stable currency, and hence it would be
foolhardy for Zimbabwe to adopt the
rand as its
currency.
Furthermore, as greatly as Zimbabwe cannot, and must not,
wish for a South
African economic decline, it must recognise that as that
decline occurs,
South Africa will very necessarily have to modify its
monetary policies, to
minimise and reverse the decline.
Those
modifications will probably be very desirable from a South African
point of
view and, hopefully, successful over a period of time, but they
could well
be totally unsuited for Zimbabwe, which is already in the first
phases of
economic recovery.
Instead of being locked into South Africa's monetary
policies, Zimbabwe
should be hedged by the divers monetary policies of the
five currencies that
constitute its multi-currency basket, supplemented by
its own policies
(where it can formulate them without conflicting with those
that
automatically apply by using the various currencies).
It
must be acknowledged that the Zimbabwean populace, and economy, suffers
some
considerable prejudice from the innumerable cross-rates of the US
dollar to
the rand being applied by commerce and industry.
But adoption of the
rand as Zimbabwe's currency is not the ideal solution to
that prejudice, for
the disadvantages of so doing outweigh the advantages.
Instead, government
should consider prescribing that all must adhere to the
internationally
determined exchange rates. This would ensure nationwide
cross-rate
consistency.
The proponents for adoption of the rand, including CZI,
should think again,
and not pursue an emotive, counterproductive solution to
a problem which
creates even greater problems and economic
constraints.
Instead, Zimbabwe should adhere to its multi-currency basket
until the
economy is fully recovered. Also Zimbabwe can either reintroduce
its own
currency, or can join a wide-ranging, southern African monetary
union.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010 17:25
IT was useful
to learn that the French embassy had distanced itself from
claims in the
Herald that outgoing ambassador Laurent Contini had called for
the removal
of sanctions when he bade farewell to acting President Joice
Mujuru last
Thursday. The French have in recent years proved much more
responsive to
democratic imperatives in Zimbabwe than was the case six years
ago when
President Jacques Chirac welcomed President Mugabe to the Elysée
and it
would be disappointing to assume they had jumped the gun on
deliberations
leading to the review of the common EU position on Zimbabwe
scheduled for
next month.
These deliberations will obviously focus on the issue of
sanctions which
were imposed in 2002 when the head of the EU's election
observer mission,
Pierre Schori, was booted out of the country for
identifying electoral
manipulation and violence in the presidential
poll.
The EU is currently engaged in dialogue with the government of
national
unity with a view to normalising relations. But one central problem
remains.
What reforms do EU member states see in Zimbabwe that will lead to
a stable
and democratic state in line with the principles set out in the
Global
Political Agreement?
Contini was careful to say that
Zimbabwe, in addition to its EU talks, must
mend fences with individual EU
states, an obvious reference to Britain. But
the EU as a whole will only
arrive at a revised formula that all states can
live with. That is going to
be difficult in the absence of tangible reforms.
Reports from the
inter-party talks that took place from November 23 to
December 6 suggest a
disappointing lack of progress, a tendency to defer
important issues, and a
worrying lack of commitment to democratic
principles.
Great
emphasis for instance was placed on pressing regional states to close
down
"pirate" radio stations, and for those stations to be repatriated and
registered here, but nothing was said about guaranteeing a safe and
unimpeded return for Zimbabwean journalists exiled in the Diaspora who
mostly run those stations.
This is a nettle the Minister of
Media, Information and Publicity, Webster
Shamu, has persistently declined
to grasp.
Meanwhile, individuals appointed to the statutory
commissions don't always
match the standards they are mandated to
uphold.
For instance, the appointment almost unnoticed of former
Chief Immigration
Officer Elasto Mugwadi to the Human Rights Commission
represents an
egregious failure to include human rights values in fashioning
a future
society.
He was responsible for disregarding High Court
orders upholding the rights
of Guardian correspondent Andrew Meldrum who was
illegally abducted,
detained and deported in 2003 following his successful
defence against
prosecution under Aippa.
It was a brutal act of
revenge by a delinquent regime.
The remnants of that regime continue
to preside over the public media,
misleading and lying to the public of
Zimbabwe about the talks recently
taking place and the reasons why sanctions
were imposed eight years ago.
As a result there is little useful debate
over such vital issues as
constitution-making, human rights and democratic
governance. Editorialists
linked to the Zanu PF regime have publicly scorned
these values.
Meanwhile, land reform is blocked because powerful
barons from the ancien
regime don't want an ownership audit that will expose
their careers in
greed. Evictions based on race have not only damaged the
country's
productive capacity but have discredited it as well. The same goes
for the
continued power matrix in JOC which has no mandate from the
GNU.
Here lies the weakness of the current dialogue with the EU.
Zimbabwe's
rulers want recognition and funding from the Europeans in
fulfilment of both
the GPA and the Cotonou process.
But they have
little or nothing to show from the inter-party dialogue except
upbeat
statements where the wish is father to the thought. They can't for
instance
agree on something as simple as chairmanship of the cabinet in
Mugabe's
absence. The MDC has agreed to a number of questionable assertions
such as
denouncing "external interference" in Zimbabwe's affairs when the
country
more than ever needs external assistance.
The South Africans who have
been mediating have adopted a similar approach,
full of optimism but no
substance.
It is difficult in the circumstances to see how the EU can
agree to blanket
lifting of sanctions when so much needs to be done,
particularly in the
media, human rights and constitutional
sectors.
The Europeans and Americans want to be helpful. It would be
useful if they
could be assisted in this by evidence of commitment on all
sides to a
democratic society and tangible reforms - which is why the GNU
was
established in the first place.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010
16:51
THE call on Monday by Zanu PF Mashonaland West provincial secretary
of lands
Themba Mliswa that party members and war veterans must resist
government’s
land audit exhibited political brinkmanship of the top order.
Mliswa
shockingly told a meeting in Karoi on Monday that allowing the land
audit
meant “denying black empowerment as the process is aimed at reversing
the
gains of the land reform”.
“We are also demanding that the
government must repossess all farms owned by
blacks who are leasing them out
to former white commercial farmers, because
it is against the law,” Mliswa
said.
He added that blocking the audit would be in line with a
resolution made by
the party at its congress last December.
The
former rugby coach did not spell out how the audit would reverse the
gains
of the chaotic land reform programme that has killed the agricultural
sector
and with it the economy. His utterances were acts of dissembling by
claiming
that Zanu PF had resolved at its talk shop last month that it was
opposed to
the audit.
Mliswa and those of his thinking in the corridors of power
in Zanu PF and
government must be reminded that the three parties in the
inclusive
government agreed when they inked the global political agreement
in
September 2008 that a comprehensive land audit would be undertaken. It is
nonsensical for those opposed to the audit to insinuate that its primary
purpose is to reverse the gains of the land reform.
Rather this
wanton attempt to cover up the anomalies of the whole land
reform project
betrays what we fear has happened on the farms.
It has been said hundreds
of farms have been grabbed by people who cannot
farm them. Many more have
been made derelict by those who set out to loot
and plunder previously
productive farms for the sake of it never planning to
put them to productive
use. The nation is also aware of “cellphone” farmers
who never visit these
lands but rather stay in the cities directing
operations though their mobile
phones.
The proposed audit is supposed to expose all these irregularities
and also
very importantly to expose multiple farm ownership.
To
attempt to block this necessary undertaking is to prevent the
resuscitation
of our commercial farming sector once the pride of the whole
continent.
The advantages to be accrued from the audit far
outweigh the fears of Mliswa
and those of his thinking in Zanu PF, which
continues to use the land issue
to hoodwink the electorate.
The
land audit which is supposed to be comprehensive, transparent and
non-partisan is meant to establish accountability and eliminate multiple
farm ownership; ensure security of tenure to all land holders; and also to
ensure that people who deserve to be allocated land and who apply for it
shall be allocated land irrespective of race, gender, religion, ethnicity or
political affiliation.
The parties in the inclusive government
also agreed to call upon the UK to
accept primary responsibility to pay
compensation for the land expropriated
from former white commercial farmers
and work together to secure
international support and finance for the land
reform programme in terms of
compensation for the former land owners and
support for the new farms.
This is meant to restore full productivity
on agricultural land, not the
reversal of the land
reform!
Although the MDC formations have voiced concern over the
brutal force and
the manner the land was expropriated from white commercial
farmers beginning
in 2000 when Zanu PF was staring defeat in the face, they
have conceded that
the process is now irreversible. That is why the two
formations have
publicly stated that we should now move from land
redistribution to
productivity.
What are Mliswa and his
colleagues in Zanu PF trying to hide by blocking the
audit?
Several land audits have taken place in this country and
revealed that there
were many multiple farm owners, among them top Zanu PF
politicians.
Reports abound that some bigwigs have more than five
farms each and are
scared of being unmasked during the audit. This time
around the audit’s
results would be made public and those found guilty would
be shamed. The two
MDC formations should not allow the dirt to be swept
under the carpet as
happened to the findings of previous land
audits.
The first phase of the audit will be rolled out early this
year with over
180 000 farms earmarked. The audit will run for the next two
years.
It is laudable that Zanu PF and the two MDC formations have
agreed that
there must be a uniform tenure system throughout the country to
address the
current situation where some land is held under the freehold
tenure system,
while others are under the 99-year leases and yet others
designated as state
land.
The parties have agreed that all land
shall be held under freehold tenure on
condition that only citizens would be
entitled to acquire and take title;
first registration of agricultural land
for beneficiaries under the land
reform programme will be in the individual
name of the owner, not that of a
company, save for land owned by
institutions such as churches, schools and
hospitals; and any transfer of
ownership to be subjected to a certificate of
approval by a land board or
commission.
The board or commission would assess the value of
agricultural land for
capital gains tax purposes where transfer is
sought.
This is the way forward. What has Mliswa got to
hide?
Constantine Chimakure
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 January 2010
16:26
IN the past decade our magnificent country went through a crucible
but this
year, the beginning of a new decade, began on a high note; you must
have
seen the firecrackers popping up from almost all households in the
suburbs.
The feeling of hope was palpable. But can our troubled and
wonderful
country, built on courage, faith, savagery, looting, greed,
compromise and
hope, at the last gasp be saved from
catastrophe?
May be, may be not!
The reasons for
scepticism are all too clear and they are all premised on
one thing -- our
politics are not right. The polarisation of the last decade
which manifested
itself in political thuggery and looting is, if somewhat
lessening, still
evident. The first two or three years of this new decade
may still be wasted
as the main political parties struggle to disentangle
themselves from their
entrenched positions.
Some of these entrenched positions have become
completely ludicrous. For
example, hope had been engendered by the
announcement on December 29 last
year that there would be an extensive land
audit which would see the
examination of 180 000
farms.
Zimbabweans had hoped this move would signal the cleansing
of our messy land
reform programme, a historical necessity done in the most
chaotic, and often
barbaric, of methods.
A credible land audit,
it was hoped, would rectify all the anomalies of this
project but it seems,
for some there is a lot to be feared. A communiqué
emerging this week from
Karoi would have been laughable if it hadn't
betrayed the real reason behind
Zanu PF's intransigence regarding the land
audit.
Zanu PF secretary
for lands in Mashonaland West province Temba Mliswa read
the communiqué
which said there should not be a land audit before the
"illegal sanctions"
have been lifted. How do we link the two without
sounding absolutely crass?
Is this a sign that there is a huge cover-up of
the ugly realities of the
whole land-grab project?
In the public media the MDC-T 's outstanding
issues have been reduced to
three completely frivolous issues, namely Gideon
Gono, Johannes Tomana and
Roy Bennett! The impression we get is that Morgan
Tsvangirai and his crew
are holding the country to ransom because of these
three individuals.
But the real outstanding issues such as media reform,
the National Security
Council and the rule of law, are never
mentioned.
For the next few years we cannot expect any movement in
this regard as the
parties argue over peripheral issues skirting the heart
of the matter as if
they are engaged in some mortal combat.
The
people's scepticism is already beginning to show. The MDC which had been
seen as the party of change and hope is already beginning to show signs that
our optimism was probably misplaced.
Look at the corruption that has
been exposed in recent weeks! Not only has
the rottenness affected whole
municipalities in the case of Chitungwiza and
other towns but it has had a
global feel as well.
It has been reported that some people in the UK have
been dipping their
fingers in the party's kitty prejudicing it of tens of
thousands of pounds.
This may be viewed in some sections as an internal
MDC matter but for those
who had hoped this party might launch our dear
country on a cleaner platter
to say they are disappointed would be an
understatement.
Normally when such examples of corruption emerge they are
a sign of a more
gangrenous inner wound.
It may at present seem as if
this kind of corruption is confined to small
branches of the party but those
who may interest themselves in getting to
the bottom of it all may discover
that corruption has pervaded the whole MDC
superstructure. There are hints
to this -- read the quotation below.
"Vigil supporters were
interested to see that the British press has picked
up a story about the
suspension of the MDC UK executive: as we reported in
our diary of 28th
November, the MDC secretary general, Tendai Biti,
announcing the suspension,
accused the executive of financial
irregularities.
Virtually everyone
at the Vigil is MDC or former MDC and we know the depths
to which the party
in the United Kingdom has sunk to get money and we have a
general picture of
where it went.
"We were interested to see that the party's chairman,
Speaker of Parliament
Lovemore Moyo (of the 200 portraits), has been
nominated to lead a team to
investigate the matter. He installed the rogue
UK executive and must have an
intimate knowledge of where the money
went.
Or he could ask Tsvangirai's uncle, Hebson Makuvise, the
ambassador-designate to Germany. He was Tsvangirai's representative in the
UK so his knowledge of where the money went is even more
intimate."
Two things emerge from this Vigil installment -- the purse of
the MDC in
London is controlled from Harare and any claims to the contrary
do not hold
water; and the highest office in the MDC may be practising
cronyism. Just
how deep-rooted is this cronyism and isn't it at the very
root of the
corruption we are beginning to read about?
It is such
questions -- which are increasingly coming to the fore -- which
make some of
the most optimistic among us begin to doubt our faith in
change.
As the new decade begins where does our hope lie? We have
to straighten out
our politics; the nation has to begin looking beyond the
global political
agreement. Civil society was probably right: to put our
nation's future
wholly in the hands Zanu PF and the two MDC groupings was
wrong.
They are two sides of the same coin.
Nevanji
Madanhire
http://www1.voanews.com
Toll gates in place on Zimbabwean highways for five
months now are bringing
in US$350,000 a month or some US$1.4 million a
month, but motorists say the
major roadways continue to be littered with
hazardous potholes
Gibbs Dube | Washington 07 January
2010
Newly established highway toll gates in Zimbabwe are pulling in
$1.4 million
a month, the government recently announced, but unhappy
motorists say most
highways in the country remain riddled with dangerous
potholes five months
after the government started collecting fees to fund
highway repairs.
Finance Minister Tendai Biti indicated in his 2010
budget statement that
most of the money raised by the Zimbabwe Revenue
Authority was handed over
to the Zimbabwe National Road Authority for
disbursement to the Department
of Roads, the District Development Fund and
local authorities.
Ten percent is used by the Ministry of Finance to
cover administrative costs
of running the 22 toll gates set up on the
country's main routes last year.
VOA Studio 7 correspondent Thomas
Chiripasi, who has been assessing the
current state of the roads in
Zimbabwe, told reporter Gibbs Dube that
although the toll gates have been
generating around US$350,000 a week, most
of the country's main roadways are
still littered with dangerous potholes.
"Some motorists are furious that
most roads are still in a bad state even if
toll gates are generating a lot
of money," correspondent Chiripasi said.
"Some of these roads include the
one that leads to Zvimba communal lands
which is President Robert Mugabe's
rural home."
Economist Godfrey Kanyenze of the Labor and Economic
Development Institute
of Zimbabwe said privatization was probably the best
solution as the
strapped government is likely to channel toll funds to other
purposes.
"The public sector is currently the regulator, collector of the
money and it
is supposed to repair roads. This is a wrong concept. When
things are like
that, it is very easy to collect the money and use it for
other purposes,"
he said.
"In fact, the public sector should be the
regulator and then it should
derogate the responsibility of collecting the
money to a private sector
company for roads repairs and maintenance,"
Kanyenze argued.
The state-controlled press has quoted ZIMRA Commissioner
General Geshom Pasi
as saying his officials are committed to the task of
collecting revenue from
the temporary toll gates, which are supposed to be
in placed until the major
highways in the country have been expanded to four
lanes.
The urgent need for highway repairs was tragically underscored by
an
accident in March in which Susan Tsvangirai, wife of Prime Minister
Morgan
Tsvangirai, died in a collision on a particularly bad stretch of the
road
from Harare to Masvingo, in the southeast. That was followed by a
series of
accidents involving commercial buses in which scores of passengers
were
killed.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
08/01/2010 00:00:00
ZIMBABWE'S hopes
of hosting the Brazilian national soccer team ahead of the
2010 World Cup
finals went up in smoke after the former champions confirmed
they will
set-up camp in Blomfontein, South Africa.
Local football authorities had
put up a spirited campaign to lure the South
American giants including
hiring businessman, Philip Chiyangwa's Rolls Royce
Phantom to ferry the
Brazilian technical team when it visited the country in
November 2009 to
inspect facilities.
The Brazilians indicated, then, that they were very
interested in setting up
camp in Zimbabwe although the final decision was
always a toss-up between
the country and host nation South
Africa.
ZIFA Chief Executive Henrietta Rushwaya recently told
NewZimbabwe.com that
the national association was close to tying-up a deal
for two of the 32
finalists set up preparatory camps in the
country.
But those two will no longer include Brazil after the former
champions
confirmed they will be based in South Africa ahead of the start of
the
tournament.
Meanwhile, the efforts of countries in the region to
maximise benefits from
the Africa's first World Cup finals are being
undermined by the host nation,
which is also campaigning feverishly to have
most, if not all, the finalists
set up their training camps in South
Africa.
Of the 32 teams to participate in the soccer show case, 16
including
Argentina, Italy, England, France, Denmark, the United States and
South
Korea have already decided to camp in the host country.
http://www.businessday.co.za
GREG MILLS and TERENCE
MCNAMEE
Published: 2010/01/08 06:28:41 AM
US PRESIDENT Barack Obama
has now labelled Zimbabwean President Robert
Mugabe a "dictator". Will such
criticism make much difference to Mugabe?
Will it help Zimbabwe's opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)?
Not as much, sadly, as outsiders
would like to think . The recent history of
Zimbabwe and other trouble spots
in Africa and elsewhere overwhelmingly
suggests that political change - and
the pressure for it - largely has to
come from within. Outsiders will always
know less than locals and have less
at stake in altering the status
quo.
Zimbabwe's government of national unity, scarcely a year old, is
gradually
collapsing amid continuing violence and recriminations.
Any
viable strategy for change must grapple with the brutal fact that the
problem lies with the state and the entrenched venality of its political
system. Zimbabwe has passed the point at which the state and its
institutions can be salvaged through clever reforms. Many within the
country's
ruling class have profited personally from a decade of social
misery and
economic ruin. They maintain a vested interest in perpetuating
the status
quo, with its facade of democratic institutions and contrasting
reality of
elite bargains and repressive politics.
In essence, unless
responsible leadership and a climate for genuine change
exist internally,
external actors are whistling in the wind.
Even SA, the main regional
player possessing the levers for engineering
regime change in Zimbabwe, is
reluctant to attempt to flex its muscles to
force Mugabe to change
course.
This, Pretoria has explained, is out of a fear that otherwise the
octogenarian president will simply say one thing and do another.
But
behind that is its apprehension that there are no sufficiently credible
and
powerful alternatives to Mugabe.
No wonder the South Africans, among
others in the southern African region,
expect the MDC to prove itself by
taking up the cudgels.
There is a certain logic here, however perverse it
may seem in light of the
pivotal role foreign powers played in driving South
African parties to the
negotiating table 20 years ago to end
apartheid.
The truth is that neither the African National Congress nor
the ruling
National Party would have succumbed to external pressure were
they not yet
willing to change their policies.
They may not have
known exactly how to do it, but the key thing is that they
were both ready
to accept help in moving forward.
Mugabe's still formidable Zanu (PF)
party shows no signs of wanting any
outside "help" at all, save to embolden
its own position.
Disappointingly, the MDC has also been unable to compel
Mugabe's regime to
change its ways.
The MDC is emasculated by its
very nature as a broad-based movement, as
opposed to the militarily
structured, fiercely hierarchical Zanu (PF) that
it must confront . Also,
its legislators have proven every bit as vulnerable
to the state perks on
offer as Zanu (PF)'s.
They have externalised the country's solutions,
just as Zanu (PF) has done
its problems. If the MDC is divided in the face
of a tough foe, critics ask,
what's it going to rule like without
it?
The ratcheting-up of pressure by Obama can do little apart from
making his
administration feel better about itself. Even if it was to
achieve the
unlikely and unseat Mugabe, is there a plan beyond
that?
Rather than name-calling, Obama would be better off presenting a
sequenced
strategy for post-Zanu (PF) assistance to Zimbabwe; and in the
interim
identifying - and sticking to - regime "red lines", transgression
over which
the US would take further sanctions against Harare, at least
thereby
encouraging the opposition.
The answer to Zimbabwe's power
and governance conundrum lies in the
opposition MDC getting tougher and
weeding out elements within the party
that have forsaken the national
interest in favour of the personal.
In so doing, the MDC will probably
have to exit the wobbly government of
national unity, since it cannot
simultaneously berate and co-operate with
Zanu (PF).
But that demands
it getting better organised, with a clearer strategy to
garner the support
of Zimbabweans to end Mugabe's abusive rule. After all,
who has more at
stake than them?
n Dr Mills heads the Johannesburg- based Brenthurst
Foundation. Dr McNamee
is with the Royal United Services Institute in
London.
Any viable strategy . must grapple with the fact that the problem
lies with
the state and the entrenched venality of its political system
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Mutumwa Mawere Friday 08 January
2010
OPINION: Nation building is a complex enterprise involving the
actions of
individuals.
In any generation, there are individuals who
stand out and whose legacy
flame continues to shine and inspire even after
their death.
As we reminisce over the historic year that began with the
inauguration of
the first African American President of the United States
(US), we are
compelled to pause and reflect on our past particularly in view
of the fact
that South Africa will be the first Africa state to host the
Soccer World
Cup.
Why South Africa and not Nigeria is the host, for
instance? Why are many
Africans choosing South Africa as a tourist
destination and most importantly
as the last station of their life for those
that become medically
challenged?
It is often easy to choose what to
preserve as our heritage but no one can
doubt that the infrastructure and
institutions that we see in today's South
Africa was a direct consequence of
the actions of men and women like us.
The role of diamonds in the
transformation of South Africa as an industrial
state can never be
understated. Diamonds attracted great minds to South
Africa.
These
minds stand out as the founding fathers of corporate South Africa.
There
probably has never been a dynamic group of business leaders in any
part of
the world, which had in a short space of time done so much than the
Kimberley men.
They came to make money and so they did. Some of these
men represented a
small group that was subject to political malice and
religious, racial, and
social prejudice of the worst order and in spite of
the odds stacked against
them they prevailed with distinction.
They
never let prejudice stand in their way but managed to seamlessly weave
themselves into the dominant cultures in South Africa.
By forging
partnerships and networks, they became part of the special class
of people
who established the foundation that we often take for granted as
we
negotiate the future of Africa.
This small group of people who could
hardly be described as agents of
British Imperialism was Jewish
emigrants.
The South African story would be incomplete without including
the lives and
exploits of these men for they were important figures who
believed in the
future of the country to allow us to write about their
contribution today.
Such individuals used the newly found wealth for
common good. They could
hardly be described as Marxist accumulators or
misguided entrepreneurs.
They were creative adventurers of the first
order and took the challenges of
their time head on.
They became the
bearers of civilisation not as a burden but as part of their
call with
destiny.
As we look back at the last 15 years of democracy in the South
Africa which
represents the birth of a new nation founded on new values,
principles and
beliefs we can observe that the vanishing of the kind of
individuals who
occupied the higher echelons of South African society at the
defining hour
in its journey is a signal of a civilisation's
decline.
We find ourselves enmeshed in a Eurocentric civilisation that
has its own
demands on humanity and yet many of us daily reject the
obligations imposed
on us by its inherent social contract.
Several of
the first Randlords were Jewish. They were of the same generation
and they
seized the opportunities that Africa offered.
They gained control of the
diamond industry and more importantly their
creative genius lay in setting
up an infrastructure of financing and
industrial consolidation that they
applied to exploit gold discoveries from
1886.
Such individuals
included Leopold Albu, a German Jew, born on March 10 1861,
the brother of
George Albu, who together emigrated to South Africa in 1876.
He died at 77
on March 19 1938.
Their father was a coachbuilder. They began their
career in South Africa as
department store clerks in Cape Town before they
became magnates of special
stones.
In 1895, they became pioneers in
the field of industrial and financial
consolidation by establishing on the
Rand, General Mining and Finance
Corporation with the help of the House of
Wernher Beit, a Jewish controlled
finance house.
General Mining
evolved over the years into Gencor, a company that was
controlled by
Afrikaners.
There was nothing that prepared the Albu brothers for the
wealth they
accumulated in Africa. They were ordinary people motivated by a
desire to
better their own lives.
They started their careers at the
bottom and through luck and hard work they
made a mark on South Africa's
story.
Two brothers with no family support system in South Africa managed
in one
generation to benefit from Africa's resources in a manner that has
not been
replicated by many of Africa's black citizens notwithstanding the
prejudice
against Jews.
If Jewish people could rise above the
challenges of the time and end up as
respectable British citizens on the
back of African resources, why is it
that we have not seen the level of
activity and entrepreneurship of the
order that obtained in the first
generation of post-diamond discovery in
South Africa.
The non-South
African born black Africans are as disliked as the Jewish
people were but
the difference is that the Jewish entrepreneurs were of a
different
kind.
They integrated themselves into the dominant culture and proved to
be
indispensable to the colonial project.
Even the Queen had to
recognise their contribution to the Empire.
Africans of Jewish heritage
have been in South Africa for the last 122 years
and yet their contribution
to African heritage is yet to be fully exposed
and told.
Did you know
for instance that of the 94 mayors of Johannesburg since its
formation on
September 20 1886, 22 of them were Jewish?
Through civic, state and other
activities, Jewish people became part of the
African story.
Although
in the diaspora, they refused to regard themselves as foreigners in
their
adopted home unlike many foreign born South African black citizens who
refuse to be the change they want to see in South Africa.
They are
conspicuous in their absence in the state and non-state
organisations
preferring to define themselves as second-class citizens whose
rights are
only relevant in their countries of birth.
What do we learn from the
experiences of the Albu brothers? We learn that
there is nothing inevitable
in human life. Anything is possible. The harder
one works the luckier one
can become. If Leopold could do it surely our
generation can do better. -
ZimOnline