RAU • 12 JULY 2013 11:42AM
By Alex Bell
SW Radio Africa
12
July 2013
An international human rights group has warned that the state’s ongoing hostility towards Zimbabwe’s civil society sector could threaten the credibility of the upcoming elections.
According to a new report by Amnesty International, the past eight months have seen an intensified campaign of intimidation and arrests of Zimbabwe’s human rights defenders and civil society leaders.
The report, ‘Walk the Talk’ details how the police have conducted systematic raids on different groups’ offices, arbitrarily arrested human rights defenders and seized equipment to intimidate and disrupt the work of the organisations.
“The clampdown on the work of human rights defenders is a worrying indicator that government agencies remain actively hostile to civil society,” said Noel Kututwa, Amnesty International’s Africa Deputy Programme Director.
Kututwa told SW Radio Africa that the groups being targeted have been carrying out election related human rights work, and with just over two weeks until the election, this trend threatens the credibility of the poll.
“The history of Zimbabwe is such that each time there is an election we see a huge spike in human rights violations. There is a close link between human rights violations and elections. And the sense we get from this is that the state wants to limit the work of human rights defenders so they do not monitor all the violations taking place and so they do not to put pressure on the state to do something about it,” Kututwa said.
Since November 2012, at least five police raids of civil society offices have been conducted and dozens of human rights defenders have been unlawfully detained. Many are still caught up in legal processes and appearing in the courts on trumped-up charges that are widely considered to be politically motivated.
This includes the arrest of human rights lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa earlier this year. She was charged with ‘obstructing the course of justice’, but it is widely believed she was deliberately targeted to silence her ahead of the elections.
“If such a high profile lawyer can be arrested it sends a message to others who aren’t so well known, that their lives are at even greater danger. And it has the effect of just silencing them,” Kututwa said.
He added: “The trend of targeting human rights defenders, arbitrarily arresting them and putting them in detention, has the effect of sending the chilling message to say that you are in danger. “
Amnesty International has called on the regional SADC bloc and the African Union to take all measures necessary to ensure the state-sponsored violence seen during the 2008 election period, is not repeated this year. This includes sending election observers to meticulously document human rights violations, in particular those committed by government agencies, and by making a clear public statement that human rights violations will not be tolerated.
“The stakes are high in this election and the run up to it cannot simply be treated as business as usual, either by stakeholders in Zimbabwe or by the international community,” said Kututwa.
Read Amnesty report
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tichaona Sibanda
SW Radio
Africa
12 July 2013
While both Presidential hopefuls, Robert Mugabe
and Morgan Tsvangirai, have
affirmed that this time the country is on track
for fair and peaceful
elections, indications from the ground suggest
otherwise.
The harsh reality is that ZANU PF has unleashed its tried and
tested
violence machinery, controlled by senior members of the country’s
armed
forces. Since Tsvangirai launched his party’s manifesto in Marondera
last
week, the MDC-T has been on the receiving end of pre-election
disturbances.
On Thursday, despite assurances by the police that they
will not tolerate
any violence, it was the same police who blocked
Tsvangirai from conducting
walkabouts in Zvimba, Mugabe’s home district and
Chinhoyi, the capital of
Mashonaland West province.
Herbert Paradzai
Munangatire, the MDC-T parliamentary candidate for Zvimba
West, told SW
Radio Africa that despite giving notice to the police about
Tsvangirai’s
visit on Thursday, they were shocked to be informed at the last
minute that
the event had been cancelled.
‘This is the reason why we wanted reforms
and to align certain old laws to
the new constitution to prevent such
things. Generally if you block your
opponent from addressing meetings or
rallies, it sends out a clear message
that you are afraid, nothing else,’
Munangatire said.
Despite the setback, Munangatire said he was encouraged
by messages of hope
coming from the MDC-T family in Zvimba, not to relent in
their pursuit to
boot Mugabe and ZANU PF out, in the elections that are now
less than three
weeks away.
Elsewhere, there have been many reports
of campaign posters for MDC-T
candidates being ripped apart or defaced
countrywide. There has also been a
rise in violence in some areas, with
soldiers assaulting three MDC-T
supporters in Mutasa South in Manicaland
province.
As election day approaches the regional, continental and
international
community will be watching with concern. Zimbabwe is an
important regional
partner whose continued instability would have serious
security and economic
implications for its neighbours.
HARARE
- The Research and Advocacy Unit, RAU’s analysis of the
voters’ roll has been facilitated by the release of the preliminary results of
the 2012 census.
However, these results do not disclose the statistic of prime importance here, the number of adults in Zimbabwe as indicated by ages of 18 years or more.
The analysis has thus proceeded on the basis of the percentages of the population in each age band supplied by Zimstat (the body which conducts the census) and used by Zimstat to calculate data in a 2012 survey on Health and Demographics in Zimbabwe.
Zimstat is of the view that these percentages have not changed significantly in the few years since that survey, a view supported by the fact that the census shows that Zimbabwe has a low growth rate of 1,1 percent.
The number of adults (and thus potentially eligible voters) in the 15 to 19 age band has been determined by calculating two-fifths of the total. It is believed that the number thus arrived at is sufficiently accurate for present purposes.
The number of adults in each age band according to the census, compared with the number of people in those age bands registered as voters. In an ideal situation, all those who ought to be registered as voters are, and those who ought not to be, such as those deceased, are not.
Although the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission took special steps to facilitate registration before the production of the June roll analysed here, and although nearly 300 000 deceased people were reported to have been removed from the roll in the months immediately preceding its compilation, showing a large disjuncture between the ideal and the actual.
Very few adults aged less than 30 years are registered.
This is most marked in the 18-19 age band, where only eight percent are registered. In numerical terms, this means that a total of 1 920 424 people under the age of 30 ought to be registered as voters but are not.
This is almost 29 percent of the total adult population of 6 647 779.
Since there are unregistered people in the other age bands, the total percentage of the entire adult population who ought to be registered as voters but are not, is considerably higher than 29 percent.
The “under-registration” in these other age bands is concealed by “over-registration” in all of the age bands from 30 years and above.
If the under-registration in these bands were to be taken into account, as it ought to be, the percentages of over-registration would increase.
It should also be noted that the over-registration figures assume a 100 percent registration rate, which is improbable.
The percentages of over-registration will increase in direct proportion to the extent that the registration rate is less than 100 percent.
Even without considering these factors, however, it indicates that the number of registered voters exceeds the population of Zimbabwe, in all age bands of 30 and above, by a considerable margin.
This is most notable in the 40 to 44 age group (162 percent) and the 80+ age group (219 percent).
In the former, some of the over-registration may be explained by people who are registered as voters, but were absent from the country during the census count, that is, are part of Zimbabwe’s Diaspora.
The latter group most probably represents a large number of deceased persons who names still appear on the voters’ roll.
In numerical terms the “over-registration” of people aged 30+ against the actual population is 1 146 760.
This conclusion is further supported by the fact that there is an unlikely 116 195 people aged over 100 still on the roll. Constituency “Over-Registration”
The problem of over-registration can also be considered by constituency. The table indicates data for each province with the number of constituencies in each province where the number of registered voters exceeds the population in those constituencies.
It thus indicates that in 63 (30 percent) of Zimbabwe’s 210 constituencies, the number of registered voters exceeds the total population there, as indicated by the census.
Delimitation
These problems of “over” and “under” registration obviously affect the delimitation of constituencies, since this is based upon the number of registered voters in each constituency.
Delimitation will be inaccurate to the extent that the voters’ roll incorrectly reflects the number of voters in each constituency. Constituencies were last delimited ahead of the 2008 elections.
There is to be no new delimitation ahead of the 2013 elections despite extensive demographic changes and changes to the voters’ roll since 2008.
Both the old and the new Constitution provide that the number of registered voters in each constituency should, as far as is possible, be equal, thus ensuring that no vote is of greater or less value than another in elections for the National Assembly.
The number of registered voters should thus be spread evenly across the 210 constituencies, making a mean of 27 972 voters per constituency.
Both constitutions, however, allow a variation of up to 20 percent more or less than the average number of voters registered in each constituency.
The permissible (though undesirable) variation of 20 percent has the result that the maximum and minimum number of voters in each constituency should not exceed 33 566 registered voters per constituency or be less than 22 378.
The distribution of voters on the June 2013 roll is such that 23 constituencies exceed the permissible maximum and 17 are below the permissible minimum. Mbare has a voter population 154 percent greater than the mean (43 169 voters) and Chipinge East is has a voter population of only 46 percent of the mean (12 940 voters).
Gender
The voters’ roll shows no gender bias when considered as a whole. The picture may, however, change when gender is considered across each age band, though this analysis has yet to be undertaken.
Summary
The compilation of the voters’ roll is always a moving target. Old voters die and new voters are added. The voters’ roll can thus never meet the ideal indicated at the outset. However, the gap between the ideal and the actual should be kept within reasonable limits if the electoral process is to be deemed fair and credible. The statistics presented here show:
1. That there are
nearly 2 000 000 potential voters aged under 30 who are unregistered.
2.
That there are well over 1 000 000 people on the roll who are either deceased or
departed.
3. That 63 constituencies have more registered voters than
inhabitants.
4. That 40 constituencies deviate from the average number of
voters per constituency by more than the permitted 20 percent.
Such statistics suggest that the gap between the ideal and the actual impinges upon the integrity of Zimbabwe’s electoral process.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tichaona
Sibanda
SW Radio Africa
12 July 2013
A scrutiny of the country’s
voters’ roll by election watchdog, the Zimbabwe
Election Support Network
(ZESN), has unearthed a disturbing
under-registration of voters in mostly
urban areas.
With less than three weeks to go before the election this
will buttress the
MDC-T’s recent claims that an Israeli based company with
offices in Harare
was allegedly contracted by ZANU PF to manipulate the
voters roll.
ZESN said it noted serious irregularities in the voters’
roll purchased by
the organisation from the office of the Registrar General
on 19th June.
Voting patterns from previous elections show that urban areas
are naturally
strongholds of the MDC-T.
‘We have noted that the
biggest irregularity in the roll is the
under-registration of voters
especially in the urban wards. For instance
ZESN has found that there are
about 750 000 missing urban voters from the
voters’ roll,’ ZESN said in a
statement on Friday.
The watchdog said it conducted a demographic
analysis of the voters’ roll on
all 5,890,169 names from all 1,964 wards and
210 constituencies, compared to
the official 2012 Census data from the
Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency.
Another report issued last week by
the Harare based Research and Advocacy
Unit, also revealed discrepancies
between the number of potential voters on
the latest voters’ roll and the
population census conducted last year.
In its analysis entitled ‘key
statistics from the June 2013 voters’ roll’
RAU found that only 8% of the
2012 population of 18-19 year olds was
registered to vote.
Around
45,000 youth were found on the roll, versus the over 500,000 found in
the
census. In groups from the ages of 20-29 the unit also reported a
difference
of nearly 630,000 between potential voters and the census
population.
Ages 25-29 had a population census total of 1,063, 852
with the voters roll
recording 549,946 people.
On Tuesday, the MDC-T’
secretary-general Tendai Biti claimed that at least
300,000 prospective
voters in Harare alone had been denied the right to
participate in the
forthcoming general elections.
Biti told journalists that millions of
Zimbabweans were indirectly blocked
from registering as voters during the
registration exercise that closed on
Tuesday.
Officials from the
Registrar General’s Office were accused of employing
delaying tactics to
frustrate prospective voters in urban centres during the
30-day exercise.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Violet
Gonda
SW Radio Africa
12 July 2013
The Progressive Teachers’ Union
of Zimbabwe (PTUZ) has accused the Electoral
Commission of bias after it
emerged that all PTUZ members who had been
originally listed as polling
officers have had their names deleted.
PTUZ Secretary General Raymond
Majongwe said the development, less than
three weeks before elections, is
disturbing, discriminatory and prejudicial.
In an open letter to ZEC,
Majongwe said: “We are so concerned that our
members are being punished
because of their trade union affiliation in stark
violation of their freedom
of association and inalienable labour rights
enshrined in the constitution
of Zimbabwe. We are also disappointed that
this is not the first time that
this has happened to our members and we
wonder why state workers should be
treated like this by government and
quasi-government departments in a free
country. In the March 16, 2013
referendum, our members received the same
treatment from ZEC.”
The outspoken group say their members were also
removed from the final list
of census enumerators last year, despite having
received training, and that
they have also been excluded from marking
national examinations by the
Zimbabwe Schools Examinations Council (ZIMSEC),
although teachers from other
unions were hired.
“We are sick and
tired of being treated as if we are an illegal
organisation, yet we are a
bona fide trade union, which is duly registered
in terms of the laws of our
country. We are neither ZANU PF nor MDC, but a
labour organisation,”
Majongwe said.
The group is demanding an explanation from the ZEC
Chairperson, Justice Rita
Makarau.
We could not get a comment from
ZEC officials.
http://www.voazimbabwe.com/
Thomas
Chiripasi
12.07.2013
HARARE — A group comprising so-called aliens or
people whose parents came
from countries like Malawi, Zambia and Mozambique,
and by law are now
allowed to take Zimbabwean citizenship, on Friday
protested outside the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) headquarters
demanding their right to
vote in the July 31 elections.
More than 100
aliens staged the peaceful demonstration outside the ZEC
offices demanding a
special exercise to have their names added onto the
voters’
roll.
They claimed that officers from the Registrar General’s Office made
it
difficult for them to register in time for the July 31 vote. They charge
there’s still time if ZEC is willing to accommodate them.
The
protesters carried placards some of which read: “Everyone must be
allowed in
a credible election”.
One of the demonstrators, Kimberley Nyatsanga, said
he is disappointed that
he will not be able to vote in the forthcoming
polls.
Nyatsanga added that they could not meet the ZEC commissioners
after
security details locked all the gates.
He said that during the
mobile voter registration exercise that ended
Tuesday, many of them were
ordered by the Registrar General’s department to
renounce their foreign
citizenship but the process took so long that they
could not register to
vote in this year’s crucial elections.
Another demonstrator, Clemence
Phiri, who is of Malawian descent, said he is
disappointed that he will not
be able to vote this year. He said his failure
to vote will affect his
future.
Studio 7 failed to get a comment from ZEC chairperson Rita
Makarau who said
she was in a meeting.
Aliens now enjoy all the
rights enjoyed by ordinary Zimbabweans following
the adoption of the new
constitution.
http://www.eubusiness.com/
12 July 2013, 18:57
CET
(JOHANNESBURG) - The European Union will lift sanctions against
Zimbabwe if
regional observers declare July 31 polls to be free and fair,
the bloc's
ambassador to South Africa said Friday.
"If the process
goes well we will go suspend (sanctions) and I am sure they
will be
removed," diplomat Roeland van de Geer said.
"We don't have the right to
continue with that if the elections are
acceptable," he added.
The EU
earlier this year retained an asset freeze and travel ban on
President
Robert Mugabe but eased most of its decade-old restrictions on
Zimbabwe.
"We have suspended them, we haven't cancelled them, and we
have done that
with conviction because we see positive steps," said Van de
Geer.
While some steps have been encouraging, the bloc wants greater
reforms in
the media and army.
Blocked by Mugabe, the EU will not
have its own observers on the ground but
will rely on the Southern African
Development Community which mediated
Zimbabwe's power-sharing government
after chaotic 2008 polls.
"If the outcome of the elections is clear, is
accepted, who are we, all
Europeans, to say... we continue with our
sanctions, but it has to be clear,
that's true," he said.
Only 10
individuals and two companies are now blacklisted -- whittled down
from a
list of 112 people and 11 firms or entities earlier this year.
A team of
African Union observers will also monitor the vote to replace the
compromise
government set up between Mugabe and his arch rival Prime
Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai.
The EU's targeted sanctions were first imposed in 2002, with
the grouping
citing political violence, human rights abuses and the failure
to hold free
and fair elections.
Violet Gonda
SW Radio Africa
12
July 2013
The election campaign is showing that no love has been lost between the major political parties despite spending four years as partners in the coalition government.
The political leaders have taken to trading personal insults, making it difficult to understand how they will work with each other again if there is another inclusive government, which pundits believe is likely in the event of another disputed election.
In recent days Zimbabweans have been subjected to the leaders throwing verbal jibes at each other which include accusations of being a womanizer, ugly, uneducated and just plain evil.
President Robert Mugabe told party supporters in Chiweshe, Mashonaland Central Province on Thursday that MDC-T leader Morgan Tsvangirai was “politically ugly.”
His wife Grace also took to the podium to say: “Someone close to Tsvangirai told me he saw himself in the mirror and ran…”
The First Lady added: “When Baba (Mugabe) first met him physically, he came home trembling and I asked him what the problem was to which he (Mugabe) said he had never seen someone that ugly.”
Grace also preached about morality, despite having an affair with Mugabe while he was still married to Sally.
She said: “President Mugabe has been consistent in his messages about empowering the people, not like others who spend their time going to exotic beaches with different girlfriends. Those who dream about power should continue dreaming, but we are at State House to stay.”
Tsvangirai’s spokesman Luke Tamborinyoka said: “The only philanderer the Prime Minister knows of is a President who fell in love with his secretary while his legitimate wife was dying of a kidney ailment.”
On his part Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai described Mugabe as a national liability and told voters that they don’t have underwear because of Zanu PF.
He told members at a rally in Mhondoro: “If you want to vote for Mugabe, it’s your choice, but it will go into the Guinness Book of Records that the people of Zimbabwe have given a 90-year-old man, five more years to rule the country.
“I gave him four years to pack. Now it’s time for him to go and rest in Zvimba while an energetic, young and responsive government leads Zimbabwe into the future.”
At the launch of this party’s election campaign in Chikomba, Mashonaland East, MDC leader Welshman Ncube Ncube said he disliked Mugabe for his bad deeds calling the ZANU PF leader a “bigger devil” and Tsvangirai a “smaller devil”.
He reiterated he would not form a coalition of convenience with his former allies in the MDC-T, who he has accused of lying about holding talks about a grand coalition.
Ncube said the MDC-T oppose “ZANUPF only in name when in fact it has the same DNA as ZANUPF.”
It is reported that Ncube’s utterances were precipitated by revelations by the MDC-T that he scuttled the talks because he wanted his party members to have senior political positions in the event of a coalition, something which he denies.
Analyst Trevor Maisiri from the International Crisis Group said there is still a lack of maturity in all the political parties who have so far failed “to sit down to either agree or disagree in a very respectful manner and then move forward.”
However there is nothing new about politicians insulting each other. The history of British politics is littered with famous put-downs, one of the most famous comes from Winston Churchill. In a fit of rage Lady Astor said to him, “If you were my husband I’d give you poison,” to which he responded, “If you were my wife, I’d drink it.”
Activists hoping to remove ZANU PF’s 33 year old political dominance are in general agreement that it will take some kind of coalition, or at least a voting pact, to have a good chance of removing Mugabe from power. But accusations and counter accusation by the MDC formations and their allies in the opposition shows any form of grand coalition is highly unlikely.
Speaking on the Hot Seat programme, Maisiri said: “All the parties outside of Zanu PF are now washing their dirty linen in public. It is something that is very deplorable, something that is very regrettable.
“I think the biggest challenges that these parties have is one – there seems to be a lack of trust across the lines and number two there simply seems also a lack of respect across the lines and without those two ingredients it’s going to be difficult to form a sustainable pact. Even if that pact goes on to win an election, the eventual government that they form is also going to be shaken by the failure to establish trust and respect. So those are two great weaknesses that create a challenge for a possible pact especially between the two MDCs.”
Link: Full interview with Trevor Maisiri
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
FUNGI KWARAMBA • 12 JULY 2013
11:54AM
HARARE - Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai says President Robert
Mugabe’s
rigging machinations have been revealed to him by members of the
State
security apparatus including secret service agents.
He told
party supporters in Mhondoro-Ngezi yesterday that senior police
officers,
soldiers and members of the Central Intelligence Organisation
(CIO) have
told him several dark secrets about how Mugabe’s Zanu PF plans to
smartly
rig the forthcoming elections.
Two weeks ago, Tsvangirai made sensational
allegations that the office of
the Registrar General (RG) was clandestinely
working with Israeli company,
Nikuv International to tamper with the voters’
roll in order to give the
ex-majority party an edge in the make-or-break
polls due on July 31.
Even though the RG’s office has denied the
allegations, senior MDC officials
maintain that Nikuv International, was
working with five different voters’
rolls.
Tsvangirai told hundreds
that while Zanu PF relied on violence in the 2008
elections, “this time they
are trying to be smart.”
“Zanu PF is saying let’s have peaceful but
rigged elections...but I don’t
see people voting for them, what may happen
is Zanu PF will try to vote on
behalf of the people. But this time
takavamaka sebhora (we are closely
watching them) they will not
succeed.
“Everyone needs change, people who are being asked to do this or
that are
coming with information telling me what Zanu PF is planning to do,
(these)
include CIOs, police officers and soldiers. I can even tell what
Mugabe
eats,” said the MDC leader.
Yesterday, the Prime Minister’s
office — which is contesting the 69 000
figure of police officers who have
applied for special voting on Sunday and
Monday — alleged that deputy police
commissioner general Godwin Matanga had
instructed police officers to vote
for Zanu PF.
“The gates (at Morris Depot) were all closed and nobody was
allowed to leave
the area. All police and civilians employed at Morris Depot
had to attend.
Deputy commissioner Matanga told everyone present that they
had to vote for
Zanu PF in the elections,” said Jameson Timba, minister of
State in the
Prime Minister’s office.
“This follows on from the Zanu
PF rally held at Morris Depot yesterday where
police and civilian employees
were addressed by aspiring Zanu PF
candidates.”
Charity Charamba,
the police spokesperson, has said the police numbers have
been boosted by
the Police Constabulary Unit, which she said was empowered
under the Police
Act to perform any duties carried out by regular members of
the
force.
“What people who are querying the special voting numbers forget is
that the
police will not only be performing election-related duties as the
overall
security of the nation is the responsibility of the ZRP,” she was
quoted in
the State-controlled media yesterday.
Tsvangirai, 61, is in
a shaky coalition government with his long-time rival
Mugabe, a union that
was formed at the behest of Sadc in 2008 after
inconclusive polls, which
were derailed by violence that resulted in loss of
life.
“The GNU was
created for Mugabe not for Tsvangirai,” the MDC leader said.
“Sadc
leaders asked how they could save a senior statesman like Mugabe after
losing polls, so they urged us to form a unity government.”
The MDC
leader says he was shocked by Mugabe’s open defiance of the 15
nation bloc
to implement electoral
reforms saying the grouping of southern African
countries was working in the
interests of the 89-year-old
strongman.
Turning to policies, the former trade unionist said an MDC
government would
shred indigenisation — Zanu PF’s trump-card going into
polls — saying the
policy does not cascade to the bottom tiers of the
economy.
“We have a plan to govern. We are not just seeking change for
power’s sake.
We will introduce free primary education and also transform
rural areas,”
said Tsvangirai.
The former opposition leader said his
political opponents; “with 33 years of
looting and corruption” have nothing
new to offer to voters as he promised
to open up Zimbabwe to investment to
create jobs for millions who are
currently unemployed.
He said an MDC
government would among other things transform rural
communities by building
decent houses and introducing drip irrigation.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By
Nomalanga Moyo
SW Radio Africa
12 July 2013
The MDC led by Welshman
Ncube kick-started its election campaign in the
Mashonaland East Province of
Chikomba on Friday.
The event was mainly aimed at introducing MDC
candidates for the forthcoming
July 31st election, with the party’s
manifesto expected to be launched
separately on 20th July in Binga,
Matebeleland North.
The party said Chikomba was the launch-pad for its
campaign because it was
one of its strongholds, “contrary to perceptions
that we only exist in
Matebeleland”.
Explaining the reasoning behind
the decision, the deputy spokesman for the
MDC, Kurauone Chihwayi, said: “We
are launching the campaign and the
manifesto separately because we are
represented in all provinces.”
Addressing the gathering in Chikomba,
president Ncube said the party had
managed to field 203 candidates to
contest the 210 House of Assembly seats.
He revealed that seven of the
hopefuls had been disqualified by the
Electoral Commission.
Turning
to the party’s candidates, Ncube said they had a responsibility to
lead by
example: “The MDC is a party of integrity, and your integrity in
your
communities must be beyond question.
“We are a principled party, and your
conduct should reflect the values and
principles of the party, which are
non-negotiable,” Ncube said.
Ncube outlined these values as; service to
the people, accountability,
competent and reliable leadership that is
accessible and open to criticism,
committed to equality and a just and fair
Zimbabwe, as well as tolerance and
diversity of opinion.
He said: We
are not ‘Chefs’(Bosses), we are servants. What went wrong in
Zimbabwe is
that instead of creating servants we created Chefs who went on
to become
thieves and murderers.
“This election is about new beginnings and a new
Zimbabwe. That is why we
can’t go into coalitions of convenience. Our job
isn’t just to get rid of
(Robert) Mugabe but to ensure that once we have
removed him we replace him
with leaders that have a different DNA from that
of ZANU PF,” he added.
Ncube also denounced violence, and urged
Zimbabweans to vote for leaders
whose commitment to democracy is
unquestionable: “We want a leadership that
does not tolerate violence and
corruption.”
The MDC’s manifesto and policy document launch in Binga is
widely expected
to centre on the party’s overarching message of devolution,
as revealed over
the past months.
Earlier this week, Chihwayi told
the media: “Devolution is our new
revolution. Our manifesto is anchored on
democratic decision making
processes where consensus, full participation and
representation are the
pillars.”
Friday’s campaign event was attended
by Dumiso Dabengwa, leader of the MDC’s
coalition partner ZAPU, whose policy
declaration was launched in Bulawayo on
July 6th, with Ncube giving the key
speech.
President Mugabe launched his re-election campaign in Harare’s
Highfields
suburb on July 5th, where he used the platform to attack everyone
from the
MDC-T, the West, and South Africa’s Lindiwe Zulu, whom he called an
‘idiotic
street woman.’
The MDC-T led by Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai launched their campaign
and manifesto at Marondera’s Rudhaka
stadium, in Mashonaland East, on July
7th.
http://mg.co.za/
12 JUL 2013 00:00TAKUDZWA MUNYAKA, FARAI
SHOKO
If the polls go to a run-off, the MDC leader may be called on
by Robert
Mugabe or Morgan Tsvangirai for help.
The July 31 poll
will be a tight contest between President Robert Mugabe and
Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai, in what many consider to be a two-horse
race.
But
political analysts are predicting that MDC leader Welshman Ncube will
emerge
as a kingmaker.
Analysts say while Mugabe and Tsvangirai may be forced
into a runoff,
whoever has Ncube's backing at that run-off will emerge the
winner.
A close result is also being predicted between Zanu-PF and the
MDC-T in the
parliamentary and, local government elections, and again,
Ncube's seats may
prove to be the deciding factor for a majority in the
House of Assembly.
Although several opinion polls have indicated that
Zanu-PF may win the
polls, analysts believe it is an open race as all
parties have weaknesses.
Ncube's MDC party has been busy on the campaign
trail for longer than the
other parties, especially in its strongholds in
Matabeleland. It has also
formed an alliance with Zapu, a party with roots
in Matabeleland,
consolidating votes in that region.
MDC
campaign
The MDC has hinged its campaign on devolution of power, which seems
to
resonate well in Matabeleland where government stands accused of
promoting
underdevelopment of that region through neglect.
"The
party's major weakness, however, whether real or perceived, is that it
is
viewed as a regional or tribal party. It lacks a national appeal and they
have to address that," said political analyst Dumisani Nkomo.
"The
quality of some of its candidates is also worrying and the party may
have
lost ground under the leadership of [Arthur] Mutambara, when a number
of
senior people defected to MDC-T. The departure of people like [Abednico]
Bhebhe and other senior party officials would have weakened the
party."
Dr Charity Manyeruke, a politics lecturer at the University of
Zimbabwe,
believes Mugabe's "people-centred" policies, such as the land
reform and the
indigenisation programmes coupled with his history as a
liberator, give him
an advantage compared with his rivals.
But Nkomo
believes Zanu-PF has been in power for too long, which may work
against it
scoring the majority — leaving it in need of a coalition.
"The party also
has serious problems, including having been in power for 33
years, in which
they have largely failed. The electorate will be wondering
if the party has
anything new to offer," said Nkomo.
MDC-T needs Ncube
Yet analysts
believe the protest vote could once again drive support for the
MDC-T, but
this time diluted by Tsvangirai's performance during the tenure
of the unity
government.
"A significant number of people are just tired of Mugabe and
Zanu-PF and
want change," said Nkomo.
But the MDC-T also needs
Ncube.
"The sex scandals had an effect on Morgan Tsvangirai's brand. His
indecision
and lack of strategic thinking have also cost him. For example,
he made a
blunder by conniving with Mugabe to back Deputy Prime Minister
Arthur
Mutambara instead of backing Ncube," said Nkomo.
Indications
are that Tsvangirai and Ncube may fail to unite before the
polls. Political
analyst Dr Ibbo Mandaza believes Ncube has the capacity to
win enough votes
to ensure the presidential election goes to a run-off.
"He [Ncube] has
the capacity to win between 10 and 20 seats, which will make
him hold the
balance of power in Parliament. We are likely going to have a
hung
Parliament with almost equal numbers between Zanu-PF and MDC-T," he
said.
University of Zimbabwe lecturer Professor Eldred Masunungure
also believes
the next parliament will be hung and that Ncube's entry into
the
presidential race would force a runoff between Mugabe and
Tsvangirai.
Calls for a coalition
Pressure is mounting in diplomatic
circles for Welshman Ncube and Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai to forge a
coalition.
But Ncube's camp this week vehemently denied any electorate
pact with
Tsvangirai, insisting it was a creation of the
media.
Western diplomats in Harare this week told the Mail & Guardian
that there is
a general consensus within the diplomatic community that they
should merge.
"The only logical thing to do at this moment is for Ncube
to play ball with
Tsvangirai," said a Western diplomat, who asked not to be
named. "It is now
or never. We are tired of the Zimbabwe crisis," he
said.
Tsvangirai this week forged an electoral pact with former Zanu-PF
politburo
member Simba Makoni of Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn and Seketai Sengwayo of
Zanu
Ndonga.
The MDC-T leader on Tuesday got an endorsement from
businessman Mutumwa
Mawere.
Pact
Last week, Ncube also signed a
pact with former Zanu-PF politburo member
Dumiso Dabengwa of
Zapu.
Makoni, who spoke on behalf of the Tsvangirai coalition, told
journalists on
Monday that there had been talks about roping Ncube into the
grand
coalition.
But in a hard-hitting response, Ncube's secretary
general, Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga, denied that her party was in talks
with Tsvangirai.
"We want to place it on record that MDC has never been
involved in any
five-party talks.
"We therefore dismiss with the
contempt it deserves the deliberate
falsification … by Simba Makoni," she
said, adding that the lies are some of
the reasons why Ncube does not want
to be associated with "political leaders
who have mastered the art of
politics of deception".
http://www.newzimbabwe.com/
12/07/2013 00:00:00
by AFP
FORMER
Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo will lead a team of 60 African
Union
monitors to Zimbabwe for the July 31 election, the organisation said
Friday.
Obasanjo will arrive in Zimbabwe 10 days before the vote,
which has already
been overshadowed by allegations of political intimidation
and electoral
rolls packed with "ghost voters".
In a statement, the
AU said the monitors - drawn from African NGOs and
member countries - will
work with nine observers already on the ground.
Obasanjo has twice ruled
Nigeria.
A former soldier, he headed a military government between 1976 and
1979 and
served an eight-year term as an elected president between May 1999
and May
2007.
President Robert Mugabe has opposed the entry of
non-African observers to
monitor the election, which will see the long-term
leader try to extend his
33-year term.
Rights groups have expressed
concern that the vote will see a repeat of vote
rigging and violence that
has marred previous polls.
Amnesty International on Friday called on
regional bodies to "meticulously
document human rights violations, in
particular those committed by
government agencies".
Security forces,
controlled by President Robert Mugabe, 89, have in the past
been accused of
rights abuses and intimidating political opponents.
At least 200 people
were killed in the run-up to the June 2008 presidential
run-off between
Mugabe and his arch rival Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.
Tsvangirai
will again be Mugabe's main opponent on July 31.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Alex Bell
SW Radio
Africa
12 July 2013
Zimbabweans in the Diaspora are being urged to do
what they can to
participate in the electoral process back home, because the
July 31st poll
could decide their futures.
According to the Zimbabwe
Exiles Forum, which is hosting the meetings, the
Zimbabwean Diaspora voters’
lack of political information about the country’s
imminent election “already
raises important concerns about the poll’s
fairness and
credibility.”
The group is hosting a series of workshops in the Diaspora
to tackle this
disenfranchisement of exiled Zimbabweans, for whom the vote
means much more
than just a change in government.
The latest workshop
is happening in Durban, South Africa on Saturday.
“For millions of
Zimbabweans living in South Africa, voting can mean either
their continued
stay outside their country or the ushering in of a new
dispensation of
freedom and economic development that allows them to return
home. The latter
can only happen if the five million Zimbabweans in the
Diaspora are
guaranteed ways to participate in the elections on 31 July
2013,” the Exiles
Forum said.
The group’s Diana Zimbudzana said that the Diaspora has been
denied a chance
to participate properly by the refusal of the government to
make allowances
for the Diaspora vote. This is despite an international
court order to do
so, an order Zimbabwe’s government has completely
ignored.
“The main purpose of the workshops is to find out from the
people themselves
what they want and what they hope from the elections. We
are also trying to
conscientise people about the Diaspora vote case, and
educate them about
what the Zimbabwe Exiles Forum can do for them,”
Zimbudzana told SW Radio
Africa.
She added: “We realise that the
Zimbabwe government has refused and has not
commented about it (the case)
and what is more disappointing is that all the
political parties have not
said anything about the Diaspora vote. And we
have resigned ourselves to
this. But we have said we can just sit and let
things be. So we are
encouraging people, who can afford to, to go to
Zimbabwe end cast their
votes.”
The workshops are not just a discussion point, but also a way to
unite the
Diaspora to share information and support each other during the
elections.
“People are really tired of living in a country that is not
their homeland,
but then want to go back to a Zimbabwe where they can live
freely and
participate in the issues affecting Zimbabwe freely,” Zimbudzana
said.
The Saturday workshop is happening at the UNISA Durban campus, and
will
begin at 8:30 am.
http://www.iol.co.za/
July 12 2013 at 01:17pm
By Xolani
Koyana
Cape Town - A Zimbabwean government-owned property in the city
will finally
go under the hammer to compensate farmers whose land was
seized, five years
after it was attached by a court.
The property in
Salisbury Road in Kenilworth was bought by the Zimbabwean
government in 1994
and was used by the Zimbabwe Consulate in Cape Town.
In 2011, the South
Gauteng High Court in Johannesburg ruled that the
property could be
auctioned off but the Zimbabwean government blocked the
sale when it went to
the Supreme Court of Appeal. It finally went to the
Constitutional Court,
which upheld the previous judgments and dismissed the
case last
month.
Willie Spies, a lawyer representing the farmers, said they wanted
the
auction to be held immediately. “There has been nothing arranged yet.
But
the sale will go ahead within the next four to six weeks,” he
said.
Spies said that property could fetch anything between R1 million
and R3m,
which would be proportionally paid out to the three farmers and a
German
bank. He said the property had been occupied by a Cape Town family
since
2002, but they had vacated it because of the court action.
The
farmers are Louis Fick, Michael Campbell and Richard Etheredge, whose
farms
were among about 4 000 seized during the violent land occupation that
took
place in Zimbabwe.
German banking group KFW Bank Gruppe and AfriForum,
which has supported and
represented the farmers, had initially attached two
other properties in
Zonnebloem and Wynberg. KFW Bank Gruppe had been owed
more than e40 million
by Zimbabwe.
All three properties were to go on
auction in 2011, but this was halted by
court action by the Zimbabwean
government.
The South Gauteng High Court in Johannesburg ruled that the
properties in
Wynberg and Zonnebloem enjoyed diplomatic
protection.
The Kenilworth property could be auctioned off because it was
being rented
out to a third party, which showed that it was being used
commercially, and
so no longer enjoyed diplomatic
protection.
AfriForum said the property was attached by the Southern
African Development
Community Tribunal against the Zimbabwe government in
2008.
“The dismissal of the appeal by the Zimbabwean government means
that, for
the first time in international legal history, it will be possible
to
proceed with the legal sale of a property belonging to a state found
guilty
of gross human rights violations,” the organisation said.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/
Zimbabwe's political
rivals clash over secret paper that alleges president
planned to hire
Lebanese murder squad
David Smith in Johannesburg
The Guardian,
Saturday 13 July 2013 05.01 AEST
Zimbabwe's political rivals have clashed
over an apparently secret document
said to be from intelligence sources that
alleges an outlandish plot by
President Robert Mugabe to hire a Lebanese
murder squad to assassinate his
South African counterpart, Jacob Zuma, and a
top diplomat.
The typed two-page report – persuasively detailed but at
times written in
excitable language strewn with grammatical and spelling
errors – has been
dismissed by Mugabe's Zanu-PF party as "hogwash" and a
"typical setup". The
rival Movement for Democratic Change said the
assassination threats should
be taken seriously.
They come amid
souring relations between neighbours Zimbabwe and South
Africa. Last week
Mugabe branded Zuma's chief mediator, Lindiwe Zulu, "some
stupid, idiotic
woman" and a "little street woman" after her failed attempt
to force a
postponement of elections.
The purportedly leaked document, dated 2 July
and of unknown authorship,
contains a paragraph headed: "Lebonese assasins"
(sic). It states: "On
Monday this week Mugabe hired six Lebanese nationals
to try and assassinate
Lindiwe Zulu, who is Zuma's advisor. The six met
clandestinely with Mugabe
yesterday to be briefed by him on the details of
their mission … The six
were told they must not concentrate on Zulu only,
but should also pay
attention to Zuma himself, and if they get a chance to
do so they must
assassinate him as well – but everything must appear as an
accident."
It adds: "Mugabe promised the six Lebonese [sic] an
undisclosed fortune in
cash if they succeed in getting rid of the two who
[sic] South Africa senior
officials who are giving him a lot of trouble.
Names of the six could not be
established, but they entered into the country
via Zambia in the last few
days, where they had previously held a close
meeting with [president]
Michael Sata before travelling into
Zimbabwe."
The document also claims that Mugabe summoned and castigated
security
officers over a leak to the MDC leader, Morgan Tsvangirai,
regarding the
involvement of an Israeli company in managing the country's
electoral role.
Mugabe ordered that "the culprits who leaked the information
are made to
suffer and die a painful death", it says. Tsvangirai has spoken
publicly
about his concern over the role of the Israeli company
Nikuv.
The Guardian has seen a copy of the two-page document but has not
been able
to verify it as being genuine. The possibility that it is a hoax
designed to
embarrass the opposition cannot be ruled out.
Rugare
Gumbo, spokesman for Zanu-PF, insisted: "To be frank with you, it's
all
rubbish and hogwash to think a head of state like president Mugabe would
set
up something like that. We have a disagreement with Lindiwe Zulu but it
would not go to that extent."
Asked about the alleged threat to Zuma,
he replied: "You should not take it
seriously. It's a typical setup in
Zimbabwe to try and cause some confusion
before the election because we are
going ahead with our election according
to our laws whether they like it or
not."
But this is not the first time allegations have surfaced of
Zimbabwean
government agents carrying out clandestine operations in South
Africa. Nor
are rumours of assassinations so unusual: South Africa's Mail
& Guardian
newspaper recently compiled a list of nine Zimbabwean
politicians who have
died in mysterious car crashes, including the one last
month involving
Edward Chindori-Chininga, the outspoken chairperson of a
parliamentary
committee that had just released a highly critical report on
the diamond
industry.
Fierce factional infighting within Zanu-PF and
the security sector has
resulted in a number of damaging intelligence leaks,
notably on the Facebook
page of a mole known as Baba Jukwa.
Douglas
Mwonzora, the MDC's spokesperson, said of the document: "We have had
sight
of the intelligence information but we are unable to confirm its
authenticity. For the MDC, the international community must take these
assassination allegations seriously."
But Roy Bennett, the MDC
treasurer-general, in exile, was more certain. "We
know the report to be
credible; it comes from reliable and trustworthy
sources within the heart of
the CIO [Central Intelligence Organisation]," he
said. "It is a stark
reminder of the full horrific extent that Robert Mugabe
is prepared to go in
order to hang on to power and avenge his critics."
The MDC and civil
society groups in Zimbabwe have applauded Zuma for taking
a tougher stand
against Mugabe than the previous South African president,
Thabo Mbeki.
http://www.independent.co.uk/
HANNAH
DEWHIRST FRIDAY 12 JULY 2013
A local hospital in Zimbabwe has
been exposed as charging women $5 (£3.30)
every time they scream while
giving birth, a report reveals.
The practice was catalogued in an
extensive new report from Transparency
International, an anti-corruption
organization. The hospital screaming fee
was allegedly a charge for “raising
a false alarm” but patients have claimed
it is intended to make money out of
suffering mothers-to-be.
This fee accompanies a flat $50 delivery cost
that all Zimbabwean hospitals
charge. Meaning that in one of Africa’s
poorest countries, where average
annual income per head is around $150, a
mother who uttering only a few
cries of distress might owe half her annual
income as a result of giving
birth.
According to a follow-up report
by Transparency International, women who can’t
afford these payments are
sometimes detained by the hospitals and charged
interest until their
families pay up.
As a result, many Zimbabwean mothers after forced into
giving birth at home
because they can’t afford the high charges. The United
Nations estimates an
average of eight mothers die during childbirth each day
in Zimbabwe.
The Washington Post revealed that Transparency
International’s Zimbabwean
branch contacted the national health ministry
over the issue and sent a
formal letter. The health ministry admitted to
receiving the letter but then
continued to do nothing. When the organization
pursued the matter an
official said they’d lost the letter.
A member
of Transparency International finally met with Zimbabwe’s deputy
Prime
Minister, who promised to look into the problem. Since then, the NGO
says,
it’s heard no more complaints about the screaming fee, the $50
delivery
charge however, still persists.
Election Alert 2 of 2013
11 July
2013
Aspiring Legislator Remains Incarcerated As Magistrate Sets Free
Human
Rights Campaigners
MDC-T Budiriro aspiring legislator Costa
Machingauta on Thursday 11 July
2013 remained in police custody at Harare
Central Police Station after he
was arrested on Wednesday 10 July 2013 and
charged with contravening Section
89 of the Criminal Law (Codification and
Reform) Act. Machingauta is likely
to appear in court on Friday 12 July
2013.
In Chivhu, the State was asked to conduct further investigations in a
case
in which the police arrested an MDC-T member, Simbarashe Zindove, on
Tuesday
9 July 2013 and charged him with contravening Section 89 of the
Criminal Law
(Codification and Reform) Act for allegedly assaulting a person
who had been
found removing Prime Minister and MDC-T leader Morgan
Tsvangirai’s posters
at a Business Centre in Chivhu and disposing them in a
nearby pit latrine
nearby. Zindove appeared at Chivhu Magistrate Court where
the prosecutor was
advised to proceed by way of summons once its house is in
order.
Meanwhile, Mutare Magistrate Noah Gwatidzo on Monday 8 July 2013 freed
four
human rights campaigners namely Sydney Chisi, Masimba Nyamanhindi,
Tichafa
Musana and Taziva Machiwana who were arrested on Saturday 6 July
2013 and
charged with contravening Section 40 (c) of the Electoral Act for
allegedly
conducting voter education at a concert that was held in Mutare
without
clearance from the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission.
The four were
brought to court on Monday after enduring two nights in police
detention.
The Magistrate asked the four campaigners to deposit $50 each
with the Clerk
of the Mutare Magistrates Court after their lawyers Blessing
Nyamaropa,
Jeremiah Mutongi Bamu of Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR)
and
Passmore Nyakureba of Maunga Maanda and Associates Legal Practitioners,
a
ZLHR member.
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights
| ||
|
Thursday, 11 July 2013
Chegutu – President Tsvangirai today continued
with his well-attended star
rallies and was at Neuso Business Centre in
Mhondoro, Chegutu West,
Mashonaland West province.
Addressing thousands
of party supporters, the President said the MDC was
assured victory in the
coming elections and its agenda will be to restore
good governance and the
rule of law.
“The incoming MDC government will deal with the culture of
impunity,” he
said.
“The people should be given freedom of association
and choice. Although the
MDC is assured of victory it was against a peaceful
but a rigged election,”
said President Tsvangirai.
This was in reference
to evidence showing that Zanu PF is trying to rig the
next elections through
an Israeli spy company, Nikuv and inflating figures
of eligible special and
postal voting voters.
“Everyone at the moment is craving for change and the
time is now,” he said.
He assured the people that the next MDC government key
issues that are
vibrant and through the promotion of direct foreign
investment will change
the people lives for the better.
“The MDC
government will not repossess land but we will encourage maximum
utilisation
that will see the creation of more jobs in the country,” said
President
Tsvangirai.
Turning to the welfare of the people in rural areas, the
President said as
the next President of Zimbabwe he intended transform them
by introducing
viable economic agriculture like drip irrigation. Drip
irrigation, which was
introduced to Zimbabwe by President Tsvangirai last
year, has turned to be a
success in dry communities such as Buhera, Masvingo
and Matabeleland region.
“The MDC has a national housing programme that will
see all those in rural
communities, mines, farms and even urban areas having
better shelter,” said
the President.
“There is need to expand on
infrastructure development in areas such as more
electricity generation and
other infrastructure such as roads and the
railway network, which I said
will create more employment,” said the
President.
He pledged that funding
for these projects will come from the country’s
natural resources such as
diamonds, which are currently being looted by a
few individuals in Zanu
PF.
On social service, the President said the MDC will revitalise the social
welfare department that will cater for the elderly and the disabled while
the on education the MDC will introduce free education for all in primary
school and on health there will be free access to health for the terminal
ill while at rural clinics patients including pregnant women will receive
free medical treatment.
President Tsvangirai’s message dovetails with the
MDC 2013 elections
manifesto, which among other issues has a vision for
creating a modern,
health, happy, functional, democratic, fair and
prosperous society that
takes pride in leaving no one behind.
He said
through these policies, Zimbabwe will once again be part of the
international community after years of isolation as it will promote regional
and international integration.
On corruption, the President said the next
MDC government will not tolerate
any form of corruption unlike the deep
rooted corruption in Zanu PF which
has resulted in the suffering of many
Zimbabweans as proceeds from the
country resources was benefitting only a
few individuals in Zanu PF.
Turning back to elections, President Tsvangirai
said Zanu PF’s Robert Mugabe’s
age was now an election issue and his
insincerity in not implementing agreed
key reforms had shown how dishonest
he was.
“However, when we joined the inclusive government in 2008, it was
because we
wanted to people’s lives after Zanu PF had mismanaged ruined the
economy,”
he said.
President at the rally was the MDC Secretary General,
Minister Tendai Biti
who said he was privileged to accompany President
Tsvangirai to Chegutu East
on his last journey to victory and on his way to
becoming the next President
of Zimbabwe.
“The MDC has an envisaged plan
of action in place to improve the lives of
the people of Zimbabwe. The MDC
through its tenure in the inclusive
government has shown that it has
policies with the people at heart,” he
said.
Castigating Zanu PF’s
indigenisation policy as elitist and only meant to
benefit a few, Minister
Biti urged the people to vote for the MDC-T and said
this assured the people
of Zimbabwe that the period of 2007/8 when over 4
000 people died of cholera
due to the collapse of the economy characterised
by the breakdown of social
services, should never be repeated.
Tomorrow President Tsvangirai will
continue with the MDC victory rallies and
will be in Kariba, Karoi before
addressing thousands of party supporters at
Chinhoyi Stadium.
Yes,
together we can complete the change!!!
Thursday, 11 July 2013
Zanu PF in defeat imminent: presses panic
button
Like the reign of King Nebuchadnezzar, the writing is bold and clear
on the
Zimbabwean political wall that the demise of Zanu PF is nigh.
This
true and stubborn fact cannot be denied even by the most ardent
admirer. The
people of Zimbabwe have had enough of unfulfilled promises,
torture, rape,
violence and flagrant human rights abuses.
They have had enough of poverty,
deprivation and economic segregation. They
have had enough of watching and
playing lip-service while their hopes and
aspirations continue to be
trampled upon by a party that has no clue of what
people want and above all
has no vision to take Zimbabwe forward.
Zimbabwe has been in an election mode
since 2000 and the people have had no
break of abuse from Zanu
PF.
However, realising that come July 31 2013 Zanu PF will be relegated to
the
confines of opposition politics in Zimbabwe, the party has entered into
its
natural default setting on violence, intimidation and more
violence.
We saw this in 2008 following 29 March defeat where upon staring
defeat in
the eye, Zanu PF resorted to violence, murdering people such as
Tonderai
Ndira, Better Chokururama and hundreds of others.
It is a fact
that Zanu PF has employed violence as a tool of political
arbitration since
its formation in 1963. It has used violence against its
own members and has
also unleashed state orchestrated violence such as
Gukurahundi and other
post independence heinous atrocities.
As the political temperatures rise and
the demise more imminent, the MDC is
concerned with reports of resurgence of
violence particularly in the
Mashonaland areas of Shamva, Mutoko and Murewa.
True to their nature, some
aspiring Zanu PF MPs such as Edgar Chidavanenzi,
who has a three year
conviction for stock theft, has set-up bases in Mazowe
North.
On Wednesday 10 July the MDC-T aspiring MP for Mbare, Gift Chimanikire
and
nine supporters were attacked by the Zanu PF aligned Chipangano group
while
pasting posters in Mbare. On the same day, the MDC-T aspiring MP for
Budiriro, Costa Machingauta was arrested while he had gone to report a case
of assault where MDC activists pasting posters were also attacked. The MDC
also finds the duplicity of the police in all these cases is also
appalling.
It is apparent that Zanu PF is not capable of winning free and
fair
elections and has resorted to archaic political manoeuvres of violence
and
intimidation. The resurgence of violence is clear that the statements by
the
Zanu PF secretary Robert Mugabe calling for a peaceful election were
empty
rhetoric meant to hoodwink the electorate into believing that the
party had
rid its old ways but alas it has not.
The resurgence of
violence justifies the MDC and SADC’s calls for reforms to
create a
conducive election for a credible, legitimate and free election.
The MDC has
since its formation called for media, security sector, electoral
and legal
reforms to ensure that an election is unfettered.
We call upon all
stakeholders to ensure that these acts of violence and
nipped in the bud to
enable the people to Zimbabwe to exercise their
democratic right of voting
Zanu PF out on the 31st of July 2013. We call on
observers and JOMIC to
visit these places to for them to get an appreciation
of why the MDC has
been calling for reforms before elections.
With or without violence, come
rain come thunder, the people of Zimbabwe are
more than determined to vote
and take this country forward. They are
determined to vote for a party that
has sound policies that will uplift
their lives from the abyss of poverty
and uncertainty. They are determined
to vote for a government that
guarantees them dignity, jobs, social service
delivery and a transformation
of their lives. Come July 31, the people of
Zimbabwe will vote for
change.
Yes, together we can complete the change!!!
http://mg.co.za/
12 JUL 2013 10:05JASON MOYO
Robert Mugabe
returns to the scene of his great victory but the mood and the
times have
changed.
'We are here to correct the grave political mistake of 2008.
We failed, we
failed."
With that rueful tone, Zimbabwean President
Robert Mugabe begins his
campaign last Friday for five more years in power,
which he says is "the
fight of our lives".
The up-tempo radio adverts
that played endlessly that morning, with Right
Said Fred's Stand Up for the
Champions as a backing track, had promised a
lively rally and promised there
would be a "full bar and catering".
This is the same venue where, 33
years ago, a raucous crowd of more than
100000 welcomed Mugabe to his first
rally after the war.
This time there are fights at one gate over free
T-shirts, a stampede for
free food and only token cheers for his
speech.
This is Zimbabwe Grounds in Highfield, a township Mugabe
describes at the
rally as a "politically sacred place". This is the township
where Zanu-PF
was formed, and where his party, as in most urban areas, has
lost all
elections since 2000.
Synonymous with Mugabe
Earlier, a
group of musicians presented Mugabe with three carvings of
roosters, the
party symbol synonymous with Mugabe. The singers had performed
with a large
poster depicting a younger-looking Mugabe behind them.
There are models,
too. The leggy finalists of the "Miss Zimbabwe Global"
beauty pageant are
lined up near the stage, nervy smiles under green "Vote
Zanu-PF"
caps.
On the podium, Mugabe drones on. Once in a while, the old, plucky
Mugabe
emerges. "Gays," he roars at one point. The crowd stirs with
anticipation,
waiting to hear what new witty barb Mugabe has for gays this
time. "You want
to marry? Okay. I challenge you: Go ahead and marry, but if
you don't make a
baby in a year, I may have to arrest you." Roars of
laughter all the way to
the trees at the back, near where crowds are still
fighting for Zanu-PF
T-shirts and caps.
He knows he is once again
leading a divided party into elections and pleads
with his supporters to
campaign for his victory.
He knows many did not campaigned for him in
2008, he says. "A loss for me,
is a loss for you. This is the fight of our
lives, a battle for survival,"
he says, pounding the podium, but only
gently.
There is the inevitable dig at his rival Morgan Tsvangirai's
scandals.
"These people are only about chasing after different women; that's
all they
do."
Murmurs
Then there is the business about the Zim
dollar, that one issue that makes
every Zimbabwean wake up in a cold sweat,
and one that every candidate
should really avoid.
We cannot use the
US dollar forever, he begins. We will have to look at ways
of bringing back
our currency, sometime in the future.
There are uncomfortable murmurs.
Mugabe appears to be thinking out loud.
"Should we, should we not?" he
asks himself.
"What if we back our currency with all our gold? Wouldn't
it be strong
enough? Maybe not now, of course, but sometime in the future.
Maybe we will
talk to [Gideon] Gono, the Reserve Bank governor."
More
murmurs.
Just as Mugabe is tapering off into his final words, pleading
with
supporters to campaign peacefully, a muscular Zanu-PF militant is
swinging a
stick at people trying to leave.
"The president has not
finished talking yet. Go back."
Mugabe finishes off: "Peace begins with
you, it begins with me, it begins
with all of us."
His muscular
supporter at the gate keeps on swinging.
http://mg.co.za/
12 JUL 2013 00:00JASON MOYO, TAKUDZWA MUNYAKA
Zimbabwe's
President Robert Mugabe gives a curiously downbeat speech as he
prepares for
the fight of his life at the next general elections.
'We are here to
correct the grave political mistake of 2008. We failed; we
failed."
And in that rueful tone, last Friday Robert Mugabe began his
campaign for
five more years in power. For a campaign he says is "the fight
of our
lives", he has launched it on a drab note and will need to rediscover
the
old fire-in-the-belly Mugabe to energise his divided party.
The
up-tempo radio adverts that played endlessly that morning, with Right
Said
Fred's Stand up for the Champions as backing track, had promised a
lively
rally. They even said there would be "full bar and catering".
But at the
same venue where 33 years ago a raucous crowd of over 100 000 had
welcomed
Mugabe to his first rally after the country's guerrilla war, there
were
fights at one gate over free T-shirts, a stampede for free food and
only
token cheers for his speech.
This was the Zimbabwe Grounds in Highfield,
a township Mugabe described at
the rally as a "politically sacred place".
This was the township where
Zanu-PF was formed but where his party, as has
been the case in most urban
areas, has lost in every election since
2000.
On the podium Mugabe droned on, showing some stamina by standing
there for
an hour and a half. But he is going to need more than that to
reignite his
campaign, which he describes as "do or die".
Gifts for
Mugabe
A group of musicians gave him gifts of three carvings of roosters, the
party
symbol synonymous with Mugabe. Earlier, the singers had performed with
a
large poster depicting a younger-looking Mugabe behind them.
There
were models there too. The leggy finalists of the Miss Zimbabwe Global
beauty pageant were lined up near the stage, wearing nervy smiles under
green "Vote Zanu-PF" caps.
Well-designed pamphlets were handed out,
showing the party's campaign theme:
"Indigenise, empower,
develop."
The young people pictured on the pamphlet declare: "I am an
African, not an
African't."
Back on the podium, once in a while the
plucky Mugabe of old popped up.
"Gays," he roared at one point. The crowd
stirred with anticipation, waiting
to hear what witty new barb Mugabe had
about homosexuals this time. "You
want to marry? OK. I challenge you: go
ahead and marry, but if you don't
make a baby in a year, I may have to
arrest you."
Roars of laughter spread all the way to the trees at the
back, near where
crowds were still fighting over Zanu-PF T-shirts and
caps.
On Tsvangirai and the economy
Aware that he is once again
leading a divided party into elections, he
pleaded with his supporters to
campaign for his victory. He knew many had
not campaigned for him in 2008,
he said, adding: "A loss for me is a loss
for you."
There is a lot of
rallying of troops needed, and Mugabe is doing his best.
"This is the fight
of our lives, a battle for survival," he said, pounding
the podium, but only
gently.
There was the inevitable dig at rival Morgan Tsvangirai's
scandals. "These
people are only about chasing after different women; that's
all they do."
Then there is the business about the Zim dollar, the one
issue that makes
every Zimbabwean wake up in a cold sweat and one that every
candidate should
really avoid.
"We cannot use the US dollar forever,"
he began. "We will have to look at
ways of bringing back our currency
sometime in the future."
There were uncomfortable murmurs. Mugabe
appeared to be thinking out loud.
Should we; should we not? What if we
backed our currency with all our gold,
he asked; wouldn't it be strong
enough? Maybe not now, of course, but
sometime in the future. Maybe we will
talk to [Gideon] Gono, the Reserve
Bank governor, he said. More
murmurs.
Just as Mugabe was tapering off into his final words, pleading
with
supporters to campaign peacefully, a muscular Zanu-PF militant started
swinging a stick at people trying to leave. "The president has not finished
talking yet. Go back."
Mugabe was finishing off: "Peace begins with
you; it begins with me; it
begins with all of us." And his muscular
supporter at the gate just kept on
swinging.
Indigenisation
campaign
It is no secret what Zanu-PF's campaign is about: in the 108 pages
of the
party's election manifesto, the word "indigenisation" appears at
least 156
times.
Zanu-PF is not coy about this, declaring: "Only the
indigenisation and
people's empowerment reform programme can meet the goals
of the people.
There is no other alternative."
The party has already
been widely criticised for its empowerment exercise,
but it plans an
expanded and even more radical approach to the crusade.
Under its plan, 1
138 companies across 12 different sectors would be
targeted over the next
five years. The party believes the takeovers would
realise $7.3‑billion in
assets for the government.
The value of these assets will be used as
security against borrowings,
which, Zanu-PF believes, will ultimately create
total value of
$29.2‑billion. The money will be used to rebuild the
country's
infrastructure, support agriculture, and fund education and
health.
By Zanu-PF's reckoning, its indigenisation programme will solve
virtually
all the country's problems. It will fund everything from
agriculture and
youth projects to housing and roads, and will even create an
"entertainment
industry with international quality".
For a party that
has long traded in stale struggle slogans, parts of the
manifesto are
surreal. There is a promise to set up the "IndigeNex", a stock
market where
locals can trade shares in "100% indigenous companies" via an
automated
platform that uses mobile applications.
Sanctions on Zimbabwe
In
another section, Zanu-PF for the first time puts a figure to the economic
impact of Western sanctions on Zimbabwe.
That figure is $42‑billion,
the party claims, comprising lost donor support
and foreign investment, loan
withdrawals and the higher premiums on
commercial loans that Zimbabwean
businesses had to pay due to the country's
high risk profile.
But the
real Zanu-PF inevitably bubbles to the surface as the manifesto
wanders back
into more familiar territory.
It reminds voters of "the enduring and
unforgettable fact that it is Zanu-PF
which liberated Zimbabwe" and is "a
solemn call from the wailing bones that
lie in many places known and others
yet to be discovered".
Even land, long a centrepiece of the party's
campaigns, is now also wrapped
in the new indigenisation mantra.
The
party has "indigenised" 12.1‑million hectares of land previously held by
"3 500 beneficiaries of colonialism and illegal and racist Rhodesian
rule".
In their place, the party claims to have resettled 276 600
families and
created over a million jobs.
"Today land is the most
indigenised resource in Zimbabwe, with 91% now owned
by the indigenous
population," it says.
Call to urban voters
There is a direct call to
urban voters to back the party: "Urban voters –
especially those on the
growing housing waiting lists – have a clear and
urgent reason to vote for
Zanu-PF to ensure that they benefit from the
indigenisation of land from
peri-urban farms that have been earmarked for
massive housing
development."
Even more familiar territory is the long list of
scapegoats. For instance,
Zimbabwe's foreign debt of $10‑billion is all Ian
Smith's fault.
"[The debt's] unjust origins date to a $700‑million debt
incurred by Ian
Smith's illegal Rhodesian regime, ironically from some
Western countries …
to enable Smith and his racist cabal to fund their
brutality and atrocities
during the liberation struggle."
Debt must
be cancelled "to redress [its] unjust origins". Without a hint of
irony,
Zanu-PF says it introduced the US dollar to defend the country
against
imperialism.
"On 29 January 2009, Zanu-PF introduced the multicurrency
system to protect
the people from the runaway hyperinflation that had become
uncontrollable
and the effects of the collapse of the Zim dollar that had
been precipitated
by the runaway hyperinflation, which had become a potent
tool for illegal
regime change."
The "collapse of the Zim dollar was
a shameful development not worthy of
celebration," Zanu-PF concedes, but it
was "poetic justice, given that the
same US dollar had been used to kill the
Zim dollar by merchants of regime
change".
The Zimbabwe dollar would
only be reintroduced "at an appropriate time when
the economy has reasonably
recovered and stabilised", the party said.
Exhausted, improperly dressed
Mugabe
As soon as President Robert Mugabe alighted from his black bulletproof
Mercedes-Benz limousine at Zimbabwe Grounds in the old township of
Highfield in Harare last Friday, it became evident that age is finally
catching up with him.
Mugabe (89) held on to the door of his car for
balance, while his chief of
protocol, Munyaradzi Kajese, walked very close
to him, occasionally lending
him support when he appeared to be losing
balance.
After struggling to get on to the stage, Mugabe, who was flanked
by his wife
Grace and Vice-President Joice Mujuru, appeared to be
uninterested in the
event, spending much time with his eyes shut and his
head resting in his
right hand.
When it was finally his moment to
address the huge crowd, which had turned
out to witness the Zanu-PF campaign
and manifesto launch, a clearly
exhausted Mugabe resorted to leaning on the
podium for balance.
Embarrassingly, he began his address wearing his cap
the wrong way round,
unsettling ministry of information and protocol
officers. The launch was
being beamed live on national television and there
were hordes of foreign
journalists and photographers covering the
event.
After caucusing for a few minutes, a director in the ministry of
information, Regis Chikowore, went on to the stage and told Mugabe's
aide-de-camp that the president was improperly dressed.
The
aide-de-camp hesitated for a moment before taking a step forward and
telling
the president: "Shefu, hanzi gadzirisai cap yenyu iri paside, saka
hamusi
kubuda mushe muTV, (Sir, please fix your cap, you are not appearing
nicely
on television)."
Although he was whispering, his words were heard by many
people nearby.
A series of blunders
Mugabe promptly fixed his cap, but
his speech was incoherent and slurred – a
far cry from the sharp, eloquent
man Zimbabwe has known over the years.
Rather uncharacteristically, he
also made several mistakes as he ventured
into his usual lessons about the
liberation struggle, among them that the
National Democratic Party was
formed in 1977.
He noticed his error and said the year was 1967 before
finally recalling it
was actually formed on January 1 1960.
After a
series of blunders, Mugabe signed off with yet another when he
mistook a
pamphlet that he was holding for his party's 108-page manifesto,
waving it
in his hands to indicate he had officially launched the manifesto.
Mujuru
and his wife quickly corrected him.
Some in the crowd saw the funny side
of Mugabe's blunders, but for others
these were enough signs that Zanu-PF's
number one candidate is not the fiery
leader he once was.
http://mg.co.za/
12 JUL 2013 00:00JASON MOYO
Jason Moyo has
written an open letter to South Africans explaining what it's
like to watch
Zimbabwe's national broadcaster, ZTV.
Dear South
Africans,
What is this we hear about some of you wondering why we, your
neighbours up
north, are angry that the SABC has switched us off?
We
hear you mock and despise the SABC channels, and that it's fashionable in
your country to go about claiming you don't watch your national
broadcaster.
And so you are scratching your heads in wonder at news that
loads of people
in Zimbabwe are suicidal after Sentech, the company that was
so graciously
carrying SABC signals for the benefit of millions across
Southern Africa,
has been told to stop.
Now, even we agree that the
SABC is not the best viewing on the planet. But
you think you have it bad?
You don't. Sit down, and let me explain.
You remember last Saturday
night, during prime time TV, while you were
watching Top Gear on
SABC3?
Do you know what we were watching on Zimbabwe Television (ZTV)?
Let me
answer that by asking a question: Do you know there are so many
different
breeds of sheep in Zimbabwe, the more popular ones being the
Dorper, Sabi
and Merino breeds?
Crossbreeding goat and sheep
And
do you know that the goat and sheep population in Zimbabwe was estimated
at
some three million, which, according to the presenter, is only a fraction
of
the "small ruminant livestock" population they have in Botswana?
And it's
not recommended to try to crossbreed a goat and a sheep, in case
you were
wondering. It won't work, apparently. Riveting stuff.
We know all this
very useful information thanks to our sole broadcaster. You
see, we have one
television channel. Yes, one: a monopoly that safely
belongs to the
government.
You people haven't a clue. You think SABC's talk shows are
poor? Well, you
don't have to watch ZTV's African Pride or Zvavanhu (Matters
of the People)
or National Ethos.
Let me try and to you understand.
You see, these are three different shows,
shown on different days, but with
the same panel of elderly professors. Yes,
the same.
These profs
never ever disagree. OK, maybe they do, but disagreement goes
like this: the
moderator, Dr Chivaura — they always refer to each other by
their titles —
asked on a recent episode how it was possible that a person
in their right
mind would vote for sellouts.
Sellouts "made people hungry"
Dr
Mupepereki, who, by the way, also runs his own TV show on farming on the
same channel, replied that people voted that way because the sellouts made
them hungry.
Dr Mahoso, whose day job is to head the country's media
commission,
dis-agreed. It was just plain old treachery, he
opined.
Don't judge our love for SABC until you have watched the Iranian
documentaries on Wednesday night, or if you haven't got to episode 19 of
Sungkyunkwan Scandal, the North Korean series about a girl who dresses as a
boy to go to a boys-only school.
Or that other Korean show that is
actually called Sad Love Story.
Do you now see why Generations, Muvhango
and Zone 14 are probably more
popular here than they are in South
Africa?
And don't even get us started on the news bulletins. It is an
angry hour, in
which one subject can be "castigated" and "slammed" by a
procession of
analysts and "people from all walks of life", with little or
no reference to
why that person is being "castigated" in the first
place.
Election season
However flawed it is, SABC news would have been
an alternative news source
this election season. But now we have to brace
for what's coming to us. By
the end of campaigning season, I can assure you,
we will know Zanu-PF's
manifesto by heart.
And election season always
brings the best out of ZTV. This is when we get
to see all those Zanu-PF
campaign "jingles" — music videos of mostly large
women in Zanu-PF regalia
shaking their rumps to fast-paced sungura tunes and
praising the Dear
Leader.
At first you hate the songs, but the battering is so relentless,
so unending
that, before you know it, you are tapping your feet and humming
the tunes in
the shower.
Do you now see why more than three million
of us preferred to own the
decoders that enabled us to watch SABC's
channels?
So, please, understand when your neighbours mourn over the loss
of SABC.
Yes, we know SABC can be a bore.
What, Generations's Dineo
is having man trouble? Again? Yawn.
You could flip to ZBC, but African
Pride is on, and Dr Mahoso is, yet again,
indulging in his weird obsession
with Henry Kissinger.
So let us mourn over the loss of your boring SABC.
Yes, we know, gazing at
those colourful outfits on Muvhango can be tedious,
but we'll take it.
Anything to keep us away from bitter old professors,
Korean romance capers,
and the gyrations of the Mbare Chimurenga
Choir.
Your neighbour,
Jason Moyo
http://mg.co.za/
12 JUL 2013 00:00WONGAI ZHANGAZHA
The
decision to go ahead with elections in Zimbabwe is "unfortunate",
according
to an opposition party, the MDC-T.
The MDC-T has described as
"unfortunate" the decision to press ahead with
parliamentary and
presidential elections on July 31 following last week's
Constitutional Court
ruling, and has warned that the polls will produce
another disputed
result.
MDC-T spokesperson Douglas Mwonzora was reacting to a report by
the Research
Advocacy Unit (RAU) in Harare that revealed the chaotic state
of the June
2013 voter's roll. Last week, the Mail & Guardian was the
first media outlet
to report the RAU's findings.
The unit found that
the roll lists a million Zimbabweans who are either dead
or have left the
country; 116 000 people over the age of 100, a figure it
describes as
"unlikely"; and 78 constituencies with more registered voters
than adult
residents.
The report also notes that close to two million Zimbabweans
below the age of
30 are unregistered.
Mwonzora said it is because of
the RAU findings that his party wanted a
period in which the voter's roll
could be inspected.
"It is clear that the voter's roll is in a shambles.
It is being manipulated
by the registrar general's office and the CIO
[Central Intelligence
Organisation] as a way to rig the election," he said.
"At most registration
stations in Harare, for example, fewer than 20 people
are registered each
day. That has made voter registration
impossible."
Harare
Harare is considered one of the MDC-T's
strongholds. In the 2008
parliamentary election, the party won 23 of the 24
constituencies in
Zimbabwe's capital city.
Mwonzora added: "When
mobile voter registration started, there were more
centres in Zanu-PF areas
than in the MDC areas. For example, there were 98
polling stations in
Mashonaland Central [province], compared to 49 in the
whole of Manicaland
[province]. Manicaland is presumed to be a MDC
stronghold."
He added:
"We did try to raise these issues with the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission
(ZEC),
but nothing has been done. The ZEC is very weak and manipulated by
the
[registrar general's] office, which is in turn manipulated by the CIO.
The
elections are going to happen, unfortunately, and will produce another
disputed result."
Mwonzora was also reported as saying that last
week's ruling by the
Constitutional Court was "predictable" and that "it was
clear it was going
to make a political decision rather than a legal
decision".
"This application was destined to fail anyway, because it was
poorly written
by the minister of justice, who wanted this particular
outcome. The court
did not want to displease the emperor," he
said.
SADC official unaware
Southern African Development Community
(SADC) executive secretary Tomaz
Salomão said he was not aware of the RAU
report, but urged Zimbabweans to
prepare for elections and abide by the
court ruling.
Salomão said: "We have our observers on the ground and they
send information
to our centres on a daily basis — they will advise us. I am
going to
Zimbabwe on Sunday; I can't assess things from a
distance.
"The point is that there is a ruling of the court and we have
to abide by
it. There's no debate about it."
Lindiwe Zulu, who is
South African President Jacob Zuma's international
adviser and one of his
SADC facilitators in Zimbabwe, said she had seen the
RAU findings but could
not comment on them, as she was working on a report
for Zuma.
"Issues
arising from the elections must be dealt with by Zimbabweans through
the
elections commission. But SADC cannot exclude itself," Zulu said.
"Our
report for the principal focuses on the decision taken by the heads of
state
at the SADC summit. It will cover what has been done since then and
what we
think should be done."
The SADC summit urged Harare to apply to the
courts for an extension of the
election date but said that it would respect
any decision of the courts.
http://www.africareview.com/
By LEE MWITI | Friday, July 12
2013 at 18:06
Nobody believes even for a minute that Zimbabwe’s
upcoming election will be
free and fair. The July 31 poll pits trade
unionist-turned politician Morgan
Tsvangirai against his nemesis and
coalition partner, 89-year-old Robert
Gabriel Mugabe.
The pair have
since 2009 been entangled in a messy coalition government, but
now Mugabe is
irrevocably fed up and wants complete control. It is the only
thing driving
him into the election.
The hastily-arranged polls were supposed to have
been held 18 months after
the crafting of their coalition government in
2009. But Mugabe’s Zanu-PF
ruling party, smarting from a 2008 first-round
loss to Tsvangirai, employed
all kinds of political posturing and subterfuge
to ensure that reforms
prerequisite for any new polling and a condition by
the international
community never took form.
Zimbabwe’s nearly 14
million citizens thus go into the election with
precious little having
changed since the charged 2008 polls that nearly saw
Tsvangirai ascend to
power before Mugabe's party pulled itself out of the
fire with a campaign of
violence that left no doubt that it was going
nowhere.
It is thus a
wonder that Tsvangirai has even agreed to participate this time
round: the
odds arrayed against him are formidable. The key state
institutions of the
army and the police remain firmly in Mugabe’s corner.
The state media trill
Mugabe’s praises all day long, while the election
commission is stuffed to
the rafters with Mugabe’s cronies.
The voters’ roll is in shambles, while
tough regulations that many say are
deliberately designed to prevent voter
registration have disenfranchised
hundreds of thousands.
The Southern
African Development Bloc (SADC), the one institution that has
tried to level
the playing field, has tacitly thrown in the towel, failing
to pressure
Mugabe enough to agree to push back the under-funded election.
Indeed
Tsvangirai at the launch of his campaign this week could only say
that he
was going into the election with "a heavy heart". Mugabe, buoyed by
his
utter control of the system, has asked his supporters to treat the duel
as a
“do-or-die” contest, raising fears of the all-out deployment of
underhand
tactics that are known too well.
Appetite for change
With so much
seemingly against him, does Tsvangirai even stand a chance?
Even more
pertinently, does he still have the fire in his belly or has the
realisation
that he cannot change the system either from within or without
worn him
down?
Zimbabwe has long had the ripe conditions for a new liberation, but
has
lacked a talismanic figure at the rudder to channel this energy into a
vortex. Many have accused Tsvangirai of instead gorging on the scraps of
power handed to him by Mugabe’s side, and of lacking the fight for a
good-old-fashioned scrap in the murky alley that is the country’s election
politics. His colourful love-life has not helped much either.
But
conditions on the ground may yet give him a new lease. Tsvangirai has
forged
a partnership with former Mugabe allies that, while unlikely to swell
his
existing numbers significantly, will give him the sort of headwind that
he
so desperately needs going into this ballot.
But more importantly, the
atmosphere of violence that existed in 2008
appears to have been toned down,
heading off concern about apathy from
voters resigned to decades of an
enforced status quo and which was further
fuelled by the low turnout in a
recent referendum that passed a new
constitution. Talk on the streets is
that Mugabe will instead resort to
rigging, a more peaceful way of doing
things.
The game changer could, however, be the seeming appetite for
change in the
country, definitely in the urban areas, but even in the rural
areas which
have been traditionally Mugabe’s bastions. The basic question
being asked
around is, what new thing can Mugabe do that he hasn't done in
over three
decades in power?
It remains to be seen if Tsvangirai can
tap into this anti-establishment
energy which seems aligned his way. But
many bets are that the juggernaut
that is Mugabe’s intimidating campaign
machinery will yet eat up all in its
way, even if it has recently developed
chinks in its armour.
http://www.namibian.com.na/
2013-07-12
Editorial
WHY is it that
every time President Robert Mugabe rants, SADC [Southern
African Development
Community] leaders bend over like primary school pupils
used to do to
receive a lashing, even when the teacher was wrong?
It really is
difficult to see Mugabe’s relationship with his SADC
counterparts as
anything other than him being the bully who no one else is
able to stand up
to? The alternative is a cynical view that the other heads
of state are
kow-towing to him because they expect the same leniency when
they too veer
off track.
Barely a week had passed since a SADC summit reportedly
pressed Mugabe to
postpone the country’s national elections because
conditions long-agreed
upon were not in place for voting to take place on 31
July – the date that
he deliberately proclaimed just before the meeting –
and Mugabe responded by
threatening and insulting his fellow
leaders.
“Let it be known that we are in SADC voluntarily. If SADC
decides to do
stupid things, let it be known that we can withdraw from
SADC,” he told a
rally to launch the campaign of Zanu-PF in apparent
defiance of SADC’s
request that time was needed for proper reforms and
cleaning up of the
voters’ roll before elections took place.
“An
ordinary woman says ‘no you can’t have elections on July 31?’,” Mugabe
lashed out when referring to Lindiwe Zulu, an envoy of South African
President Jacob Zuma [who is the lead SADC broker for the Zimbabwean peace
process], and a member of SADC’s facilitation team for the elections.
“Really, did such a person think we as a country would take heed of this
street woman’s stupid utterances?” he continued bashing Zuma and
SADC.
Clearly the 89-year-old Mugabe has gone way too far in aiming his
chutzpah-filled rude tongue at the same people who have saved him and
Zimbabwe countless times over the past 15 years, often at the expense of
their own citizens. But nary a word of rebuke has come from the SADC
leaders.
Sadly, they all appear to treat the fact that Zimbabwe is on
fire as an
internal matter for Mugabe, his opponent Morgan Tsvangirai and
the people of
that country to sort out. If so, what is regional integration
all about?
Mugabe, Zimbabwe and all other of the 14 member states of SADC
should not be
allowed to disregard the rules they set for regional
integration. Their
silence is proof of duplicity – they talk of basic rules
that each country
must abide by in order to be part of SADC, but balk every
time a bully like
Mugabe rants.
They squirmed a couple of years ago
when Mugabe disregarded the rulings of
the Windhoek-based SADC Tribunal and
forced them into disbanding the
regional court, making it subservient to
national ones and thus sacrificing
common regional interests. At this
back-peddling rate, forget about economic
empowerment for the masses and
development ambitions like Vision 2030.
The irony, as happened before,
when Mugabe goes to SADC asking for help,
whether it is to get money to prop
up the Zimbabwean economy that he
willfully destroyed or to attack the West
that he loves to use as the
red-herring for his shenanigans, the regional
leaders will bend whichever
way the Zanu PF leader tells them
to.
Mugabe has time and again showed he is a selfish man willing to ruin
everything unless he gets what he wants. He has taken his country down with
him and now he is threatening to take SADC down too.
If anyone needed
evidence that our leaders did not have the will to iron out
obstacles such
as cross-border tariffs, harmonised border-posts and
passports for their
citizens to interact and trade with ease, Mugabe has
made it abundantly
clear that the problem does not lie with technicalities.
Mugabe and his
ilk have been allowed too long to cook and mix that simmering
potion for
regional disintegration. SADC leaders could save us the energy of
swimming
against the tides and concentrate instead on matters that will help
individual nations develop rather than continue their duplicitous ways and
selling us false hope.
Zimbabwe and Madagascar are their latest tests
and they have flunked them
hopelessly.
I am honoured as Zimbabwe’s Minister of Education, Sport, Arts and Culture
to attend, for the first time, the Ministers Youth World Forum. I understand
that the theme of the forum is “Contemplating the Path of the Heart” and
that it is aimed at empowering the youth of the world to reflect and think
more deeply so that they can play a role in devising solutions to the
problems that they face.
On behalf of the Government of Zimbabwe I
would like to thank the
International Youth Fellowship for the kind
invitation extended to me and in
particular Pastor Lee of the International
Youth Fellowship Zimbabwe Chapter
for his assistance in arranging my
attendance.
As you may have heard Zimbabwe goes to a general election on
31st July and
strictly speaking I should not be here in Korea but should be
back home
campaigning to be re-elected. However when I realised that this
forum would
clash with the election campaign I decided to go ahead with my
plans to
attend because I believe in its importance. Although we have a
separate
Ministry of Youth in Zimbabwe, as the Minister responsible for
primary and
secondary Education for the last 4 1/2 years I have become
increasingly
aware of the many challenges that nearly all young people face
in Zimbabwe.
As many of my African colleagues have already pointed out
the number of
young people in Africa is growing dramatically and Zimbabwe is
no exception.
Our schools in Zimbabwe graduate well over 200,000 students
every year and
our formal sector can only absorb a small number of those
students leaving
the vast majority of school graduates with a major crisis
of expectations.
Even the word “Youth” in Zimbabwe is controversial in
some quarters. It is
sometimes used as a pejorative term because in the past
so-called youth
brigades have been associated with political violence. The
youth of
Zimbabwe, for several decades, have had to overcome a variety of
obstacles. Zimbabwe like Korea was colonised; and just as Koreans suffered
oppression under colonialism so did Zimbabwean people. Black Zimbabweans had
to overcome racial discrimination and oppression. In addition like Korea
our recent past Zimbabwe endured a vicious serious war in the 1970s. That
was followed by very serious internal strife in the 1980s, ironically
exacerbated by the involvement of North Korean soldiers who were complicit
in crimes against humanity against Zimbabwean people, and very serious
political violence in the last decade. This has resulted in a culture of
violence which has permeated our society and of course affected young people
more than any others. As so often is the case it has been young people who
have been called to arms during these times of strife by older people; it is
young people who have been encouraged to use violence to attain political
objectives in the last decade.
So aside from the educational and
economic challenges that our Youth face,
which are so prevalent in Africa,
they also have to cope with these negative
practices which are so deeply
ingrained in our political culture.
Bearing in mind that background I
would identify the following as the major
challenges currently facing
Zimbabwean Youth today:
1. Despite Zimbabwe’s massive economic potential
our unemployment rate
in the formal sector is very high and most children
who graduate from school
cannot hope to go onto tertiary education or to
obtain employment in the
formal sector.
2. Compounding the situation are
serious deficiencies in our education
system. Although Zimbabwe has one of
the best education systems in Africa,
funding of the sector by government in
real terms has dropped dramatically
in the last two decades and tens of
thousands of orphans and vulnerable
children are forced to drop out of
school every year. A further deficiency
in the education system is that it
is almost exclusively academically
orientated with very little vocational
subjects offered. As a result many
young people graduate from high school
with subjects which do not give them
practical skills so that they can
easily become self employed.
3. Zimbabwe along with many African countries
school has an unacceptably
high prevalence HIV/Aids and many Youth either
have the disease themselves
or have to look after family members who do have
the disease. Youths are
often provided with very poor examples of sexual
morality by their elders
which compounds this problem. In Zimbabwe many men
have what are called
euphemistically “small houses”, namely mistresses with
second families.
Many young woman fall prey to so-called “sugar daddies”,
older men, who use
their money and status in society to subvert these young
women. In addition
the advent of the internet, whilst welcome in almost
every other respect,
has caused an increase in the availability and spread
of pornography, which
in turn has lead to increase in promiscuity.
4.
Zimbabwe has become a very corrupt nation in the last two decades.
During
this period there has been a growing gulf between the super rich
political
and military elite and the general population. The recent
discovery of
diamonds has exacerbated this problem and increasingly young
people in
Zimbabwe are afflicted by what I term the “get rich quick
syndrome”. Very
poor role models are provided by senior political and even
church leaders
who exploit their positions often to become obscenely
wealthy. The
accumulation of wealth becomes the be all and end all and
provides a very
unhealthy template for young people.
5. Sadly because of our violent past, as
I have mentioned above,
violence is now deeply ingrained in our political
culture. Whilst by and
large Zimbabwe has good ethnic and racial relations,
ethnic and racial
differences are sometimes exploited by politicians for
political ends and
our Youth have been subjected to a diet of hate speech
and racial and
ethnic intolerance.
6. The use of partisan youth brigades
and propaganda has in the past
resulted in partisanship taking precedence
over national pride. This has
sometimes resulted in Youth having a twisted
notion of what it means to be
patriotic with more attention being paid to
preserving the political elite
than serving the interests of the Zimbabwean
people as a whole.
In my view if we are to address these challenges the
following policies
need to be implemented:
1. Zimbabwe has a very
fine education system but it is very poorly
funded by government and
accordingly the funding of education has to become
a national priority
again. A good education is the basis of hope and that
can only be achieved
if government invests heavily in education. For this to
happen it is
inevitable that dramatic cut backs in government spending in
other sectors
such as defence will have to be made. In addition the Zimbabwe
curriculum
needs to be dramatically revised to be made more skill and
vocationally
orientated than it is at present.
2. We will need to overhaul our concept of
leadership if we are going to
inspire our Youth in future. Zimbabwe is
desperately in need of developing a
culture of servant leadership. Public
service needs to be seen as just
that - service - not an opportunity to
plunder national resources for the
purpose of self-enrichment.
3. We
urgently need to honour and teach the concept of faithfulness. The
Youth of
today have been taught by our current generation of adults that
unfaithfulness is acceptable and that has to change. The Youth of today need
to be taught that a strong nation can only be built, and strong leaders can
only be raised, if young men and women are faithful to their families, to
their spouses, to their communities and ultimately to their nation. This
entails putting families, spouses and national interests ahead of personal
interests or partisan interests.
4. If the scourge of corruption is to be
tackled when we need to teach
the concepts of integrity, honesty,
transparency and accountability to our
young people. The rapid accumulation
of wealth by illegal means needs to be
viewed with disdain and disgust
rather than envy. We need to teach our Youth
that it takes hard work, time,
diligence and determination to succeed
properly; that whilst the
accumulation of wealth is is not per se bad it is
far more beneficial if it
is achieved through struggle and innovation rather
than off the backs of
innocent people. Tied to this is the need to train
Youth to work through
problems rather than to work around them. In short we
need to breed in our
young people a zero tolerance towards corruption in our
society.
5.
Zimbabwe has a desperate need to teach the principles of nonviolence
to our
young people. They have been given such a poor example by the
previous
generation who have resorted to violence immediately, persistently
and
consistently to address political problems. The role models of society
need
to be the Mahatma Gandhi’s and the Martin Luther King’s and Jesus
Christ
himself rather than the Che Guevara’s. If we do not tackle the
scourge of
violence the cycle of violence which afflicts our nation still to
this day
will continue.
6. Finally we need to give our Youth a new vision of what our
nation and
indeed Africa as a whole is capable of. Africa has so much
potential and
Zimbabwe is no exception. Zimbabwe is a country with enormous
assets; it has
some of the most literate people on the continent; it is
richly endowed with
mineral resources, rich agricultural land and a
plentiful supply of water;
as is the case with so many African countries it
is stunningly beautiful
with a superb climate and some of the best tourist
attractions in the world.
In other words we have a desperate need to give
our young people a more
positive outlook on life; we need to encourage them
to realise that if we
inculcate all the qualities I have just mentioned in
the coming generation
the great potential of our Nation we will be
unlocked.
7. Another crucial part of achieving this vision will be the need
to
encourage innovation amongst our young people. We need them to tackle
problems from a different perspective; to think out of the box if you like.
We need to encourage them to recognise that simply because particular
problems have always been approached in a certain way in the past that is
not necessarily the best way. We need to teach them about new technologies
which can radically and quickly transform our Nation For example in our
agricultural sector we need to completely rethink the way in which we have
conducted agriculture in the past. We need to move more towards using
conservation agriculture, zero tillage practices combined with the use of
drip irrigation and solar energy. If implemented these practices have the
potential to dramatically increase Zimbabwe’s agricultural productivity and
the same applies to virtually all sectors of our economy.
It will be
apparent from what I have said that the bulk of the needs I have
identified
deal with the state of mind of young people rather than their
practical or
physical circumstances. It is in this regard that your theme
this year of
“Contemplating the Path of the Heart” is so relevant to
Zimbabwe. As a
Nation we have often thought that the solution to our
problems lies
primarily in massive foreign investment and aid. Whilst there
is no doubt
that foreign investment and aid will greatly boost Zimbabwe’s
economy I am
not convinced that that is our primary need. Most of the great
nations of
the world have been built on the foundations of hard work,
honesty and
innovation.
As I see it the greatest challenge in Zimbabwe is to convince
our young
people that if they change from the unproductive, corrupt and
deceitful
ways of the current adult generation, Zimbabwe can be transformed
into a
wealthy and vibrant state in which all their aspirations are met.
However
for this to happen we need to get our young people to understand why
our
nation has not reached its full potential; we need to get young people
to
understand, for example, that corruption bleeds the lifeblood out of any
nation; we need to teach young people that the strongest nations are those
built on the foundation of strong families. This can only happen if the
current generation is prepared to accept the errors that have made and to
enter into an honest dialogue with the young people of today regarding the
root cause of many of our national problems. As Pastor Park said last night
when we as individuals can admit our mistakes and accept that we are not
always right we can stop compounding our errors. The same applies to
nations and to entire generations. Nations which accept the errors of the
past, which objectively and transparently teach history truthfully, are more
likely to succeed than those which bury and obscure mistakes which have
been made in the past.
Accordingly we need to move from paying mere
lip service to the notion of
involving young people in the formulation of
policy. There is a need for a
“national contemplation” involving both young
people and the current adult
generation so that they can together identify
the wayward paths of the
heart of the Nation in the past, so that we can
jointly chart new productive
paths which will serve the best interests of
all our citizens, but
especially our Youth.
Senator David
Coltart
Minister of Education, Sport, Arts and
Culture
Zimbabwe
Busan
Korea
11th July 2013
COURT WATCH
9/2013
[9th July
2013]
Update on Glen View 29 Murder
Trial – Part II
Part I – Court Watch 6/2013 of 30th May
– brought the story of this trial to the point where the defence had filed
written arguments in support of their application for the discharge of all
accused at the close of the State case.
The filing of the State’s replying arguments and a hearing date for oral
arguments were awaited.
Part II now follows. This bulletin refers to developments since
30th May, and outlines the defence campaign to secure bail for the accused after
they were committed for trial on 1st March last year. At the time of writing 24 of the 29
accused are out on bail, and 5 are still in prison, denied bail because they are
deemed flight risks – Last Maengahama, Tungamirai Madzokere, Rebecca Mafikeni,
Yvonne Musarurwa and Simon Mapanzure.
Note: in Part I
covering this trial we said the deceased Mutedza had died “as a result of
injuries received in a scrimmage with members of the public at Glen View 3
shopping centre”. Given the differing
versions of events put forward by State witnesses at the trial, we should have
said he died ”as a result of injuries sustained at Glen View 3 shopping
centre”. According to
the police, these were inflicted by MDC-T members, but
according to some State witnesses were sustained when he fell from a departing
police vehicle.”
Current Status: Waiting for
Trial Judge’s Decision on Application for Discharge
On 12th June the High Court
heard oral submissions from both defence and State, on the defence application
for discharge of all the accused in
terms of section 198(3) of the
Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act: “If
at the close of the case for the prosecution the court considers that there is
no evidence that the accused committed the offence charged ... or any other
offence of which he might be convicted thereon, it shall return a verdict of not
guilty”. The State opposed the application. Justice Bhunu reserved judgment. His decision is awaited.
If the application is
successful, the accused will be acquitted. If it fails, the accused will be put
on their defence, and will have the opportunity to call witnesses and to give
evidence themselves.
While the outcome of this
extraordinarily long-drawn out and much interrupted case is being awaited, we
provide a resume of the struggle the lawyers had to get bail for them once they
had been committed for trial on 1st March 2012 – and all committed to prison to
await trial, even those who had previously been out on bail. [note ythe stgulle for bail after they had been
arrested was covered in detail in Court Watch.........
This situation did not begin to
change until October. Our outline of the
campaign for bail is preceded by a brief introductory summary of the law on bail
in murder cases featuring a police victim.
Law on Bail in a Murder
Case with a Police Victim
In most cases an accused person
is entitled to be released on bail “unless the court finds that it is in the
interests of justice that he or she be remanded in custody”; this means the prosecution must
satisfy the court that bail should not be granted
But where the charge is murder of a police
officer carrying out his or her duties, the law is different, because this is one of
the relatively few offences listed in Part 1 of the Third Schedule to the CPE
Act. For such offences the law is that
bail cannot be granted unless the accused “adduces evidence which satisfies the judge
that exceptional circumstances exist which in the interests of justice permit
his or her release”. [CPE Act, section 117(1) and (6).] This means that a heavy burden lies on the
accused person to prove to the court that in his or her case there are ”extraordinary factors that are outside
common human experience”.
If bail is refused, there can be an
appeal to the Supreme Court – or if an appeal fails or is not pursued, a fresh
application may be made to a judge at a later date if, and only if, the accused
can demonstrate to the judge that circumstances have changed since the previous
refusal.
Bail Applications
Various bail applications were made to the court in
the months following the first appearance in the High Court on 12th March 2012,
the date initially set for the start of the trial.
·
Bail application after
committal for trial On 12th March, the accused through their
lawyers made an application to be released on bail for the duration of the trial
[the accused had been committed for trial on 1st March]. The application was dismissed by Justice
Bhunu.
·
Bail application after
filing of defence outline The accused made another bail application in
the High Court after the written outline of their defence to the charge had been
filed. After hearing submissions from
both prosecution and defence Justice Bhunu reserved judgment. On 19th June he handed down a judgment
dismissing the application on the basis that the filing of the defence outline
did not amount to ”adducing of evidence” as required by CPE Act section 117(6) [see above]. The
statement outlining the defence case, said the judge, was not evidence. Justice Bhunu also observed that under
section 117(6) “the odds are heavily
stacked against the accused”.
·
First release on bail
since committal for trial on 1st March On 17th
October 2012 Cynthia Manjoro was released on bail. She was the first of the 29
accused persons to be released on bail since the accused were indicted for trial
on 1st March. Ms Manjoro’s vehicle was
identified by the police as the car that had been used as the ‘getaway vehicle’
the day that Inspector Mutedza died. Ms
Manjoro was not driving the vehicle on that day. A State witness had testified in court that
the police had told him Ms Manjoro was only arrested and held in order to induce
the person who had been driving the vehicle that day, her friend Darlington
Madzonga, to come out of hiding. Justice
Kudya ruled there had been a change of circumstances and granted bail. The State did not oppose the bail
application.
·
Madzore and Magaya
granted bail On 13th November 2012, Solomon Madzore and
Lovemore Magaya were granted bail and released from custody. During cross-examination, it had become clear
that Chief Inspector Clever Ntini, the investigating officer in the case, had
withheld important information from the court about their alibis, and that
Inspector Ntini’s affidavit contradicted his evidence in court that they had
been positively identified by undercover police who were in Glen View on the day
Inspector Mutedza died. Inspector Ntini
admitted misrepresenting the facts and confessed that Madzore and Magaya had not
been positively identified. Justice
Bhunu considered this to be a change of circumstances and granted
bail.
·
21 more accused persons
released on bail On 17th December 2012, 21 of the accused
still in custody were granted bail by Justice Bhunu, who sat during the court
vacation as he considered the matter to be urgent. The 21 bailed were Oddrey Chirombe, Augustine
Tengenyike, Lloyd Chitanda, Tendai Chinyama, Jefias Moyo. Albina Rutsito,
Gabriel Shumba, Stephen Takaedzwa, Linda Madyamhanje, Tafadzwa Billiard, Simon
Mudimu, Dube Zwelibanzi, Simon Mudimu, Augustine Tengenyika, Paul Rukunda,
Lazarus Maengahama, Standford Maengahama, Kerina Dewa, Memory Ncube, Phineas
Nhatarikwa and Stanford Mangwiro. All were considered to have now established a
case for bail. But bail applications by five accused, Last Maengahama,
Tungamirai Madzokere, Rebecca Mafikeni, Yvonne Musarurwa and Simon
Mapanzure, were dismissed because Justice Bhunu considered them to be
flight risks.
·
Latest bail application
for last 5 in custody turned down A fresh
application for bail was made at the beginning of the 2013 legal year. On 20th February Justice Bhunu dismissed the
application ruling that the accused were still a flight risk. At the date of this bulletin, they remain in
custody, awaiting the judge’s decision on the defence application for discharge
at the close of the State case.
Further Arrests on
Accusations of Involvement
in Mutedza Death
Three more persons have been arrested on murder
charges for alleged involvement in the death of Inspector Mutedza:
·
October
2012
Tarisai Kusotera and Jackson Mabota are the MDC-T Youth Assembly
chairperson and deputy chairperson, respectively, for Glen View South. They were released on bail on 7th November
2012, and are awaiting developments.
·
April
2013
Paul Gorekore, an MDC-T youth leader and former councillor, was arrested
on 2nd April, taken to court two days later, and remanded in custody. A bail application has been lodged in the
High Court but not yet heard.
A Side-Effect of the Case
UZ rejects
Madzore’s application to resume studies after release
When arrested on 5th October 2011, Solomon Madzore was
a final year social work student at the University of Zimbabwe. He was forced to defer his studies during his
13 months in custody. When he was eventually released on bail in mid-November
2012 he made an application to the University to resume his studies and complete
his final semester when the University reopened in February 2013. In January, Mr Madzore was informed that his
application to continue his studies at UZ was rejected because he has a criminal
case pending.
Veritas
makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal
responsibility for information supplied.