"The Zimbabwe Situation" news page
After the revolt of masses, what next on the land issue?
THE DAILY NEWS
7/13/00 8:23:36 AM (GMT +2)
Lucas M. Chideya Chihota
ZIMBABWE must proceed deliberately to a new equilibrium. Now that the elections are over and the people of Zimbabwe begin to map out a national policy that should, among other things, lead to rapid economic recovery, it is clear that an amicable resolution of the land issue needs to be reached or understood as soon as possible.
This amicable resolution will no doubt do much to restore investor confidence in Zimbabwe and to attract tourists.
Let us note in passing that the Constitution was amended by the last parliament to allow for compulsory acquisition of farms. But even this is not automatic as concerned farmers may still object as is the case now with about 500 of the farms which the government intends to acquire.
The government has learnt, or should have learnt, valuable lessons from the experiences of the past.
Government’s failure to redress the land issue after the expiry of the 10-year moratorium as contained in the Lancaster House Agreement was in part due to International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank pressure as part of the so-called ESAP package, which sought to encourage foreign investment.
It was argued that compulsory land acquisition discourages investment and, therefore, a non-confrontational approach brings better results.
The United Kingdom had between 1980 and 1990 provided about £44 million (about
$2,6 billion) for land acquisition and resettlement under the “willing buyer willing seller” arrangement, stipulated in the Lancaster House Agreement.
According to the Department for International Development (DFID), the British government's department for promoting development and poverty reduction, government during the 1990s began to reallocate some of its land to large-scale black commercial farmers under the Commercial Farm Land Settlement Scheme under procedures that were apparently not transparent.
This did not go down well with the Labour government elected in May 1997.
Labour, however, determined to increase its commitment to development by strengthening the DFID and increasing its budget.
The DFID was charged with the renewed responsibility of working in partnership with governments committed to the international targets of poverty reduction and to work with business, civil society and the research community to encourage progress which will help reduce poverty.
The DFID notes that this country’s per capita gross national product (GNP) is higher than in most sub-Saharan countries, but income distribution very unequal. There is widespread poverty in the rural areas, as well as growing urban poverty. Poverty is also high among the families of workers on commercial farms.
Over the years there has been a decline in the nutrition levels for the majority of the people. The UK believes that Zimbabwe needs land reform to reduce poverty. To do this, the UK believes that the principles agreed in the Land Reform and Resettlement Conference of 1998 should be observed.
This will bring assistance not only from the UK, but also from other donors. However, as things stand, the UK is not convinced that Zimbabwe has a serious poverty eradication strategy or that it is giving priority to land reform to help the poor.
Zimbabwe must proceed deliberately to a new equilibrium. Lack of urgent action increases the dangers of further catastrophe. It is, therefore, important to understand where the British government stands.
As matters stand now, the Zimbabwe government can expect up to £36 million in aid should the principles agreed to at the 1998 Land Conference be observed.
This figure is from two scenarios of expenditure outlined in the Zimbabwe country programme of the DFID. These are the low scenario total and the high scenario total. At the moment, because of lack of agreement, the DFID envisages expenditure to fall in the low scenario total (£12 million for Year 2000/1 and £10 million for Year 2001/2).
If, however, there should be agreement and the high scenario total is expended (£28 million in Year 2000/1 and £30 million in Year 2001/2), the benefit to Zimbabwe will amount to £36 million.
Should agreement be reached between the DFID and the Zimbabwe government, it is also highly probable that other donors including the European Union, the IMF and the World Bank may come in with assistance.
The onus is now on government to prepare accurate figures for the purchase of required farms and for resettling new tenants, from the poor.
Both Zimbabwe and the UK have a responsibility to work towards common goals that achieve desired international targets to reduce poverty and also to create harmonious diplomatic relations as members of the Commonwealth and the United Nations.
Elected leaders in developed countries like the UK are answerable to a very vocal electorate, which scrutinises how the taxpayers' money is used inside and outside their country. At the same time, some of our leaders have not been seen to be open, especially when they try to be enterprising businessmen and women while holding public office.
Now that the elections are over, both Zanu PF and the MDC should understand that the revolt of the masses requires that we adopt a programme of action that recognises existing shortcomings in our society and work together with donors and the international community to put our house in order.
This programme should benefit the poor and create employment. It should also be in the best interests of Zimbabwe. It is high time that debate is shifted from rhetoric to agreement.
Thursday 13 July, 2000
Lead Story _
Civic groups, MDC call for early poll or mass action
‘End Mugabe’s term now’
Abel Mutsakani, Chief Reporter
PRESSURE mounted on President Robert Mugabe this week to bring forward presidential elections still two years away as part of sweeping reforms proposed by the opposition and civic rights groups to end a constitutional crisis on Zimbabwe’s governance.
Rights groups and opposition parties this week said they are planning to push for radical changes to Zimbabwe’s constitution to include the abolition of the holding of separate presidential and parliamentary elections because these had produced a crisis on how and who runs the country.
The groups said they are prepared to resort to mass action such as civil disobedience to press Mugabe to agree the wideranging constitutional changes, which they say include the premature ending of his presidency that is due to expire only in 2002.
Analysts this week pointed out the impediments to the smooth running of the country under the present Lancaster House Constitution, amended 16 times since 1987 to suit the continued and iron-fisted rule of ZANU PF.
For instance, they said, Mugabe would still have been able to appoint the Cabinet from the 30 non-constituency legislators that he is allowed to name under the present constitution even if his party had lost all the seats in the June 24-25 parliamentary vote.
ZANU PF won 62 of the contested 120 constituencies, with the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) taking 57. One seat went to the small ZANU led by Ndabaningi Sithole.
The analysts said the same political impasse will repeat itself in 2002 should MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai win the presidential elections.
Tsvangirai, as in-coming president, would be forced to appoint a Cabinet from his minority party that might find it difficult to pass legislation if ZANU PF chooses to become hostile by using its majority in Parliament to block change, they said.
Lovemore Madhuku, a University of Zimbabwe constitutional law lecturer, said another way out of the current impasse was for Tsvangirai to immediately dissolve Parliament if he wins the 2002 presidential poll and call for immediate parliamentary elections.
Justice Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa was reported to be out of Zimbabwe yesterday and could not be reached for comment.
Mnangagwa and Mugabe say Zimbabweans, by rejecting the government’s constitutional draft in February, have virtually forfeited a chance to have a direct input into a new national constitution.
They say any new changes to the country’s British-drafted constitution will be done in Parliament but the MDC’s win of 57 seats has put paid to ZANU PF ambitions to use its previous two thirds majority to steamroll such changes.
ZANU PF now controls less than two thirds of the new House and will need to court the MDC to make any major changes to the constitution.
Brian Kagoro, a Harare lawyer and spokesman of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) which in February successfully led public resistance to the proposed new constitution, said the NCA had already recommended mass action should dialogue on constitutional changes with the government fail.
“Dialogue is the preferred way, but should that not yield satisfactory results the NCA’s task force has recommended the use of peaceful mass action,” Kagoro told the Financial Gazette.
The NCA is made up of more than 10 opposition parties, including the MDC, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions, churches and human rights and civic bodies.
Kagoro said the 10 opposition political parties within the NCA were pushing for an amendment to the constitution to allow for the holding of presidential polls before 2002.
Several local political analysts predict that Mugabe will lose presidential elections against Tsvangirai if these are held now.
Zimbabwe Human Rights Organisation’s acting director Munyaradzi Bidi said: “If we fail to have constructive engagement with the government, then the people’s wishes must be made manifest and mass action is an option.”
Tarci Zimbiti, director of the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace ¾ another local human rights group ¾ said his organisation would support peaceful mass action if the government ignored calls to restart the constitutional reform process that was aborted when Zimbabweans rejected the government draft.
The MDC said it would use Parliament to push for people-driven constitutional reforms but would throw its weight behind mass action if Mugabe and ZANU PF resist.
“We will use all means necessary to ensure that the people get a constitution they desire. Mass action is definitely one of the options should the government continue to refuse to listen to the people’s will,” MDC’s secretary-general Welshman Ncube said.
Kagoro said the NCA would from next week hold public meetings in all the provinces to mobilise stakeholders and ordinary Zimbabweans to push for the relaunch of the constitutional reforms.
The NCA is also mobilising legislators from both ZANU PF and the MDC to push for the setting up of all-stakeholders’ constitutional assembly to be invested with powers to spearhead reforms as well as promulgate the final document into the new constitution.
The NCA’s national assembly will meet by mid-next month to discuss the modalities of achieving a people-driven constitution, Kagoro said
Thursday 13 July, 2000 -
National Report
SA business sets conditions for pulling Zim out of crisis
Staff Reporter
SOUTH Africa’s business community this week offered to help Zimbabwe emerge from its economic crisis but demanded that Harare radically overhauls its economic policies, including liberalising its exchange rate policy.
The South African Chamber of Commerce (SACOB) said it was prepared to help Zimbabwe resuscitate its business sector, hit by acute shortages of foreign currency, fuel, power and imported raw materials.
South Africa is Zimbabwe’s largest trading partner, followed by Britain.
SACOB chief executive Kevin Wakeford yesterday said a concerted effort was required to get the Zimbabwean economy back on track and the South Africans were ready to do everything possible to ensure that this happens as soon as possible.
But the SACOB boss said the initiative to resuscitate Zimbabwe’s economy, weighed down by record inflation and interest rates, runaway joblessness and poverty and an artificially stable currency, should come from the Harare authorities.
“There are a number of structural changes that we would like to see made in the economy and these include bringing the foreign exchange rate policy in line with the international norm,” Wakeford told the Financial Gazette from Johannesburg.
Zimbabwe has had a fixed exchange rate since January last year, causing an acute shortage of hard cash and the emergence of a parallel market for foreign currency.
Other areas where the South Africans want to see change include the relaxation of Zimbabwe’s monetary policy and an improvement in the government’s fiscal performance.
The government has been borrowing heavily to finance its recurrent expenditure, pushing its domestic debt from $78,9 billion to about $110 billion between January and June this year.
The d
omestic debt problem has raised the spectre that the country will sink deeper into a debt trap as well as fears that this year’s budget deficit could shoot above 20 percent of gross domestic product, the highest such rate in the world.
SACOB, South Africa’s largest business body, released its monthly business confidence index which showed that Zimbabwe’s largely peaceful parliamentary poll last month had boosted sentiment among investors and the business community.
The South African business confidence index rose 4,1 percentage points from 96,9 points in May to 101 points last month.
SACOB said Zimbabwe’s elections had mitigated President Thabo Mbeki’s approach of “silent diplomacy” in the face of a breakdown in the rule of law in its northern neighbour and violent state-sanctioned seizures of white-owned commercial farms.
“Now is the time to look beyond politics. There is need to start examining how to restore the Zimbabwean economy and what role South Africa has to play in this regard,” the chamber said.
Financial Gazette - Thursday 13 July, 2000 -
National Report _
Mnangagwa,Ndebele jostle for parliament job
Staff Reporter
JUSTICE Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa emerged this week as the preferred choice of the ruling ZANU PF party’s supreme Politburo to fill the position of Speaker of Parliament.
Politburo sources said yesterday that Mnangagwa’s name as well as that of incumbent Cyril Ndebele had emerged during the seven-hour meeting of the party’s top-most decision-making body held in Harare on Tuesday.
A final decision to determine the candidate will be taken by the Politburo on Monday.
“We discussed the issue of the speaker’s position and the names of Mnangagwa and Ndebele were discussed at length. We failed to conclude the matter and we will wrap it up on Monday and come up with a party candidate for the position,” a Politburo member who attended the meeting told the Financial Gazette.
“We will possibly consider other names if we fail to agree on Monday but the choice is between the two.”
President Robert Mugabe, who chaired the meeting, is understood to have favoured Mnangagwa’s candidature while a majority of Politburo members wanted Ndebele to remain at the helm of the House.
Mnangagwa, long tipped as Mugabe’s possible successor, has also been linked to a possible ministerial position in defence and/or security in a new Cabinet line-up expected to be announced this week.
Mnangagwa, who was out of Zimbabwe yesterday, is understood however not to be too keen to take up the parliamentary job apparently because it would sideline him from the bigger power stakes that are played out in Cabinet.
According to the sources, ZANU PF’s Politburo was unanimous on the need to have a strong parliamentary head to preside over proceedings of the House that will now have the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), which won 57 of the 120 contested seats in the June 24-25 general elections.
According to the sources, Politburo members Chen Chimutengwende, Oppah Rushesha and Joyce Mujuru, who also attended the meeting, agreed with Mugabe on the need to have a strong party stalwart as speaker in the House.
If the Politburo fails to come up with one candidate for speaker, it could be determined by a secret ballot ¾ the first time this would be done in Zimbabwe — in which the MDC vote could have a strong bearing on the winner.
Because of its majority in parliament, ZANU PF can elect a speaker of its choice if it manages to have a consensus on a single candidate. A simple majority is needed from the 150 MPs for one to be elected speaker.
The election is expected to take place on Tuesday soon after the swearing-in ceremony of the new members. Mugabe is expected to officially open Parliament next Thursday.
The MDC is understood to be campaigning for the position of deputy speaker.
One qualifies to be a speaker if he or she is a former or current member parliament or qualifies for election into parliament.
Mnangagwa lost the Kwekwe Central constituency to little known Blessing Chebundo of the MDC in the just-ended general elections which ZANU PF won by a slender margin of five seats. He is expected to be appointed a non-constituency MP.
In the previous Parliament, where Mnangagawa was the leader of the House, he was instrumental in whipping MPs to approve controversial laws, including the unpopular funding for the construction of Harare’s new airport.
He also spearheaded the amendment of the Land Acquisition Act which empowered the government to seize white-owned commercial farmers without paying compensation except for improvements made on the land.
During his tenure, he also presided over the introduction in Parliament of the War Veterans Levy which was however killed by ZANU PF members after it sparked mass job stayaways countrywide.
Ndebele, a speaker since 1995, clashed with Mugabe two years ago over a constitutional debate in Parliament in which former MP Dzikamayi Mavhaire urged Mugabe to resign.
Ndebele, in his capacity as speaker, refused to endorse the party’s move to punish Mavhaire, saying the MP was protected by parliamentary privilege.
Mugabe responded by scathingly attacking Ndebele for siding with rebels he said were bent on unseating him.
Financial Gazzette-
Thursday 13 July, 2000 -
Eye Witness _
Police turn stadium into war zone
Sydney Masamvu
I WAS lucky to escape with my very skin. My pair of shoes, still reasonably new, was left behind while I raced for dear life as a sea of humanity struggled to leave the ill-fated Zimbabwe-South Africa world soccer qualifier in Harare on Sunday.
In restrospect, I now realise how lucky I was when at least 13 other people paid with their dear lives for the folly of the trigger-happy police officers who indiscriminately fired teargas for the sins of just a few fans.
The action by the police can only be described as rank madness.
That over 55 000 fans who packed the giant stadium were waving the open-palm symbol of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change is not in doubt.
A visitor to Zimbabwe not conversant with the political climate would have been forgiven for thinking that it was a Zimbabwean version of the world’s acclaimed Mexican wave.
The fans, uniting in rare tandem after the hard-fought parliamentary elections last month, were in a celebratory mood, rooting for the national team to win. No one would have thought they would be counting corpses at the end of the carnival.
Transport Minister Simon Moyo, who was the guest of honour, and ZIFA boss Leo Mugabe would agree that there were no ingredients or signs of hostility among the fans.
Even when the national anthem was sung just before the start of the match, Zimbabwean fans hoping for victory stood up in unison from all bays to give an open-palm salute to the national team. They did so in a happy mood of celebration and not confrontration.
They hoped it was going to be a good day and they showed it. The visiting South Africans near where I was seated appeared to marvel at the celebratory mood.
Whether this propelled the police to fire teargas willynilly when trouble began will forever remain an academic exercise, but certainly the police caused the stampede that was to claim the lives of so many innocents, some of them children.
Trouble started towards the end of the game, when South Africa had virtually sealed the match by scoring the second goal. A handful of fans began to throw missiles onto the pitch.
Any alert policemen equipped with basic skills would have quickly brought the situation under control and let the game resume. It was not threatening.
But as soon as the missiles began raining on the pitch, one policeman fired the first salvo of teargas and from there on it was teargas all over. The policemen were behaving as if they were on a training session, firing teargas all over the stadium, even onto some of the bays from where not a single missile had been thrown.
Young children and women began to run for dear life but the police continued to unleash teargas, even at exit points, some of which were closed. Because of the smoke, most fans could not locate the exits. They stamped on each other on the stairs while the police fired more teargas.
I could hear little children screaming while some fans, including myself, lay helplessly on the ground. Somehow I managed to survive the stampede that crushed the 13 to death and injured many more and found my way out of the stadium.
Among those killed was Dean Fidesi, six, son of Financial Gazette senior typesetter Alec Fidesi.
Players on the pitch were not spared the effects of the teargas and were lying on the ground helplessly. The scene resembled a war zone.
In a matter of minutes, the stadium was emptied, with hundreds of people lying on the ground without any help and battling for life and yet more teargas was being unleashed.
A good Samaritan who gave me a lift home into the city centre had this to say: “If the police can evacuate 55 000 people with such viciousness that leaves a trail of death in minutes, how come they complain about a shortage of manpower when they are supposed to evict a handful of war veterans from occupied farms?”
I think we all know the reason.
It will take a long time for me to be persuaded to return to the National Sports Stadium after Sunday’s tragedy, which was easily avoidable.
It is a bloodbath that must never, ever again be allowed to happen, whatever the circumstances and provocation.
DAILY NEWS -
NATIONAL NEWS Thursday 13 , July
Murder suspects in court
7/13/00 8:45:58 AM (GMT +2)
Court Reporter
THREE men suspected of murdering Heather Desmond, a South African national, and burning her body during a robbery in Harare on 1 July, appeared in court yesterday.
Godden Matanga, 20, Guideson Kanyemba and Charles Farai Mubika, both aged 25, allegedly plotted the murder and killed Desmond, 33, in broad daylight.
Matanga was Desmond's gardener while Kanyemba used to work for her.
The three allegedly celebrated the offence by drinking brandy and smoking cigarettes, the court heard yesterday.
Desmond's charred body was found in the garden at her Highlands home following the arrest of dread-locked Mubika, her gardener’s friend, six days later.
NATIONAL NEWS Thursday 13 , July
Police, army ignore public outcry over joint operation
7/13/00 8:47:59 AM (GMT +2)
Staff Reporter
THE Zimbabwe Republic Police yesterday said its joint operation with the Zimbabwe National Army, launched in several Harare suburbs ostensibly to quell post-election violence, would continue despite alleged assaults on civilians by the officers.
Some members of the public have complained against the exercise and have called on the police and army to stop the operation.
Wayne Bvudzijena, the police spokesman, said people who felt they had been wronged or unfairly treated during the operation should report to the police. Yesterday the police appeared to exonerate the army on allegations of high-handedness, saying the police were fully responsible for the operation.
“All operations in Harare and elsewhere are police operations,” said Bvudzijena.
“Allegations against the army have not been substantiated.
“Members of the military or police committing any offences should be reported at the nearest police station. They must not harass anyone but suppress lawlessness.”
The soldiers and police officers are, however, alleged to have assaulted people in nightclubs in Mbare, Epworth, Budiriro, Glen View, Highfields, Dzivarasekwa, Kambuzuma, Warren Park, Mabvuku and Rugare in Harare as well as in Kwekwe and Chitungwiza.
Told about the alleged attacks at beerhalls, Bvudzijena insisted reports should be made to the police.
But residents in the suburbs said it was pointless to report to the police when some members of the force were also allegedly assaulting them.
Some said they viewed the assaults as political retribution engineered by Zanu PF against supporters of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
Bvudzijena said joint operations involving the army and the police were common worldwide.
”They are not unique to Zimbabwe,” said Bvudzijena.
“During peace time, all the units in such an operation fall under the police as is happening in the current operation.”
Bar owners said they were losing business as a result of the operation as patrons feared for their safety and, therefore, preferred to remain indoors in the evenings