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Taken at the London Marathon 2000
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COMMERCIAL FARMERS' UNION
 
FARM INVASIONS UPDATE
 
FRIDAY 14 JULY 2000
 
IMPORTANT NOTE
 
The issue of land invasions is rapidly coming to a head and we expect an announcement from Vice-President Msika following a meeting with the War Vet leadership, over the weekend.
 
However, the situation is extremely volatile and President Tim Henwood asks all farmers to observe extreme caution over the next few days.  We are aware that the war vets have their own agenda with regard to land reform and that does not necessarily coincide with the Government programme.
 
We understood that a number of farms in each province were to be identified for acquisition and this would signal the launch of the "fast track" approach to land reform and the phrased withdrawal of war vets from other farms.  At this time we do not have sight of the list of farms to be acquired and I believe that Ministry are still working on the list.  Therefore, it is unclear what will be contained in Vice-President Msika's statement tomorrow. 
 
It seems unlikely that this is going to be a smooth and well orchestrated event because at this time it is still covered in confusion.  It seems therefore that war vets may take the situation into their own hands and this could be dangerous. 
 
We have briefed Deputy Commissioner Matanga, Vice-President Msika and Minister John Nkomo on our concerns and they are well aware of the situation. 
 
Hence EXTREME CAUTION is called for.
 
TIM HENWOOD
CFU PRESIDENT
 
 
 
REGIONAL REPORTS
 
MASHONALAND CENTRAL
Report to come tomorrow. 
 
MASHONALAND EAST
Bromley/Ruwa - 10 people occupied Masun last night.
Enterprise - Police response to threats on farmers was positive and resulted in a number of arrests and convictions.
Marondera North - 50 hostile war vets and youths entered the security fence on Dormavale. The owner received a letter telling him he had 24 hours to vacate the farm. The same group commandeered a tractor to collect their belongings from the Marondera North Club. Police did not react. Support Unit were called out but were not effective. They told the war vets to stop interfering with the farmer's operations and left. Cde Susan Mwashita arrived at Rapids to collect wood and told the farmer she would be back today to move into the homestead.  The President's Office told the owner of Chapungu that the farm now belongs to them. He was threatened and told that he would not be needing his seedbeds.
Marondera South - Zinenga, Shasha and three others informed the owner of Ruwari of their intention to return today to discuss sharing the farm.  Tree-cutting and hut building continues on Mildebron. On Gresham the work stoppage on Wednesday continued on Thursday. The owner was informed by CID that there was a report that the labour intended to confront the war vets and their followers, but he was unaware of this. On Thursday afternoon two landrovers full of police and Support Unit and CID details arrived at the farm, possibly in response to the belligerent labour. On Igava the work stoppage continued on Thursday. On Bresmenan fencing was stolen, and the police have not yet reacted as they have no transport. About 50 war vets and followers arrived on Mari with 2 dogs and informed the owner that he could only use 2 paddocks for his cattle otherwise they would kill his herd. 50 more are expected.
Marondera West - Chasweno: the farm store was broken into last night. The thieves threw rocks at the unarmed guard, tied and gagged him and left him in a field. They stole the radio, some cigarettes and left on foot. The guard managed to free himself and alerted the manager. The thieves meanwhile attempted to rape a girl in one of the houses near the store. She screamed and people came to her aid.  The thieves then ran away: tracks lead to a war vet base.
Harare South/Beatrice - The old Blackfordby training institute and Stoneridge were both subject to threats where staff was told to vacate houses. The situation was defused.  On Dunstan the invaders told the farmer that they wanted to move into the cottage. When this was refused they sought to move into a shed but were again turned down.  Joyce Mine is closing and war vets managed to find keys and said they were moving into the houses. Police moved them out. Eden, Argyle and various other farms have had considerably movement of small number of peggers.
 
MASHONALAND WEST NORTH
On Listenshields there are dogs with poachers, who are associated with war vets. There is extensive poaching on Mutala Farm. The Police have been notified.  War vets are building substantial structures on Romsey. There are increased numbers (about 37) on Chenga Farm. There are about 14 occupying Menengas Farm, and about 15 on Oswa Farm. There is increased activity on Laurentan Farm. Generally in the region, labour on farms seems very unsettled.
 
MASHONALAND WEST SOUTH
Norton - Workers on Kilvington Farm have demonstrated regarding a NSSA issue by blocking one of the roads off with water tanks. Negotiations are currently underway, and the situation seems to be under control although the labour are very restless.
Chakari - There is still quite a lot of movement and new pegging taking place on Eureka Farm.
Chegutu - Roughly 40 people have moved onto Lots 3 and 6 of Crown Ranch, which is listed, and are pegging.
 
MASVINGO
Masvingo East and Central - Occupiers are moving off Yettam Farm with all their belongings. 
Gutu/Chatsworth - The owner of Eastdale East has been instructed to move his cattle off the property. Some cattle have been shot with a shotgun and this has been reported to the Police, who are reacting. There are approximately 100 people about 150 metres away from the homestead on Blyth / Appin Farms. There is a man with a briefcase who seems to be allocating land to everyone.
A lot of pegging is taking place on Craig, Stratsphey and Leyburn farms.  These properties are not on the designated list of farms.
Chiredzi - A large group attended a meeting yesterday at Faversham Estates. This property together with Bangala and Samba Ranches are due to be reoccupied with large numbers today. Amongst this group one war vet threatened the owner of Bangala Ranch in the presence of the ZRP due to the incident that occured last week as reported. (Owner arrested 25 war veterans.) They are going to take over Bangala Ranch despite what the Police have to say. The crowd was intimidated as the leaders were aggressive.
A meeting was held yesterday at Makambe, BJB and Stelmarco Ranches and MP Baloyi instructed as many as possible to occupy properties. A directive from higher up has been given that land must be opened up and to start preparing the land. No infrastructure will be provided initially. Occupiers must not force down any other present structures, must not recklessly burn grass, are encouraged to move livestock onto the properties, must stay in village complexes to ensure thier own safety. Farmers are encouraged to negoitiate particulars of thier properties and occupiers must move in cattle today and construct houses. ZRP will not be allowed to put a stop to this. MP Baloyi wants no confrontation from the farmers.  On Essanby Ranch clearing of land and tree-cutting is taking place. On Ruware Ranch numbers have increased to 100.
Save Conservancy - 3 field veterinary officers / assistants were deployed to patrol the veterinary fence at Angus Ranch. They and game scouts have been chased away by the war veterans. Support Unit moved in on Sango Ranch early yesterday morning and made some arrests. The remaining war vets have been confined to a maximum radius of 100m around the hut. The manager has been instructed to frequently search their hut should he have any suspicions. A strong warning was given to the remaining resident war vets and were made to believe that the farm manager is in control and not them.  On Humani Ranch another group of poachers has been arrested on the boarder with Masapas Ranch. Evidence (meat) was found in thier possession. 16 poachers/war veterans were prosecuted yesterday.
We are awaiting the results of the Court proceedings, but can establish with certainty that some of them have received 3 months with hard labour prison service.
On Mukwasi Ranch there is continued tree-cutting and the perimeter fence between the communal lands and the Save Conservancy has been cut in eleven places as fast as it is being repaired.
 
MANICALAND
No Section 8 Orders have been delivered, but the list was released this morning. All CFU members involved have been notified.  There has been no other unusual activity in the province.
 
MATABELELAND
No report.
 
MIDLANDS
There have been no reports of Section 8 Orders. The District Attorney's office is awaiting the return from Harare of some of its staff with the "list". The weapons taken from Pittscottie game guards have been recovered, and no arrests have been made yet.  On Dunlop Ranch a hunting party with French clients was prevented from taking place.
Stocktheft and poaching continues in the Kwekwe area. 
 
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Zimbabwe - Our plea for help!!

MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT ZIMBABWE
MEDIA UPDATE # 27
Monday 3 July to Sunday 9 July 2000

SUMMARY

·   The week opened with reports of the army cracking heads in Harare's high-
    density suburbs - and ended with the police firing teargas onto the packed
    terraces of the National Sports Stadium during a World Cup soccer match
    against South Africa, sparking the worst tragedy in Zimbabwe's sporting
    history. But the nation had to wait until 9 pm before ZBC told them the full
    extent of the disaster. Other incidents of pre and post-election violence around
    the country were reported in the Press but ignored by ZBC.

  ·   The land issue featured in the state-controlled media, with ZBC quoting war
    veterans' leader Chenjerai Hunzvi as saying that "we would start giving land to
    those people on the farms." while The Herald reported that commercial
    farmers were offering 400 more farms for resettlement to add to the 200 offered
    previously. The Daily News reported a new wave of farm invasions.

  The media was characterized by post-election political developments - or the lack
    of them - in the week under review with The Daily News reporting the MDC's
    decision to challenge the results of eight more constituencies and a call by its
    leader to impeach the President. In its report on Joshua Nkomo's memorial
    service, Zimpapers reported President Mugabe's address in which he accused the
    Church of fanning the flames of division following the massive vote in Matabeleland
    against the ruling party. It also reported that the President had admitted the killing
    of thousands of people in Matabeleland in the 1980s was "an act of madness". The
    Daily News chose to concentrate on the President's alleged threat to boycott the
    service if it was officiated by outspoken Catholic Archbishop Pius Ncube. The
    Herald even reported that new ZANU PF MPs had ridiculed their less fortunate
    seniors at a party caucus meeting.

  ·   ZBC television continued to snipe at the MDC. It quoted reports of a power
    struggle within the party from "a weekly newspaper, The People's Voice" but
    didn't tell its audiences that it belonged to the ruling party. Television and radio
    news bulletins also quoted The Zimbabwe Mirror's (7/7) lead story about the
    source and amount of the MDC's campaign funds and used it as an
    opportunity to interview a "political analyst", Jonathan Moyo, who said it
    confirmed allegations the party was a front for racist colonial forces.

The post-election period has been characterized by mixed coverage on the part of the
ZBC electronic media. On one hand the period has seen a decrease in the number of
political stories in which ZANU PF's opinion was sought, dropping from an
unprecedented 90 percent in the pre-election period, to an average of 35 percent in the
week under review. On the other hand, ZBC continues to use its broadcasts to
promote the ruling party

In the week under review the alternative and professional voices on post-election
issues were high, totaling 39 percent, 26 percent and 41 percent on Radio 2/4,
television and Radio 1/3 respectively.
The MDC opinion was typically low, at 18 percent, seven percent and nine percent on
television, Radio 2/4 and Radio 1/3 respectively, while the remaining opposition was
given seven percent, 10 percent and no voice on the same stations on television, Radio
2/4 and Radio 1/3 respectively.

1. POLITICAL VIOLENCE

Both The Daily News and the Zimpapers' dailies (3 July) reported that special units of
the police and army, deployed into "trouble spots" in several of Harare's high density
suburbs - and in Kwekwe - to stamp out post election violence, had beaten up
civilians. The Daily News story, Army, Police unleash wave of terror, reported that
soldiers and Support Unit policemen had raided bars and nightclubs in Mabvuku and
assaulted patrons without provocation, and had also attacked MDC supporters in
Dzivarasekwa, including the new MDC MP for the suburb, Edison Mushoriwa. The
Herald explained that the Dzivarasekwa incident was the result of an MDC celebration
that had been banned by the police. There wasn't any indication of violence at the
event, but The Herald quoted a police spokesman as saying: "What we are doing is
discouraging any party from having any demonstrations due to the volatility in the
suburbs." The police and army were acting within their legal limits, he said.
But the paper did not ask why the ZNA had been deployed in civilian areas when the
situation did not warrant such drastic measures. Only in The Daily News was there
any explanation for the army's presence: The army had been "invited" by the police for
an operation to maintain peace after the election, a ZNA spokesman was quoted as
saying. The Daily News report, which was accompanied by pictures of victims and
contained their stories, also quoted the police spokesman as saying: "It is unfair for
those people to say they are being harassed when the police and army are trying to
secure their protection." In The Herald the same spokesman said the army and police
had been deployed following earlier outbreaks of violence in which ZANU PF
supporters had been beaten up by MDC youths. He wasn't asked why the police
thought they were unable to cope with the situation. Nor did the paper quote any of the
victims or ask why innocent civilians were being brutalized.
In a follow-up, The Herald (5/7) splashed a story claiming that local human rights
organization, Zimrights , had hailed the police and army blitz on political violence.
Stating that "over 15 people have had to receive medical attention after clashes with
the army and police in Mabvuku, Dzivarasekwa, Mbare, Chitungwiza and Kwekwe."
The Herald quoted Zimrights chairman, Nicholas Ndebele, as saying: "This operation is
very commendable because it has ensured that the country maintains its peace and
stability because civil strife would have occurred." The paper didn't ask him what he
thought the army assaults constituted.
Picking this up in its issue of July 7th, The Daily News reported that Ndebele faced a
vote of no confidence from the organization's regional councils following his comments.
It reported Ndebele as saying he had been misquoted.
The Zimbabwe Mirror quoted police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena saying that post-
election violence was a result of politicians who failed to seek police protection during
their meetings.  

The Daily News continued to report pre-and post-election violence throughout the
week. It covered the burial of the MDC's Kwekwe branch chairman (3/7) who died days
after allegedly being assaulted by war veterans. In the same issue it reported the death
of another MDC supporter, this time from Gokwe, quoting a police spokesman as
saying his was the last politically motivated death to be reported to the police. Another
story in the same issue, reported post-election clashes between ruling party and MDC
supporters in Kariba. The following day the paper reported that 15 people occupying
Texas Ranch in Mberengwa had been arrested in connection with politically motivated
pre-election violence and followed this up (7/7) with a report that 10 ZANU PF
supporters had appeared in court in Zvishavane. The daily also reported (5/7) a
Zimrights spokesman as saying 16 people had fled their homes in rural Mashonaland
East as war veterans and ZANU PF militias continue their raids on opposition
supporters.
The Dispatch also featured a number of stories relating to political violence, including
the fact that an MDC polling agent who was allegedly abducted from his home on June
19 by war veterans, was still missing. The paper reported MDC's Youth League
president Dominic Sithole saying:

    We supplied the police with all the necessary information, and even gave
    them the names of the suspects, but they have not arrested anyone.
   
The Sunday News (July 9) article headlined "Abducted agent still missing", quoted the
police saying that Patrick Nabanyama was still missing and investigations were
continuing. The article also reported that the Nketa district war vets' chairman, had
received death threats over Nabanyama's disappearance.
The Dispatch reported that four members of the MDC had claimed they had been
abducted and tortured by ZANU PF supporters at the house of an unnamed senior
ZANU PF official. The article quoted one of the victims, accompanied by a front-page
picture, showing his back injuries.
Another story in The Dispatch claimed that ZANU PF youths in Mataga, Mberengwa
who had terrorized civilians and members of the opposition, had turned against their
masters because they had not been paid for their services. The youths claimed they
had been promised jobs and $7000 each by a ZANU PF Midlands Youth wing member
who had since disappeared:
"He promised us money and jobs in the National Army but we have got nothing.
We brutalized the very community we live in," one of the youths was reported as
saying.
The Herald (4/7) reported that six MDC supporters appeared in court on charges
of public violence, a story carried by its competitor the following day. In its July
6th issue, The Herald reported that the police were looking for the new MDC MP
for Mabvuku to question him in connection with attempted murder charges. It
also noted (7/7) that war veterans were moving off farms around Marondera,
according to some commercial farmers.
Only The Daily News (5/7) reported appeals for pre-election violence to be
investigated and those responsible brought to justice. One came from the
European Union's observer mission leader in his address to the European
Parliament in Brussels and the other from the National Constitutional Assembly.
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai called for President Mugabe to be impeached for
initiating the political violence, according to The Daily News' lead story (5/7). But
then he was also quoted in the same story calling for a commission of inquiry to
"find out the truth about who was behind the pre-election violence".

2. LAND
While The Daily News reported a new wave of farm invasions in Mashonaland West
and East (3/7), across Masvingo (5/7) and a story about commercial farmers being
forced off the land (7/7), The Herald (4 &5/7) reported that 500 farmers were contesting
the acquisition of their land, but that the CFU was also offering 400 farms for
resettlement (6/7) if the government abandoned compulsory acquisition.
On ZBC's 8 pm television news (3/7), war veterans leader Chenjerai Hunzvi was
reported as saying that "we would start giving land to those people who are on the
land.because they are dedicated and are compatriots". He wasn't asked who he was
referring to when he said "we"; the government, ZANU PF or the war vets? There has
been no follow-up to find out exactly what the government's true position is over land
redistribution following the elections.
The Zimbabwe Independent reported that 14 members of the CIO and the ZNA had
occupied Calgary Farm on the outskirts of Harare.
The report was confirmed by the CFU. The paper reported that news of the latest
occupation came after a strong statement by the CFU condemning government's
failure to stem the tide of violence on farms.
"Throughout the period of the farm invasions, the farmers have observed remarkable
restraint and shown a more responsible attitude, despite almost intolerable
provocation.The elections are over and yet the extortion, destruction of property, theft
and the threats continue largely unabated"

3. POLITICS

The week began with The Herald's report on Monday of President Mugabe's address at
Joshua Nkomo's memorial service the previous day when he admitted that the army
went "beyond limits" by killing innocent civilians during the civil strife in Matabeleland in
the Eighties:
"We had had a quarrel.and engaged ourselves in what I should now call a reckless,
unprincipled fight within ourselves. It was an act of madness," the President was
quoted as saying. But he also used the occasion to attack "some church leaders" for
fanning division along tribal and racial lines, interpreting the massive vote against the
ruling party in the election as an indication that some people were determined to
destroy the Unity Accord. "I saw signals showing that we are getting divided. That is
dangerous," he said, appealing to the church to "judge us correctly".
It was left to The Daily News (3/7) to clarify the President's troubling allusions. In its
story, Mugabe threatens Archbishop, the paper reported that the President had
threatened to boycott the service if the churchman originally slated to conduct the
service, the outspoken Catholic Archbishop of Bulawayo, Pius Ncube, was not
withdrawn. The story quoted Ncube saying he had agreed to withdraw after being
approached by Nkomo's widow. But it also reported that he now feared he was on the
CIO's "hit-list" because ZANU PF blamed him for its electoral defeat in Matabeleland.

There were a host of other political developments, including the announcement of
MDC's so-called  "shadow cabinet" which appeared in The Daily News and the
Zimpapers' titles (6/7) and attracted coverage of the mixed reactions to it in The
Zimbabwe Mirror and The Sunday Mail.
It also attracted the belated attention of ZBC (but only on television's 8pm bulletin
(7/7)) who wheeled out ZANU PF's election campaign manager, Jonathan Moyo,
disguised as "a political analyst" describing the announcement as a non-event
because Mugabe had not appointed ministers for the MDC to shadow. Although ZBC
also quoted the MDC's Learnmore Jongwe and lawyer, Lovemore Madhuku, none of
them could be described as appropriate sources to support the story's "mixed
reactions" billing.
ZBC picked up two other newspaper stories in the week exposing the MDC to adverse
publicity. The first appeared in an 8pm television news report on July 4th about a "power
struggle reportedly rocking the opposition party" drawn from "a weekly newspaper, The
People's Voice", without explaining that the voice ZBC was quoting was none other
than ZANU PF's official party paper. Little wonder then, that The People's Voice
believed the MDC leader had been condemned "to the sidelines of the political arena"
after his electoral defeat, and that Welshman Ncube had become the party's second in
command behind the MDC's vice-chairman and parliamentary leader, Gibson Sibanda.
This was all faithfully reported by ZBC without any comment from the MDC, or
anybody else for that matter.
It was a theme The Sunday Mail followed up on with a similar story about the
possibility of a rift appearing in the MDC over the leadership's decision to ban its MPs
from accepting any Cabinet posts in the new government.
The issue of who Mugabe would select for Cabinet posts provided The Financial
Gazette and The Standard with the opportunity to speculate about when the new team
would be announced and who would be in it. They placed their bets on their sources'
advice that Border Gezi and Gideon Gono would be among the new faces when the
new Parliament was sworn in, probably next Tuesday.
And the second occasion ZBC borrowed a story from a newspaper occurred on July
7th, when it picked up the lead in The Zimbabwe Mirror and quoted it as saying the
MDC had raised $600 million for its election campaign. The funds came mostly from
white farmers, local businesses and foreign donors and were kept at a local bank
under the management of trustees. ZBC carried the story in its morning bulletins on
Radio 1/3, all radio stations for their 6pm and 8pm bulletins and on television's 8pm
news.
ZBC named the alleged trustees of the account and quoted ZANU PF spokesman,
Jonathan Moyo, saying that the massive sponsorship of the MDC proved it was a front
for local white farmers and their British masters. No comment was sought from the
MDC and neither did the reporter question Moyo about how much money the ruling
party had spent on its election campaign or where its funds had come from, all which
would have balanced the story and made the debate about party funding more
interesting.
The story was followed up the next day featuring a denial by MDC that it had raised
anywhere near $600 million; the figure, it said, was closer to $100million.
The denial was broadcast on all radio stations' 1pm bulletins, but was dropped in the
evening's 6pm and 8pm bulletins. The denial was broadcast on television's 1:30pm
news, Nhau Indaba and on its 8pm news.
The denial was followed by an item in which Jonathan Moyo criticized the decision by
the MDC to challenge the election results in some constituencies saying that this was
the work of foreign agents aimed at discrediting the country's electoral process. Moyo
went on to say that one fact which had been overlooked was that the elections had
seen the unprecedented participation of international forces, working in collusion with
world media organizations and church groups. Moyo was the only source quoted in the
entire story.
Reporting The Mirror story without appearing to verify it, backfired on the ZBC when it
granted one of those it had named as a trustee of the MDC funds a chance to deny the
claim as "first item" status on its Nhau Ndaba and 8pm television bulletins on July 9th.
In her denial, UZ professor, Marvellous Mhloyi, also castigated the media for writing
stories about people without checking the facts, an angle the ZBC chose to clothe its
right of reply. The story was also carried on all radio stations' 6pm and 8pm bulletins.
During the week however, ZBC did attempt to provide some balanced stories involving
the MDC. In one interview spread over two nights on television's 7/7 and 8/7 8pm
bulletins and reported on 7/7 Radio 1/3's 6pm and 8pm bulletins, MDC's Eddie Cross
and ZANU PF's Mutumwa Mawere, spoke of the need to regain investor confidence in
the country, with Cross saying the MDC was prepared to work with the ruling party to
help rescue the nation's good reputation

Meanwhile, The Herald and The Manica Post (July 7) reported that MDC MP for Mutare
North, Giles Mutsekwa, had come under fire from disgruntled party executives who
demanded that he account for election campaign funds under his control.
The Zimbabwe Independent reported the Zimbabwe Election Support Network report
that declared the Registrar-General's office had not been ready for the election, and as
a result, it had been marred by enormous logistical problems and poor co-ordination
within state agencies.
 The paper said that although only half the electorate voted, they overwhelmed the
Registrar-General's office which failed to announce the results on time (and still keeps
the number of spoilt papers a secret). The paper quoted the report as saying that
election monitoring was minimal and at best ineffective:

    The (ZESN) report said that the scenario set by the Registrar-General's
    office provided an opportunity for electoral fraud and the logistical
    problems that existed within state organs also had a marked effect on the
    administration of the electoral process.
   
.ZIMPAPERS' dailies reported that boisterous new junior ZANU PF MPs had ridiculed
their seniors who lost in the polls, at a ZANU PF caucus meeting. The Herald front -
page comment "Over-excitement of new ZANU PF MPs uncalled for" (8/7) urged them
to exercise restraint.

The Sunday Mail (July 9) article headlined "Role of international election observers
raises eyebrows" quoted unnamed sources saying that international observers and
NGOs as having been instrumental in the outcome of elections in countries such as
Mozambique, South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe. And its opinion piece, African
Focus concluded that the "US and EU election "observers" during the 2000
election.were serving hard-nosed and lucrative economic interests of imperialism".
Both the public and private press reported the defections of some ZANU PF people to
MDC. The Daily News (July 6) and The Herald (July 8) reported that Masvingo's Deputy
Mayor had defected to MDC, while The Zimbabwe Mirror reported that a Gwanda
councillor had also defected. 
The Eastern Star, The Manica Post and The Herald reported that former ZANU PF
member, Patrick Chitaka, who lost the elections as an independent candidate in
Mutare, had defected to the MDC. The Standard reported that former Harare town clerk
and ZANU PF loyalist, Edward Kanengoni, had also swapped his political affiliation
and was lining himself up for the mayoral race on an MDC ticket.
In a ZBC news report on 9/7, new ZANU PF MP, Phillip Chiyangwa, was reported on
television's 7am, 6pm and 8pm bulletins as handing out food worth more than $75 000
to his constituents as fulfillment of a promise made in the run-up to the elections. 6pm
and 8pm  television news reported the story in full, ignoring the implications of an event
which appeared to be tantamount to vote buying.

4. THE MEDIA
The Herald reported that the State had dropped charges against two Standard
journalists after the Supreme Court had earlier struck down that part of the Law and
Order Maintenence Act under which they had been charged.
The Financial Gazette reported that government planned to impose stringent controls
on the media, including a media council whose mandate would be to oversee the work
of journalists. The paper suggested journalists would be required to carry state-issued
operating licenses, a claim that Information Minister, Chen Chimutengwende, avoided
dismissing.
The paper also quoted IJAZ and ZUJ officials saying they would resist the move,
preferring to set up their own media council.
The Zimbabwe Independent, in a follow-up report, said there were more problems at
Zimpapers. The paper reported that Chimutengwende and Herald editor Bornwell
Chakaodza had clashed on editorial policy as the minister sought to have the paper
toe the party line.
But Chakaodza, the paper said, had stood his ground. The Independent claimed
Zimpapers' editors had resolved to abandon the "crude MDC-bashing line" largely
blamed for the decline in circulation and advertising.
The Zimbabwe Independent and The Financial Gazette also reported that the
government planned a media blitz to try and spruce up its battered image.

5. THE ECONOMY
The effects of the political crisis on the economy began to emerge this week, with
several price increases announced along with company closures.
The Daily News (July 4) reported that the price of bread would go up by 10%. It also
quoted Britain's Peter Hain saying that Zimbabwe may need food aid within months, a
report which was denied by local commercial farmers.
The Financial Gazette reported that at least 250 000 in the formal sector were set to
lose their jobs as a result of the economic crisis. The paper quoted MDC's economic
adviser, Eddie Cross.
It also reported that SA investors had resolved to stay away until they could get
guarantees for the safety of their investments and a return to the rule of law.
The Zimbabwe Independent reported that Willowvale Mazda Motor Industries has been
forced to close for a month due to its failure to source foreign currency to fund its
operations. As a result the paper said 600 workers would be laid off, with at least 6000
employees in downstream local component manufacturers expected to be laid off for
the same period.
Ends

For more information about the Project, previous issues of the MMPZ reports and
alerts, please visit our website at http://www.icon.co.zw/mmpz or contact the Project
Coordinator, MMPZ, 221 Fife Avenue, Harare, Tel/fax: 263 4 733486, 734207, 263
11716645, E-mail: monitors@icon.co.zw 

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Z I M N E W S

14 July 2000

In today's issue:

From News24, 13 July

Where is abducted MDC supporter?

Harare - The abduction of Patrick Nabanyama - a supporter of the MDC -before Zimbabwe's election on 24 June must be immediately investigated, said Maina Kiai, Amnesty International's Africa Director on Thursday. Patrick Nabanyama was abducted on the afternoon of 19 June by a group of "war veterans". The "war veterans" went to his house and abducted him in the presence of his wife and children. To date his whereabouts are unknown.

Nabanyama, a former member of the Zanu-PF, was working as a polling agent for David Coltart, a candidate from the opposition party MDC, in Bulawayo when he was abducted. "The state-sponsored terror that characterised the run-up to the elections should not be allowed to continue," Maina Kiai said. "The whereabouts of Patrick Nabanyama must be clarified and his safety guaranteed." In response to the death threats he received, he wrote a letter to Dispatch, a Bulawayo newspaper, highlighting his situation. He had drafted a second letter on the morning of 19 June but did not manage to send it before he was abducted.

Amnesty International had reports of at least 14 kidnappings of MDC supporters in Bulawayo during the pre-election period, but all except Patrick Nabanyama have been released. "Where is Patrick Nabanyama? The government of Zimbabwe should do everything possible to try and answer this," Maina Kiai said.

From The Guardian (UK), 14 July

New land seizures lead to violence in Zimbabwe

Harare - President Robert Mugabe's government will begin widespread seizures of white farms today after sending army units into townships near Harare and other cities which supported the opposition. Hopes that Zimbabwe would return to normal after the June parliamentary elections have been dashed by the government's heavy-handed actions. Mr Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF resorted to violence in the election campaign but it only managed to win 62 of the 120 elected parliamentary seats. Now Mr Mugabe appears to be using state force to reinforce his authority over the country.

The government will begin confiscation of 160 white-owned farms today, Nathan Shamuyarira, the industry minister from the ruling Zanu-PF party, said, adding that the government will take possession of 20 farms in each of Zimbabwe's eight rural provinces and will settle government supporters there immediately. But fear reigned in some rural areas yesterday as dozens of white farmers were told to vacate their properties immediately or face death. "No one is certain what is going to happen," said Tim Henwood, the president of the CFU. "The government said officials would notify us which farms are to be taken, but we have not been informed. All around the country farmers are getting death threats."

The government last month earmarked 804 farms for compulsory acquisition, prompting more than 500 owners to lodge legal appeals. The farms to be taken today were supposedly picked from more than 200 farms that did not appeal against the seizure orders. But Mr Mugabe's supporters have ordered the evacuation of farms that were not listed at all. More than 1,000 farms are now occupied.

Harare and two other cities were tense yesterday following the deployment of army and police units in township areas. The troops were sent into the townships to prevent any violence following the parliamentary elections, a police spokesman said yesterday. But township dwellers complain that the units attacked peaceful citizens and Harare employers said scores of workers had suffered beatings. The army deployment appears to be government retaliation against Harare's townships for backing the opposition MDC.

One resident of Mbare township said: "We were seated, having our drinks and listening to the jukebox, when they [soldiers] stormed in and demanded that we all stand up and show them respect. "When we did as they had asked they picked out two people and said they wanted to show us what they could do to misguided people. They then began beating the two with the butts of their rifles." Chief Superintendent Wayne Bvudzijena, a police spokesman, said the charges against the police and army units had not been substantiated and they would continue to patrol potential "flashpoints". He said people beaten by the patrols should report to the police, who were in control of the joint operation. ZimRights, a human rights watchdog, condemned the reported attacks on civilians. Its chairman, Nick Ndebele, said: "Political violence should not be substituted with army or police violence."

From Business Day (SA), 13 July

Mugabe leaves for Congo without naming new cabinet

HARARE - Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe departed Harare for the DRC yesterday to meet President Laurent Kabila, with the country anxiously waiting for him to announce a new cabinet. Speculation is rife that Mugabe will announce his new cabinet on his return from Congo tomorrow. Mugabe did not attend the OAU summit meeting being held in Togo ostensibly because he was busy putting his new cabinet together. It is, however, widely believed that he did not go to Lome to show his solidarity with Angola, which accuses Togo of supporting Unita rebels.

Mugabe's trip also came a day after prominent Harare banker Nigel Chanakira was arrested for the second time in less than three months over fraud allegations. There are growing concerns that the government is harassing businessmen it perceives to have funded the opposition MDC in last month's election. Police are alleging that Chanakira connived with the pension company to buy ordinary shares in businessman Strive Masiyiwa's cellular telephone company, Econet Wireless, in a deal that allegedly prejudiced the state corporation by Z87m. Chanakira is expected to appear in Harare's magistrates court tomorrow morning. Police are said to be "very keen to interview" Masiyiwa over the deal. Masiyiwa has been out of Zimbabwe on a prolonged business trip and has not commented on the issue.

From The Zimbabwe Independent, 14 July

Mugabe warned of security threat at National Stadium

PRESIDENT Mugabe stayed away from the South Africa/Zimbabwe World Cup soccer qualifier at the National Sports Stadium last Sunday because of security considerations, it emerged yesterday. Sources said Mugabe was expected to be the guest of honour but did not turn up after being warned of a security risk by state security agents. Mines, Environment and Tourism minister Simon Khaya Moyo presided on Mugabe's behalf. It is understood Mugabe was warned of the threat of popular protest against him at the match. "President Mugabe was advised by security agents to stay away from the match because they felt he would be embarrassed by opposition party supporters at the stadium," a source said.

The match witnessed political sloganeering by sections of the 40 000 crowd. Observers said opposition supporters who were denied the chance to celebrate after the election by the police and the army, used the soccer match to hail the MDC's gains. In Bulawayo politics at football matches is now the order of the day. Anti-government slogans have become a way of life. It started in 1997 when pressure groups began printing T-shirts and selling them in stadiums to convey political messages.

Zifa chairman Leo Mugabe - the president's nephew -confirmed that the football body had invited President Mugabe to the match but said the invitation was sent out too late. "I think our request got there late," said Mugabe. "We just invited him but we knew that our request was out of time," he said. However, a spokesman for the Office of the President, Munyaradzi Hwengwere, professed ignorance of the invitation. He said his office never saw the invitation. "I don't know anything about it. I really don't know," Hwengwere said. "We don't have that record in the Office of the President and we didn't have any programme for him to be there," he said.

A football official said Mugabe would have been embarrassed by the incident. "He would have been really embarrassed. The situation was bad and I shudder to think what would have happened if he was there," said the official. Before the match crowds broke into song and political party slogans showing the open-hand sign of the MDC as they shouted "Chinja!" (change). That would have certainly irritated Mugabe who is still struggling to come to terms with his party's defeat in Harare and other towns. The throng roared when the Zimbabwe players saluted by the routine waving before kick off. The players' non-political gesture, albeit similar to the MDC sign, had the spectators really excited. The whole stadium suddenly appeared like an MDC rally. Officials in the VIP bay were visibly shaken by the crowd behaviour.

When the National Anthem was sung the crowds raised their open hands in the air. Observers said the idea was to convey a political message. President Mugabe has blamed the MDC for the disaster. Many observers blamed the police - who apparently had been riled by the MDC supporters - for the fiasco. They had been undisciplined and indiscriminate in their response, it was claimed. It was not the first time police behaved in this manner. Last year there was near disaster at Barbourfields Stadium in Bulawayo during a league match between Highlanders and Dynamos when police used similar measures to control crowds. Many people were injured.

From The Daily News, 13 July

MDC challenges Mberengwa results

WELSHMAN Ncube, the secretary-general of the MDC, says the opposition party will today challenge Parliamentary election results in the Mberengwa East and Mberengwa West constituencies in the High Court. Ncube said the two were among six constituencies whose results the party would challenge in court today. He refused to name the other four constituencies. The party is taking legal action to have the results in at least 28 constituencies nullified. The constituencies are: Chegutu, Chinhoyi, Bindura, Chikomba, Marondera East, Buhera North, Masvingo North, Makoni East and West, Zvishavane, Mutare West, Mberengwa West, Mberengwa East, Kariba, Mt Darwin South, Mazowe West, Murehwa North, Goromonzi, Hwedza, Masvingo South, Guruve South, Mwenezi, Shurugwi, Gokwe Central, North, South, East and West.

Mberengwa witnessed some of the worst pre-election violence that rocked the country in the run-up to last month's election.

From The Zimbabwe Independent, 14 July

Zanu PF split over Mugabe's future

TWO camps have emerged in Zanu PF following the election with one maintaining that the party'2s first secretary President Robert Mugabe should make it clear if he is going to stand in 2002 and the other insisting that he should not be pressured into making a decision, the Zimbabwe Independent has gathered. There were also calls for the party to be completely overhauled and inject new blood from top to bottom, with others saying the time was not yet ripe for drastic changes. The politburo, the party's administrative body, has not yet been appointed and calls have been made by the party's Young Turks for new blood to be injected into the body which is viewed as comprising old-guard politicians.

Party sources told the Independent that the divisions were so glaring that Mugabe was under severe pressure on what decision to take - whether to listen to his loyalists or accept the need for change. The party's secretary for administration, Didymus Mutasa, told the Independent that Mugabe had long eyes and wide ears to see and hear what was going on around him. "I do not think anyone can coerce him to make any decision," Mutasa said. "No one has the right to force Mugabe to tell us his retirement plans if he does not want to. It is such a simple matter which is not complicated in any way. He has been ruling this country intelligently for the past 20 years. He is entitled not to tell us if he doesn't want to," he said.

Asked about the two camps, Mutasa said none existed in the party. "There is only one camp, we are all united under one party," he said. Mutasa said that Zanu PF was quite comfortable with the politburo's composition and it was likely that they were going to proceed with the current members. Under the party's constitution, the president and first secretary of the party has the right to appoint members of the politburo. During the last Zanu PF congress, party members pointed out that there was need to change the party's constitution and allow members of the party to elect politburo members.

As things stand now, Mugabe will go ahead and appoint them but what remains unclear was the extent to which he will incorporate new members. Though the issue was raised at the last politburo meeting there were no indications that Mugabe would dump his trusted lieutenants. Party sources told the Independent that Mugabe was merely being diplomatic in his approach and pointed out he was not going to ditch any of his henchmen that were defeated by the MDC. "There are about seven senior politicians who fell by the wayside and Mugabe can't just throw them away," the source said. The source said that Mugabe wielded such immense powers both in and out of the party that no one was brave enough to openly confront him on these crucial issues.

"There is a lot of backbiting going on, with each and every one of the top guys wanting to win the attention of Mugabe," he added. "There is a lot of pretence," he added. The source pointed out that Mugabe was aware of the situation around him. "People like Mutasa support Mugabe from the heart and they are a big problem," the source said. He said Mutasa could decide the political direction of the party, with his influence over Mugabe. "Mugabe trusts Mutasa and there is no doubt that Mutasa is a very loyal party cadre. Whenever such legitimate issues are raised, characters like Mutasa are always quick to witch-hunt within the party and sniff them out through petty gossiping," the source added. "Everyone deals with Mutasa carefully, especially these days before the announcement of the cabinet and politburo because they are not eager to mess up their chances," he pointed out. The problem within the party now was that the heavyweights who lost the parliamentary election were unprepared to let go and were busy decampaigning each other, the source said. "These people still want political power and Mugabe still holds the key to their political coffins. They are still playing heavy games for others. They are now more loyal than ever."

From The Times (UK), 14 July

Flintoff finally manages to pull his weight

OLD TRAFFORD (Zimbabwe won toss): England beat Zimbabwe by eight wickets

ENGLAND, as the jargon goes, got their act together yesterday. Helped by the decision of Andy Flower, the Zimbabwe captain, to bat first on a hard and lively pitch, they bowled Zimbabwe out for 114, twice taking three wickets in quick succession, and never relinquished the initiative, knocking off the runs with a splendid array of vengeful strokes by Andy Flintoff, in particular. It was a devastating performance all round and as timely a victory as they come.

Few internationals have been won as early as the 21st over, as this one was when Graeme Hick hit the winning run in England's first home day-night international at the time when some of the slower county matches were just getting to the end of play. Alec Stewart, Flower's England counterpart, had had a wonderful time on a grey and blustery afternoon, taking six catches. They were bread-and-butter takes, generally speaking, but they emphasised once more what a remarkably high standard Stewart maintains, whether it is in the heat of the noonday sun or on blustery days such as this.=20

Only one wicketkeeper has taken six wickets in a one-day international before, which, when one considers that more than 1,600 of these games have been played since the die was first cast at Melbourne in January 1971, is no less remarkable. As it happens, the record was set only in April by Adam Gilchrist, for Australia against South Africa in Cape Town. It would not be the easiest of choices, if one were picking a world XI tomorrow, whether Stewart, Gilchrist, Flower, Mark Boucher or Moin Khan should be the wicketkeeper-batsman.

In the continued absence of Nick Knight and Nasser Hussain, Stewart barely had time to have supper before he was bustling out to open the innings with Marcus Trescothick, almost an hour earlier than scheduled. They wasted no time. Trescothick batted with the same poise and confidence that he had shown in his first two games and after Stewart had departed legbefore on the front foot (he has been out for 12 in all three games - it is presumably written into his contract) Flintoff was duly promoted to No 3 in order to show what weight can do to a cricket ball when it is correctly applied.

To what must have been his immense satisfaction after all the unkind words about his weight and fitness, he thoroughly justified the decision to play him as a specialist batsman, propelling England towards their most commanding one-day victory in a long time with strokes of great power. For a few delightful overs he and Trescothick were the embodiment of youth and prowess. Trescothick lifted Guy Whittall's first ball imperiously back over his head for six, and although Heath Streak had him leg-before soon after, Flintoff countered with a thunderous drive through extra cover, followed it with an effortless on-drive and then turned his mighty blade to Paul Strang's leg spin.

It was no surprise, perhaps, either that England should have sharpened their performance yesterday after a slow and unconvincing start last weekend, or that Zimbabwe, having qualified for the final with only half their preliminary matches played, should have given a less impressive performance. It was suggested before the game that they were in a position to determine who their opponents will be tomorrow week but, even allowing for the shocks emanating from South Africa in recent times, it does not come naturally to cricketers from Zimbabwe to try anything less than 100 per cent at all times.

The fact is that neither with bat nor ball did they look like the well-organised outfit that has so far outplayed West Indies twice. Neil Johnson began by batting with the same authority that he has displayed since the Trent Bridge Test, but in the third over he tried to force a good-length ball off the back foot and became Stewart's first victim, well caught after a dive to the left as Andrew Caddick obtained extra bounce.

Caddick was twice pulled by Murray Goodwin, once over and once past mid-wicket, but Darren Gough bowled superbly from the Stretford End, cutting the ball back and over the stumps frequently at fierce pace, and it gradually became apparent that Zimbabwe were finding runs much harder to accumulate than they had planned. Whittall had managed little more than two fours sliced deliberately over the slips when he was given out caught behind off another off-cutter. It probably hit his pad, rather than the inside of his bat, but there was no doubting that Gough had thoroughly deserved a wicket.

Goodwin is the last batsman likely to get bogged down on a lively pitch, but the fact that he did shows not only how well Gough and Caddick bowled, but Alan Mullally and Mark Ealham too as they combined in a second-wave attack. It was Alistair Campbell who looked the more likely to break the shackles but, having played two shots that made him look for all the world like Graeme Pollock, he was sent back by his partner after starting for a risky run and was smartly run out by Trescothick.

The rot set in quickly now. Goodwin, trying to cut a ball far too close to his off stump, had his bails trimmed, Bryan Strang attempted to change the game by slogging but only succeeded in playing on to his stumps and, when Grant Flower wafted in vain, Zimbabwe had declined to 65 for six. Andy Flower saw it as his duty now to try to make sure that Zimbabwe batted for their full quota of 50 overs. He found a partner with similar intentions in Stuart Carlisle, a man who has four times opened in Test cricket and whose placing at No 8 emphasises the depth of Zimbabwe's batting. It availed them nought on this occasion, however, because the third wave of bowlers, Craig White and Trescothick, fared even better than the first two and the last four wickets fell in a rush within two overs.

From The Hindustan Times, 13 July

Zimbabwe seek return to Davis Cup elite

Harare - Zimbabwe have high hopes of a rapid return to the Davis Cup elite top 16 when they take on Romania here from tomorrow in a Euro-African zonal final qualifier. Earlier this year they lost only by 2-3 to the United States. Key player Byron Black is also in form, having reached the last eight of the Wimbledon singles two weeks ago, the first time any Zimbabwean had got that far.

Black, aged 32, whose world ranking is 23, will team up once more with his younger brother Wayne, who is in the top 100. He played Wimbledon wearing a heavy knee bandage but has been practising without it. However, a bout of 'flu has left him weakened and there was concern he would not be fully fit in time for tomorrow's opening singles. Black's record in Davis Cup is 52 wins and 21 defeats in singles and 17-8 in doubles. The Black brothers, who have been the mainstay of Zimbabwe tennis for several years, are supported by Kevin Ullyett and Gwinyai Tongoona.

The Romanians have expressed concern over safety following the stampede at a Harare football stadium on Sunday which killed 13 people and the political violence which accompanied the recent elections. However, they have been working hard in training at getting acclimatised to playing at 1,500 metres above sea level. They are also confident in coming off a victory over Hungary in the previous round. Romania's hopes rest largely on the performance of their number one Andrei Pavel. His world ranking is 25, close to Black, so that their encounter could settle it. Pavel has a 3-2 advantage over Black from their previous meetings. Pavel is supported by Razvan Sabau, Gabriel Trifu and Dinu Pescariu.

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Zimbabwe's rulers have told at least 50 white farmers to pack up and leave within days - or face death.

Tension is rising in farming districts plagued by violent land occupations as President Robert Mugabe's government prepares to begin moving illegal squatters to 160 recently nationalised farms.

War veterans illegally occupying more than 1,700 farms say the redistribution is going too slowly and have said they will overrun homesteads, according to the Commercial Farmers' Union.

The occupiers have made death threats and vow to attack owners who refuse to abandon their properties.

About 50 farmers have received such threats in the past 48 hours and "it's spreading throughout the country," David Hasluck, director of the union, said.

"Farmers are being told to get off within days, or even hours, or be forced off. In some cases, farmers have been told they will be killed if they resist," he said.

"We are very concerned that unless the police act to deal with this issue over the weekend, there will be further anarchy and people will be hurt," he said.

A white farmer in Norton, 25 miles south-west of Harare, fled his property after private security guards were assaulted by squatters.

Robert Webb, a former head of the Zimbabwe Tobacco Association, received four death threats and shut down his tobacco farm northeast of the capital, Hasluck said.

Police have failed to curb most of the threats. Mugabe, who has described the occupations as a justified protest against unfair land ownership by whites, has ordered police not to intervene in the illegal occupations.
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Zimbabwe - Our plea for help!!
 
                           MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT ZIMBABWE
                   Electronic Media: Parliamentary Election Coverage
                                           
ZBC FAILS THE NATION

July 8th 2000

THE Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation has failed the nation yet again. Following its
partisan performance in support of the Constitutional Commission's call for the nation
to approve its draft constitution in February, the public broadcaster has again excelled
in its undisguised support for the ruling party during the recently ended parliamentary
election campaign.

According to the findings of the Media Monitoring Project, ZBC television carried a total
of 558 election campaign stories in its news bulletins monitored by MMPZ between
April 11th when President Mugabe dissolved Parliament and June 26th, the end of the
election process. Of these, exactly 500 of them - nearly 90 percent . favoured ZANU
PF or were critical of the opposition MDC political party. Only 32 (or 6 percent) covered
MDC statements and activities, while 26 other reports were devoted to the remaining
opposition parties, 11 of them to the Zimbabwe Union of Democrats.
There were a total of 678 voices contained in the election campaign stories featured on
ZBC television during the period, and of these 614 (90 percent) belonged to ZANU PF.
Only 38, or 5.6 percent, belonged to the MDC, while the remainder belonged to other
opposition party voices.

Radio followed the same pattern with little variation between the stations. Radio 1& 3
carried 403 stories on political campaign issues in the monitored bulletins. In them,
ZANU PF viewpoints were featured 310 times (73%) out of a total of 425 voices heard. MDC views were reported on 15 occasions representing (3.5%). Other opposition party
voices were quoted on only 10 occasions, or a little over two percent.
Radios 2 & 4 aired 312 stories related to political campaigns in which 355 voices were
heard, 268 (75%) of them belonging to ZANU PF. Thirteen (3.6%) belonged to MDC
sources and 10 voices (2.8%) were attributed to other opposition political parties.

But perhaps the most damning statistic to emerge from the work of the Media
Monitoring Project was the fact that out of a total of 15 hours and 38 minutes that ZBC
television news bulletins devoted to airtime allocated to political rallies and statements
from various political groups, ZANU PF was granted a total of 14 hours and 23
minutes, or a little more than 92%. This figure compares to the MDC's airtime news
coverage of 40 minutes and 40 seconds, or 4.3%, in the period from April 11th to June
26th.
Women in politics were given the third longest exposure with just eight minutes
and 20 seconds (0.9%), closely followed by independent candidates with eight
minutes' exposure. All other opposition parties were granted a total of 15 minutes and
40 seconds, or about 1.7% of the total news airtime given to the activities of political
groups. On occasion, the 8p.m. television news bulletin was extended by up to 15
minutes, presumably to accommodate the extra political activity.

Although there were 278 stories covering electoral issues on television, these dealt
mainly with statements or controversies surrounding the registration of voters, the
voters' roll, the delimitation commission, the accreditation of observers and local
monitors, and stories about the high turnout and the peaceful voting climate during the
election itself.
ZBC TV provided no prime-time programme specifically devoted to voter education.
Only five stories on its news bulletins could be described as dealing with voter
education issues, mainly quoting Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede appealing to the
electorate to inspect the voters' roll and reassuring them that "your vote is between
you and your God".

ZBC TV's current affairs programmes also provided little in the way of topics that
provided the Zimbabwean electorate with information that would assist them to
understand the voting process. Only one prime-time programme, Insight, in the 10-
week period, dealt in passing with voter education topics.
There were only two news stories that could be described as raising voter education
issues on Radios 1 & 3, and two stories on Radios 2 & 4 with any voter education
content.
According to the Zimbabwe Election Support Network, ZBC refused to allow civic
organizations to buy airtime to flight voter education programmes on any station. Only
in the week before the election did ZBC relent; ZESN was given the chance to air voter
education programmes on Radios 1,3 and 4. But the ban remained for television and
Radio 2, the vernacular station most popular with Zimbabwe's rural communities. A
spokesman for ZBC's marketing department explained that all voter education was the
responsibility of the broadcaster and the Registrar-General, and that any other
organization wishing to air voter education programmes first had to submit their
material to the Registrar-General's office for clearance.

In all its news bulletins on radio and television, ZBC's election coverage was
characterized by stories quoting ZANU PF officials either promoting their party or
attempting to discredit the opposition, especially the MDC. There was a virtual boycott
of stories quoting MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai, except in the context of where his
statements or activities were vulnerable to attack. And even these were carefully edited
to support conspiracy claims that the MDC was a front for, variously, white Rhodesian,
British colonial and other Western imperial interests plotting to overthrow the ZANU PF
government. On television for example, CNN footage of Tsvangirai receiving campaign
funding from white farmers was repeatedly abused by ZBCTV to bolster these claims
whenever a ZANU PF politician invoked them.
Other footage of colonial era abuses or clips from fiction films about colonial British
military exploits in Africa were also employed in the TV bulletins to bolster ZBC's
propaganda campaign and the image projected by ZANU PF, and especially President
Mugabe, that the MDC was a "stooge" of Western and colonial forces. Bulletins
repeatedly carried stories accusing the MDC of harbouring traitors, enemies and sell-
outs. Rarely was the MDC afforded an opportunity to refute these persistently featured
allegations and when they were ZANU PF voices were aired dismissing the rebuttals.
ZBC television also grossly distorted the extent and intensity of the nationwide
campaign of violence visited upon Zimbabwe's population. Of its 207 reports relating to
political violence on television's news bulletins monitored by MMPZ, 65 of them were
reports of actual incidents, and in 31 of these MDC was blamed as the perpetrator,
while ZANU PF was blamed for only two incidents
. The media was blamed for the
violence on nine occasions, commercial farmers four times, and opposition funders,
other opposition parties, outsiders, teachers and war veterans, twice each.

In its coverage of the farm invasions, ZBC only reflected the government and ruling
party's claim that they were "peaceful demonstrations" by land-hungry war veterans
and never connected these activities with the nationwide campaign of political violence.
 Like the radio, television failed to report on most of those murdered during the election
campaign with the exception of the four white farmers. And of those it did report, it
usually failed to identify their political affiliation unless the MDC was responsible, and
provided inadequate and confusing reports into the circumstances surrounding their
deaths.
Overwhelming evidence compiled by the independent NGO Forum records more than a
thousand incidents of politically motivated violence around the country during the
election campaign in which more than 30 people died and thousands of others were
affected. In more than 90% of the cases the political affiliation of the perpetrators was
to the ruling party, the NGO Forum noted.

Clearly such levels of brutality constituted a nationwide campaign to coerce and
intimidate the Zimbabwean electorate. Yet ZBC ignored this situation and repeatedly
carried stories in its news bulletins which quoted members of the ruling party and
government officials blaming the domestic commercial Press and the international
media for exaggerating the political violence.  At the same time, ZBC featured ZANU
PF officials, including President Mugabe, employing racist and violent language,
inciting ZANU PF supporters to crush the ruling party's political opponents.

In its efforts to provide equitable access to the airwaves, ZBC television did provide the
main political parties with equal direct access programmes, but these were severely
restricted and comprised a single 15-minute slot on television (divided into three five-
minute presentations in English, Shona and Ndebele) for each political party to explain
its policies. However, these were not broadcast on any of ZBC's radio stations, thus
depriving millions of Zimbabweans who depend on radio of any exposure to their
political options.
In its Election 2000 programme, television also provided one 25-minute slot to each of
the contesting political parties in the final days of the election campaign; no similar
airtime was afforded to the contestants on any of the radio stations. But even in the
television programmes, ZBC retained control by presenting them as discussions in
which the presenters questioned the various party officials, thus directing the course of the debate.
ZBC TV also aired one hour-long all-party debate in the week before the
election which proved to be very lively and demonstrated the sort of stimulating political
debate the corporation could have staged regularly throughout the campaign period.

Without the benefit of receiving fair coverage of their statements and activities
elsewhere on radio and television, such restricted airtime afforded the opposition
parties was meaningless when measured against the tidal wave of ZANU PF
propaganda that dominated ZBC's news bulletins. 
Although there was virtually no advertising promoting political parties on ZBC
throughout the campaign, a spokesman for the corporation's marketing department
said there had been no embargo. He said the MDC had approached the organization
through their agency and had been offered airtime on Radios 1 & 3 and on television,
but not on Radio 2 where the MDC had wanted to air its advertisements.

The only advertisements on television promoting a political party were for ZANU PF
and were flighted in the final hours of the election campaign, during television's 8pm
news bulletin on the eve of polling day.

MMPZ condemns such gross and undisguised manipulation of the electronic media by
the nation's sole public broadcasting service in favour of the ruling party, especially
during an election campaign, for the most obvious reason that it deprives Zimbabweans
of their fundamental rights to their freedom of expression and to impart and receive
different ideas and information.
ZBC's severely distorted coverage of the parliamentary election campaign has, once
again, clearly demonstrated the urgency with which the corporation should be removed
from government control and returned to the Zimbabwean people who pay for its
services.
The Project therefore calls upon the authorities to put an immediate end to ZBC's anti-
constitutional, unethical and discriminatory broadcasting activities, to enact legislation
that will remove its corrosive monopoly over the electronic media and place it under the
full control of a truly independent broadcasting regulatory authority.

MMPZ believes that Zimbabweans should never be subjected to such a sustained and
intense assault on their democratic freedoms again.
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AMNESTY CALLS FOR RELEASE OF ZIMBABWEAN OPPOSITION MEMBER.

HARARE: Amnesty International says the kidnapping of a leading supporter of Zimbabwe's Movement for Democratic Change must be investigated without delay. It said the supporter, Patrick Nabanyama, was kidnapped in Bulawayo by a group of self-styled war veterans shortly before last month's election. Nabanyama was working as a polling agent for David Coltart, a candidate from the Movement for Democratic Change.


AIDS PANDEMIC WILL PRODUCE MORE THAN 30-MILLION ORPHANS.

DURBAN IN SOUTH AFRICA: The leading American aid agency, U.S.-AID, says the AIDS pandemic will create over 30-million orphans in developing countries by the end of the decade. In a report to the International AIDS Conference, it says AIDS will leave 30-million-200-thousand children without one or both parents in 34 African, Asian, Latin American and Caribbean countries. U.S.-AID says the AIDS pandemic is producing orphans on a scale unrivaled in world history. Historically, large-scale orphaning has been a short-term problem caused by war, famine or disease. AIDS has transformed it into a chronic problem that will take up the first 30 years of this century. .


ZIMBABWEAN PRESIDENT IN D.R.C. FOR TALKS.

HARARE: Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe is visiting visit the Democratic Republic of the Congo for two days of talks on that country's civil war and trade issues. Mugabe, who left for the Congo yesterday, has deployed 11-thousand troops to prop up President Laurent Kabila against rebels backed by Uganda and Rwanda. He said last month the troops would remain in the Congo until the security of Kabila's government was assured. Zimbabwe's main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change, has called for an immediate withdrawal of Zimbabwean troops from the Congo. The party said the war's cost, estimated at three-million-dollars a month, is a severe drain on Zimbabwe's struggling economy.
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