Deadly stampede at ZANU PF rally in Chitungwiza

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Violet Gonda
SW Radio Africa
16 July 201 3

Unconfirmed reports say at least four ZANU PF supporters died and at least
20 people were injured after a stampede broke out at President Robert Mugabe’s
star rally at Chibuku Stadium in Chitungwiza on Tuesday.

ZANU PF spokesman Rugare Gumbo confirmed to SW Radio Africa that there was a
stampede and some people were injured, although he could not confirm the
deaths.

“I did get a report that quite a number of people were injured and that one
lady might have been stepped on. But she has gone to hospital so I don’t
know whether she died or not. When that incident happened I was not yet in.
The crowd was so large that anything of that nature could have happened,”
Gumbo said.

Eyewitnesses said the stadium doors were locked to prevent more people from
entering as there was already a massive crowd inside. However people tried
to force their way in when one of the doors was opened to allow an ambulance
to leave. One of the sources said: “People stampeded, and apparently four
people were killed and many, many injured.”

A carer, who only wanted to be identified as Tendai for security reasons,
said he attended to some of the injured at South Med hospital in
Chitungwiza.

“They (injured) said they wanted to gain access into the stadium but it was
full. So when they went to the gate that is when the other guys started
falling and they were stepped on by other people who were trying to force
their way into the stadium as well.

“So far we managed to treat 20 people. They were injured during the stampede
but most of them had minor injuries,” Tendai said.

It’s also reported that a truck carrying ZANU PF supporters crashed on the
way to the stadium. There were no details on the injuries.

The ZANU PF spokesman claims there were more than 10,000 people who thronged
Chibuku Stadium to hear Mugabe’s address.

He said the organisers did not anticipate such a large crowd and it is for
that reason that Mugabe’s next star rally in Mashonaland West on Thursday
will be held in the open, as the stadium in Chinhoyi can’t accommodate the
huge crowds being seen at these rallies.

Both MDC leaders Morgan Tsvangirai and Welshman Ncube have also been
attracting huge crowds at their rallies as the campaigning hots up ahead of
the July 31st polls.

AU calls Zim summit after pleas from MDCs

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Alex Bell
SW Radio Africa
16 July 2013

The African Union will convene a summit on the Zimbabwe election on Friday,
after the continental leadership bloc was petitioned by the MDC formations.

This was revealed by Robert Mugabe at a rally in Marondera on Monday, where
he vowed that the elections will take place despite the AU summit outcome or
the MDCs’ objections.

“They (the MDCs) have taken the matter to the AU, which used to be our OAU
(Organisation of African Unity), so we have sent (Justice Minister Patrick)
Chinamasa to be prepared on the 19th of July. They want to postpone
elections, but that will never happen with the absolute deceitful British
who are supporting that,” Mugabe said.

He said: “The MDCs are afraid of their deeds which they showed in the past
five years. Some of them had lost their constituencies, but we allowed them
into the transitional government that we thought would last for 18 months.
They kept on saying they wanted reforms first, but now they have taken the
matter to the AU.”

Mugabe went on to voice his usual anti-British rhetoric, dismissing the
possibility of what he called a ‘British-sponsored transition’. ZANU PF has
insisted for years that the MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai is sponsored by the
British, who he accuses of using the opposition party has ‘puppets’ for
regime change.

“You can do whatever you want. Your nonsensical talk about transition in
Zimbabwe — there can never be any transition from the rule of our people to
any other. There will be no change to the powers we gave to the people in
1980. There will never be that nonsensical transition. Keep it to yourself.
Filthy aggressors, leave us alone,” Mugabe said.

Meanwhile, an African Union (AU) observer delegation will be in Zimbabwe 10
days before the July 31st poll. The AU said last week that former Nigerian
president Olusegun Obasanjo will lead a team of 60 AU monitors to Zimbabwe
for the election. In a statement, the AU said the monitors — drawn from
African NGOs and member countries — will work with nine observers already on
the ground.

Mugabe SADC Summit Remarks Amaze Political Opponents

http://www.voazimbabwe.com/

Blessing  Zulu
16.07.2013

WASHINGTON DC — President Robert Mugabe’s opponents say they are surprised
that the African Union (AU) will this Friday convene a special summit to
discuss Zimbabwe’s elections.

This follows a statement by President Robert Mugabe at a campaign stop in
Marondera on Monday.

Mr. Mugabe said the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) formations had
petitioned the AU seeking the postponement of the July 31 election, adding
he would be sending Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa to represent him.

But MDC-T secretary general Tendai Biti told VOA Studio 7 he is not aware of
any such special meeting. He says his party has not written to the AU.
Equally surprised are Southern African Development Community officials.

Spokesman Nhlanhla Dube of the MDC formation led by Professor Welshman Ncube
also denied claims that his party had written to the AU complaining about
the election timing.

SADC mediator in Harare and South African President Jacob Zuma’s
International Relations Advisor, Lindiwe Zulu, said she is also in the dark
about the said AU summit.
She said diplomatically SADC would have initiated the summit, writing to the
AU and all, adding this was not the case.

International Crisis Group researcher Trevor Maisiri said the AU has to
inform SADC first if it intends to call a summit on Harare or any other
country in the region.

EU criticised for early pledge to lift ZANU PF sanctions

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Alex Bell
SW Radio Africa
16 July 2013

The European Union (EU) has been criticised for already vowing to lift
targeted sanctions against the ZANU PF regime, if the coming elections are
deemed ‘fair’ by the regional leadership bloc.

The EU’s Ambassador to South Africa, Roeland van de Geer, said last Friday
that if the elections are “internationally recognised, we will simply do
what we have to do and lift our restrictive measures.”

“Who are we as the EU to say, ‘No, we know better than SADC’?” he said

The EU, and other Western nations such as Australia, has previously said it
would lift all the measures it placed on the Robert Mugabe regime, as part
of a highly criticised attempt to re-engage. Already, the restrictive
sanctions have been removed from most of the individuals and entities on the
list, as a reward for the conclusion of the constitution making process.

However, no mention is being made about the current conditions under which
the election will be held in two weeks time. This includes worsening
intimidation being reported by MDC-T supporters across the country, the
disenfranchisement of millions of voters in the Diaspora, and ZANU PF’s
continued refusal to make key reforms.

Mugabe’s party has also flatly refused to accredit western observer
missions, blaming the ‘sanctions’ for this decision.

Zimbabwean activist Ephraim Tapa, who fled to the UK after being tortured in
Zimbabwe in 2008, told SW Radio Africa that the EU position is
“disappointing but not surprising.”

“We have seen this coming particularly in the last year or so, where we have
seen tentative moves from western nations to try and normalise relations
with ZANU PF,” Tapa said.

Calling it a “tragedy”, Tapa said the motivation behind this changing
position is purely about the West trying to gain some financial advantage in
Zimbabwe.

“This has all to do with the recent wealth discovered in Zimbabwe (in the
country’s diamonds), and they are shifting their policy from a human rights
perspective to a profit driven perspective,” Tapa explained.

He also expressed doubt about what SADC might conclude about Zimbabwe’s
elections, because the leadership bloc has not achieved anything significant
as the guarantors of Zimbabwe’s failed unity government. He said the
electoral process so far has been a “sham” and “calculated chaos”, and no
one should believe SADC if they say the vote is ‘fair’.

Biti accuses junta of running parallel structures in ZEC

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Tichaona Sibanda
SW Radio Africa
16 July 2013

The MDC-T has accused the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) of a series of
electoral breaches, chief among them allowing the special voting to spill
into a third day, which they said was unconstitutional.

The special voting for about 90,000 government workers, who will be on duty
during the elections on July 31st, was meant to be done in two days, Sunday
and Monday, but ZEC allowed it to continue on Tuesday.

Biti agreed with media reports that the two-day special vote was engulfed by
massive irregularities that also exposed ZEC’s lack of readiness to conduct
the upcoming harmonized elections in just one day, in two week’s time.

The Finance Minister accused the military junta of having a hand in what was
happening within the electoral body. He explained that there was a total
disconnect between the ZEC head office and some of its officials in the
field, who are obviously not acting under instructions from their superiors.

‘There is another master they’re reporting to and in our respective view, it
is the junta, who have clearly taken over the running of these elections,’
Biti said.

At a press conference in Harare, Biti recounted numerous breaches from the
two day special voting, that ranged from non delivery of voting material to
corrupt election practices. The most serious breach was to allow the voting
to be extended to Tuesday without seeking a court clearance.

‘I think our calls for changes to ZEC staffing have been vindicated. Except
for the ZEC chair Rita Makarau and the commissioners, some of the staff at
the electoral body has failed to deliver.

‘We have lost institutional faith in ZEC despite our strong respect for
individuals in the body. What we’ve seen now is that ZEC is no longer in
charge.

‘There were 209 polling stations across the country trying to service about
70,000 people. In three days they failed to do that. Come July 31st there
will be six million Zimbabweans in over 9,000 polling stations,’ he said.

Some of the complaints that MDC-T officials sent to their command centre
were efforts by ZANU PF to bus in police officers in the dead of night to
polling centres. Most of them however failed to cast their votes as they
were not on the voters’ rolls for the particular constituencies they were
driven to.

At the Suri Suri Airforce base outside Chegutu, there was a zero voter turn
out as the expected voters just did not pitch up. In Marondera, most police
officers failed to vote as they were sent to keep peace and order at Robert
Mugabe’s star rally in the town.

In central Harare, police had to dispatch anti-riot squads to control their
uniformed colleagues who were attempting to force their way into a polling
station at Town House on Monday. They were complaining at the lack of ballot
papers. In Mt Pleasant, some officers broke the windows at the polling
station, in anger at the chaotic voting.

But police spokesperson, Senior Assistant Commissioner Charity Charamba,
blamed the MDC-T for the chaotic scenes that characterized the special
voting.

She told journalists that because of the ‘frivolous’ nature of court
applications filed by the MDC-T, ZEC were left with little time to print
ballots for the exercise.

ZEC Extends Special Voting Time Amid Bungling Concerns

http://www.voazimbabwe.com/

Thomas Chiripasi
15.07.2013

HARARE — The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission was Monday forced to extend
voting hours to midnight to allow security forces to cast ballots in the
early two-day election that was marred by delays over lack of ballot papers,
ink and other essentials.

Coming just two weeks ahead of the crucial harmonized elections, ZEC's
failure to run the poll has raised concerns that the July 31 election may be
equally affected, especially as the electoral body has been asking
government for more resources to no avail.

Analysts charge ZEC was rushed by President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF party
into running an election in the absence of adequate funding.

Scores of uniformed police officers waited outside polling stations across
the country as they waited for voting materials to arrive.

The special voting entered its second and last day Monday with many eligible
voters failing to cast their ballots owing to logistical challenges that ZEC
kept promising it was going to address.

Thousands of early voters from the police, army and ZEC staff, applied for
special voting ahead of the July 31st national elections as they would not
be in their constituencies on voting day.

In Mazowe, ballot papers ran out after only 6 people had cast their votes
while voting started well after mid-day in Masvingo province because voting
material only arrived just before noon.

Voting did not take place throughout Masvingo province yesterday owing to
ZEC's failure to execute its mandate and ballot papers had to be flown in
this morning to enable voters to cast their ballots.

In Harare, ballot papers were also in short supply resulting in voters
spending the whole day in queues with no activity. At the time of going to
air, some voters were still in queues at polling stations. At Mt. Pleasant
hall polling station, where some irate police officers smashed windows in
protest of delays by ZEC Sunday to provide voting material, officers were
late Monday still waiting to cast their ballots.

Reports from Lupane in Matabeleland North province indicate that most
officers returned home in the afternoon after failing to cast their ballots
due to the absence of voting material.

ZEC deputy chairperson, Joyce Kazembe said her commission will do all it can
to ensure those eligible to vote will cast their ballots.

"The special voting polling station operates on the basis of an ordinary
polling station," said Kazembe. "If there are people still within the
precincts of the polling station that would have gotten there before the
stipulated time, they would be allowed to vote."

Zimbabwe Election Support Network chairperson Solomon Zwana said the
national elections will be a sham if irregularities noted in the two-day
special voting exercise are repeated come July 31.

Meanwhile, MDC-T activists in Marondera Monday accused Zanu PF of
campaigning within 100 meters of voting stations, which is against the law.

President Robert Mugabe was at Rudhaka Stadium where Zanu PF was holding a
star rally ahead of the polls.

The activists complained that Zanu PF supporters were pulling down their
party's campaign posters in the area. Zanu PF Mashonaland East Chairman Ray
Kaukonde denied the allegations.

U.S. worried by lack of transparency in lead-up to Zimbabwe vote

http://www.reuters.com/

WASHINGTON, July 16 | Tue Jul 16, 2013 2:20pm EDT

(Reuters) - The United States said on Tuesday it was "deeply concerned" by
the lack of transparency in election preparations in Zimbabwe and warned
that a July 31 vote that is not peaceful, fair and credible risked
undermining political and economic progress made since the 2008 formation of
a unity government.

"We are deeply concerned about the lack of transparency in electoral
preparations, the continued partisan behavior by state security institutions
and the technical, logistical issues hampering the administration of a
credible and transparent election," State Department spokesman Patrick
Ventrell told a daily briefing.

Zimbabwe Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has launched his third campaign to
unseat President Robert Mugabe, 89, who has ruled Zimbabwe since
independence from Britain in 1980. Mugabe and Tsvangirai were forced into a
power-sharing government after the last, disputed polls in 2008.

Zec taken over by military junta — Biti

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

July 16, 2013 in News, Politics

MDC-T secretary general Tendai Biti yesterday suggested the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission (Zec) had lost control of the management of the
electoral process to the military junta.

“There is a total disconnect between Zec and their officers on the ground.
Unknown elements have literally taken over the show. They (Zec officials)
are now taking instructions direct from the Junta,” he said.

Biti also said his party would challenge the extension of the special voting
period as it was illegal. Special voting was supposed to be on Sunday and
Monday, but it spilled into Tuesday after Zec failed to ensure the 80 000
registered people had cast their ballot due to logistical problems.

The financially harm strung Zec failed to provide ballot papers at several
polling stations countrywide, resulting in delays, which led to rioting at
some polling centres.

“The continuation of special voting is a clear breach of the law which we
are going to challenge in court.  According to Section 81 part 14 of the
electoral law, the process should have ended by 7pm on Monday but uniformed
forces are still voting as we speak,” he said adding that they would file
their application before the end of day yesterday.

Zanu PF chaos faction continues to manipulate special voting

Monday, 15 July 2013

The chaos faction in Zanu PF is clearly trying to manipulate the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission (ZEC) to block the special voting process for police
officers and civil servants.

After most police officers and other civil servants around the country have
refused to be coerced by their superiors to vote for Zanu PF, ZEC is now
deliberately blocking them from voting.

Out of a possible 70 000 ballot papers, only 6 092 had been dispatched by
end of day Sunday, 14 July 2013. Out of a police force of 40 000, special
vote applications from the police have ballooned to 69 292. This is a stark
indication of how the Zanu PF intends to use the police to further their
interests.

140 officers from the army and 2000 from the prison services have applied
for special voting and information reaching the MDC reveals that they have
been deployed to campaign for Zanu PF across the country in the coming
elections.
The chaotic situation caused by some dark forces in Zanu PF vindicates the
MDC’s position that Zimbabwe is not ready to hold free, fair and credible
elections.

The MDC head office has been inundated with calls from police officers
across the country that have highlighted how their superiors have tried in
vain to intimidate them into voting for Zanu PF but it has not been
successful resulting in ZEC being forced to delay the process.

Police officers are questioning how their spouses were given fake force
numbers and coerced to apply for special voting.

The police officers have questioned how people employed as general hands in
the Zimbabwe Republic Police qualified for special voting when they will not
be deployed anywhere on 31 July, the Election Day.

A list of all police officers who applied for special voting submitted to
the MDC revealed how a team headed by the Police Commissioner General
Augustine Chihuri orchestrated a strategy to balloon the police force before
the application for special voting by drafting in neighbourhood watch
personnel, spouses of police officers and youths from the national youth
training institutions into the police force and made to apply for special
voting.

The MDC applauds the police officers who have however insisted that they
will not be cowed into voting for a party that for the past 33 years
neglected their welfare and conditions of service.

Police officers have also insisted that they will not be used to further the
interests of Zanu PF and will use their democratic right despite attempts by
Chihuri and other senior officials to block this.

The MDC is concerned that the coming elections will produce another
contested result due to the manipulation of ZEC by Zanu PF and give the
people of Zimbabwe their democratic right in choosing candidates of their
choice.

The MDC applauds the bold decision taken by the police officers and assures
them that they are monitoring this special vote process to ensure that they
are not intimidated and coerced into voting for Zanu PF.
Yes, together we can complete the change!!!

Panicky ZANU PF resorts to intimidation as election approaches

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Nomalanga Moyo
SW Radio Africa
16 July 2013

With just 15 days left before the July 31st poll, ZANU PF supporters are
threatening MDC supporters with a repeat of the 2008 election violence.

The party has been employing various intimidation tactics, particularly in
the Masvingo and Mashonaland provinces, where ZANU PF youths and soldiers
have been threatening to kill those who will not vote for the party.

Peace campaigners Heal Zimbabwe Trust, who monitor incidents of violence
across the country, say that in some areas such as Chipinge South, war vets
have set up an intimidation base at Gondwi Primary School.

In the same Ward 29, a Colonel Mudyahoto is also said to be going round the
community telling MDC-T supporters to remove their posters as his party is
enraged with them.

Also in Chipinge South’s Chitepo Village, Elias Madhlazi and Simon Madhlazi
are reportedly threatening villagers with violence, should ZANU PF lose the
elections.

“In the Greenfall community (former Arda-Chisumbanje), Enock Porusingazi is
said to have told MDC T supporters that violence of the same magnitude as
happened in 2008 will be unleashed on them if they do not vote for ZANU PF.

Still in Chipinge South, Chief Karakadzai Madhuku has told his subjects that
they will “see hell” soon after the elections if ZANU PF does not win.

HealZimbabwe recorded similar threats across Masvingo where the situation is
said to be tense. In Gutu West Mudavanhu Mudzamiri, a soldier based at 4.2
barracks, plus ZANU PF youth chairman Kudakwashe Manjengwa and Headman
Albert Nyanda told villagers at Gapare Business Centre “that if they still
want to live, they should support ZANU PF.”

In Shamva South, in Mashonaland Central, aspiring MDC-T councillor Shadreck
Sibanda had his house and granary burnt to ashes by suspected ZANU PF
supporters on July 8th, for being in possession of his party’s regalia.

On the same day, MDC-T supporter Gerald Muzanenhamo was attacked and injured
for refusing to disclose names of his fellow MDC-T supporters.

On July 13th, violence monitoring group the Zimbabwe Peace Project Trust
(ZPPT) reported that four members of the MDC led by Professor Welshman Ncube
were waylaid by ZANU PF terror group Chipangano.

The ZPP said the four were on their way to Gokwe from a rally in Chikomba
when Chipangano pounced on them, accusing them of disturbing the ZANU PF
re-election campaign.

“The Chipangano members ordered the shaken MDC activists to surrender their
campaign material, which included 60 T-shirts, cash, posters and other
visibility materials,” read part of the ZPPT report on Facebook.

Observers say that despite the increasing levels of intimidation, violence
has so far been muted compared to 2008 when hundreds of people were killed,
with HealZim saying it had participated in 176 memorial services related to
the 2008 violence.

Rashid Mahiya, the director at HealZim, attributed the surge in intimidation
in Masvingo and Mashonaland provinces to the rallies that have been going on
in the areas.

“Although political temperature is bound to rise as we approach the election
date, what is happening in this case is that some parties are reading defeat
in the attendance figures at their rivals’ rallies,” he said.

He added: “In 2008, more people were killed in the Masvingo and Mashonaland
provinces than in others, and ZANU PF youths are trying to use the memory of
those events to try and frighten people into voting for the party.

“We hope that there won’t be another run-off this time around, as that is
the time we are likely to see an all-out outbreak of violence,” Mahiya
added.

Massive busing in of police officers to polling stations

Tuesday, 16 July 2013

The MDC condemns Zanu PF’s machinations to try and rig the special vote by
busing in police officers in the dead of night to poling centres.

Over six ZUPCO buses were used in the middle of the night to bus in officers
to Mt Pleasant hall in the hope that they could cast their vote past the
deadline.

The following are some of the numbers of the buses used, ACQ 0481, ACE 2114,
ABZ 6933 and ACQ 0472.

The officers were ferried from several areas around Harare. They were even
provided with hot drink and food in the vain hope of persuading them to vote
for Zanu PF.

The question is, who was paying for the ZUPCO buses that were used to ferry
the officers to the poling centre.

It is believed that the intention of busing in the officers who were mostly
new recruits was to continue with the voting process until well after
midnight.

The special voting process was extended to midnight by the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission to cover up for its ill preparedness. When special
voting started in various centres across the country, there were numerous
problems including shortage of ballot papers.

President Tsvangirai questioned the preparedness of ZEC to conduct credible
elections on July 31. Addressing people at a star rally in Mucheke stadium
Masvingo, he said if the body was having challenges with voting which
included just about 80 000 people what will happen when they are faced two
weeks from now with the voting of 6 million people.

Indeed, is ZEC ready or will the country be faced with more serious problem
s come July 31.

The security services know what they want and that is a new Zimbabwe which
can only be brought about by the party of excellence under the able
leadership of President Morgan Richard Tsvangirai.

The MDC urges all registered voters to turn out in their numbers on 31 July
and go out and vote and usher in a new era.

The time is now to move to more!!!

Mugabe showing his age on campaign trail

http://www.iol.co.za/

July 16 2013 at 12:19pm

Harare - After 33 years in power, Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe is back
on the campaign trail, where his advancing years are subtly starting to
show.

On July 31 Zimbabweans will go to the polls to elect a president. One name,
a permanent feature on ballot papers since independence in 1980, will again
appear.

Robert Gabriel Mugabe - born as the Ottoman Empire drew its final breath and
when Calvin Coolidge was still in the White House - has promised an election
“fight for our lives”.

On the stump his rallies still draw in crowds fired up by his trademark
hour-long speeches that spit fire at his political opponents.

In the first 10 days of the campaign season, he has criss-crossed the
country to address four rallies. But the 89-year-old's long innings have
prompted some subtle changes.

His trademark walkabout has been dropped in favour of a wave to supporters
from the back of van and as he harangues, berates and blusters, his elbows
now lean heavily on a podium for support.

The adjustments - a shift from the last election in 2008 - stand in contrast
to a man who a few years ago reportedly climbed several flights of steps
with ease to get to his party office.

Though Mugabe appears vibrant and puffed up on his campaign posters, his
slow step and demeanour tell a different story, adding to speculation about
the health of Zimbabwe's most influential politician.

Analysts say he will rely on the machinery of state as he tries to ward off
a challenge from long-time rival and presidential aspirant Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai.

“It's going to be taxing for him considering his age, but what will mitigate
that is the state machinery that he has at his disposal,” said Dumisani
Nkomo, a political analyst based in Bulawayo.

That includes “unlimited” access to the state media. Official details of
Mugabe's health are closely guarded.

Frequent medical trips to Singapore are purportedly for eye treatment linked
to cataracts.

But two years ago WikiLeaks published a 2008 US diplomatic cable that
pointed to more serious problems.

Back then, central bank chief Gideon Gono told the US ambassador that Mugabe
had prostate cancer and had been told by doctors that he had less than five
years to live.

Rumours about his health remain a subject of constant discussion on the
streets of Harare.

“Going by recent media reports, there are concerns about his health,” said
Rushweat Mukundu of the Zimbabwe Democratic Institute.

“The party is slowly coming to terms with the fact that their leader is not
only frail but no longer in a position to stand the rigours of the election
campaign.”

With an almost three decades age difference, Mugabe's main rival Tsvangirai
has taken a dig at the veteran leader's age.

“We will break records in this world to elect a 90-year-old into
 government,” Tsvangirai, who is 61, told a rally. “Zimbabwe will be
recorded in the Guinness Book of Records.”

Syd Eckley chairman of the South African Gerontological Association in
Pretoria describes Mugabe as “extraordinary”.

Addressing large audiences especially in election crusades is a “major
strain” on the body of an old man, “and the one question I have is 'are we
certain he is 89?' Because (he) is extraordinary.”

“But he sees himself like many other older persons and one problem with
older persons is that... they don't want to relinquish control, especially
men,” said Eckley.

That is just fine with Mugabe's staunchest followers, who vow to back the
liberation war hero to the very end.

“I will continue to vote for him until amen,” said Melody Shumba, a
23-year-old mother of three from the northeastern Chiweshe farming district.

For his political foes however, Mugabe's longevity, coupled with a
determination to stay in power at all costs, is a constant thorn in the
side.

Shadrack Gutto, professor at the University of South Africa's Centre for
African Renaissance Studies says there are no signs that Mugabe will give up
power.

“Mugabe has shown that he's not ever willing to leave that seat until he
dies. And that is the problem,” said Gutto.

“If he goes for elections and wins, Zimbabwe will have a president with
mental limitations and really getting worse and worse.”

If he is re-elected, Mugabe will finish his new term at the age 94.

If, as the law allows, he wins another five-year tenure, he will be done at
99. He once joked that he would retire at 100.

The only other African leader known to have ruled into his 90s, was Malawi's
former “life president” Hastings Kamuzu Banda. - Sapa-AFP

President leaves for Lesotho

http://www.herald.co.zw/

Tuesday, 16 July 2013 17:06

Morris Mkwate
President Mugabe has left the country for Lesotho to attend King Letsie III’s
50th birthday celebrations scheduled for Setsoto Stadium in the capital,
Maseru, tomorrow. He is accompanied by Foreign Affairs Minister Cde
Simbarashe Mumbengegwi and other senior Government officials.

King Letsie is the son of King Moshoeshoe II, Lesotho’s first monarch after
its independence from Great Britain in 1966. He took over leadership briefly
between 1990 and 1995 while his father was in exile.

He later occupied the throne following the death of King Moshoeshoe in 1996.
The king’s birthday is a public holiday and a grand occasion where scores of
the Basotho express honour for their ruler.

SARS seizes R17m worth of cocaine on Zimbabwe border

http://www.timeslive.co.za/

Sapa | 16 July, 2013 16:52

Crystal cocaine worth an estimated street value of R17 million was seized at
the Beit Bridge border post with Zimbabwe, the SA Revenue Service (SARS)
said.

"The drugs were found concealed in a bag of surgical equipment kits being
brought into the country by a female passenger on a long-distance bus
travelling between Blantyre [Malawi] and Johannesburg," it said in a
statement.

The drugs were found by a SARS customs officer who was doing a routine check
of the bus.

"When the bag was found, the passenger to whom it belonged showed the
customs officer a 'sample' surgical kit which appeared to be genuine.

"However, on checking the remaining kits, the customs officer found a
crystalline substance at the bottom of all the kits -- which had been
concealed by the surgical instruments."

The woman and the drugs were handed over to police.

Credible polls crucial for education sector: Coltart

http://www.thezimbabwean.co/

16.07.13

by Edgar Gweshe

The credibility of the next general election slated for July 31 is critical
in improving efficiency and restoring sanity to the country’s education
sector, the Minister of Education, Sport, Art and Culture, David Coltart,
has said.

Coltart told The Zimbabwean in a telephone interview that credible elections
would ensure that policies implemented during the tenure of the inclusive
government which had improved the education sector would continue to be
improved.

He said that continued donor support for the country’s education sector
hinges on the outcome of the next elections hence the need for Zimbabwe to
ensure the polls are as credible as possible.

In May, the European Union delegation to Zimbabwe contributed $17 million to
the second phase of the Education Transition Fund which has seen Zimbabwe
reaching a 1:1 pupil/textbook ratio.

This month, EU head of delegation, Aldo Dell Ariccia, told The Zimbabwean
that the continental block was ready to increase funding to developmental
projects in Zimbabwe working with a government that comes out of free, fair,
transparent and credible polls.

“The elections must be credible and after the elections, it’s important to
ensure that policies that had been put in place continue to be implemented.
Already, we have money that is waiting to be spent on a variety of projects
and without donor support, it’s hard to think where the money to fund the
education sector will come from,” said Coltart.

Coltart warned that sham polls would likely reverse progress made so far in
restoring sanity to the education sector in Zimbabwe.

“In the last four years, we have stabilised the education sector and now, we
are supposed to implement a variety of programmes to improve the efficiency
and quality of the education sector.

Obviously, there will be a huge concern whether policies implemented over
the past four years will continue to be implemented.

“My worry is that if the policies we have implemented over the past four
years are going to be reversed after the election, that will have a very
negative effect on efforts to restore sanity to the education sector,” said
Coltart.

Coltart expressed concern that some political activists from some parts of
the country were failing to heed calls to desist from using learning
institution for political activities.

“I am still concerned about schools being used for political rallies but I
haven’t yet received reports of teachers being kidnapped,” said Coltart.

Last month, the Secretary General of the Progressive Teachers Union of
Zimbabwe, Raymond Majongwe told The Zimbabwean that victimisation of
teachers in some rural areas had escalated ahead of elections.

He said teachers were being victimised for their alleged allegiance to the
MDC-T.

Hot Seat transcript: ICG’s Trevor Maisiri on election campaign

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

 

 

International Crisis Group Southern Africa analyst Trevor Maisiri talks to Violet in the programme Hot Seat

Violet’s guest on the Hot Seat is analyst Trevor Maisiri, from the International Crisis Group. The discussion looks at the voters’ roll irregularities, where researchers revealed there are more registered voters than actual people in many constituencies across Zimbabwe. What is the motivation behind the formation of electoral alliances? Should the MDC parties form pacts against ZANU PF even if they don’t share the same values and do not trust each other? Maisiri also provides a comparative analysis of the ZANU PF/MDC-T manifestos and dissects dynamics in the military, which is said to be divided into three distinct factions – ZANLA, ZIPRA and so-called moderates.

Broadcast: 11 July 2013

Listen here

VIOLET GONDA: My guest on the Hot Seat programme is Trevor Maisiri, a senior researcher with the International Crisis Group. Trevor let’s start by getting your thoughts on the political climate in Zimbabwe now that all political parties are in campaign mode.

TREVOR MAISIRI: The tension is escalating given the contentions around the issues of pre-election reforms that are still outstanding. The MDC parties are still pushing in that direction for reform; Zanu PF in the other direction is insisting that there must be no further reforms. We also see sporadic incidents of violence that are starting to emanate. We are also seeing political parties hate speeches yet again. This is the current shaping in the political environment in Zimbabwe as we head towards elections. Not to mention as well the issue of voter registration process that has been widely criticized for not achieving the objectives intended to. Also there are questions around the eventual voters’ roll that will be used for this particular election. So we have a tense environment and we have a lot of contentions which is likely to give us quite some disputes as well as we go towards this election.

GONDA: Finance minister Tendai Biti, who is also the MDC-T Secretary General has said that his party has written to SADC to complain about the massive irregularities in the just ended voter registration exercise and he also says that they are concerned because the voters roll is in shambles and that Zanu PF may use this to steal the elections.

MAISIRI: I think it is procedural for the MDC-T to write to the SADC facilitator, that is what is expected if there’s any issues that they’ve got to raise; however the question is around what kind of action SADC is able to take at this particular juncture. Looking at the Maputo meeting that was held on the 15^th of June, there was a lot of expectation that SADC would then be able to be on the ground in Zimbabwe to help the political parties find consensus around issues that were highlighted in Maputo, but as far as we know SADC has not been on the ground and the political bickering has continued in Zimbabwe.

So the writing of this letter by the MDC-T is indicative of the rising tensions that I’ve mentioned before; it is indicative of the role that SADC should play in Zimbabwe but it is also a development that must tell us of what is to come because the MDC-T seems to be preparing ground, should this election not go the way they think in terms of election reforms and also outcomes and other issues of that nature. I think they are also preparing ground to then dispute whatever result that comes out unfavorably.

GONDA: The Harare-based Research and Advocacy Unit also revealed some disturbing discrepancies between the latest voters’ roll and the population census. In many constituencies more people registered to vote than the actual population found in those areas. Is the voters roll going to be a game-changer in your view?

MAISIRI: I should hasten to mention that it’s not only the Research and Advocacy Unit that has come up with these kind of findings; there are other organizations as well like the Zimbabwe Election Support Network and other independent researchers who have also identified similar problems which therefore means that the kind of allegations that are being raised seem to be valid to some extent. What it therefore means is if you look at irregularities in elections across the world or across the globe, you would realize that a lot of irregularities are around inflation of voter numbers which is also about deflation of voter number. So the moment that we see those kinds of discrepancies it raises a lot of questions around the capability of this coming election and it also raises the bigger question of whether this was being done intentionally, or just a systematic error or it’s also around the issues of lack of capacity.

But what it really points towards is that there is a lot of discrepancies and using this voters’ roll in that kind of a status actually means that there’s going to be a compromised outcome of that particular election.

GONDA: From past experiences, Zanu PF pushed back against a comprehensive audit of the final voters’ roll and we know that the MDC is appealing to SADC to intervene but what other options are there?

MAISIRI: The challenge that is there is around the Electoral Act as well. If you look at the issues that the MDC is insisting upon which is the issue of creating a time to audit the voters roll; there’s no specific time given in the Electoral Act to be able to do that after the closure of the registration period because what the Electoral Act then specifies is that there must be continuous audit. The voters’ roll is open for citizens to inspect it and check for their names and correct details on it over a period of time. So any mechanism of auditing the voters’ roll that needs to take place after the expiry of this voter registration period must be through an instrument that ZEC itself must be able to put across and propose and then implement.

So what the MDCs are basically asking for is for the leniency in the system through ZEC to be able to create that mechanism for audit. But like you actually said, Zanu PF is resistant to that kind of a development. But however the options are very limited at this point in time because one thing is there are recommendations that are being made to extend the voter registration period but what you look at is that the election date is now fixed so the more you extend the voter registration period, the lesser time you will have to compile a final voters’ roll and therefore less time for inspection. So it’s a case of a chicken and egg situation and the options are quite limited.

The other issue that we’ve picked out is that some of the political parties have also looked at the options of maybe boycotting the election, should there be no address of this issue of a shambolic voters’ roll. But boycotting of an election is quite retrogressive especially to an extent whereby all the other parties outside of Zanu PF are not united. So should one party or two parties boycott, then the other five or six can still go for that particular election. So it is an issue of all the other political parties outside of Zanu PF being coherent on this particular issue of the voter registration. Also if they take action as a coherent group we are likely to see a better response but at the moment there are different reactions; each party is running its own race and they are not coming together on common issues.

GONDA: Some observers say that even if the registration exercise was extended there’s no guarantee that the new voters will have their names included on the voters roll. Some reports say most of the Zanu PF registrations were actually done several years ago and that it would appear that the MDC parties should have mobilized their supporters way before these elections. Do you agree with this?

MAISIRI: Yes because when you look at the issues around the voters’ roll and voter registration it is not a proximate problem it is actually a structural problem and with structural problems. You cannot resolve structural problems by extending the voter registration period by one week because if it’s structural that means the same kind of issues are still embedded in the system – it’s a systematic issue. So because of that, a one week extension may not actually bring the kind of result that is required.

And also like you rightfully mentioned between the periods of 2010 and 2012, Zanu PF has been mobilizing some of its support base to go and register and during that period, because there was not so much focus on voter registration by the MDC and also by civil society, you realize that voter registration requirements were easier at that point in time. But the moment when the MDC and civil society woke up started demanding voter registration –  which was in March of 2013 – at that time the screws had been tightened and also the requirements were a bit more strict as according to the Electoral Act. Therefore Zanu PF had really done its homework and I believe most of their members had registered in that two year period to an extent that what we are seeing now is really an issue of the MDCs failing to bring their members to register as well.

So I believe one, the damage has already been done, it was done from 2010, and number two it is a structural problem which may not require just a week to resolve. It’s actually an issue that requires a lot of time to be able to resolve and particularly to the extent that the election date is fixed. Then we go back again to what I said before – it’s a chicken and egg situation, it’s difficult to resolve these issues in the time that is left.

GONDA: Let’s go to the issue of grand coalitions and electoral alliances. What is the point of having voting alliances?

MAISIRI: Voting alliances are there based on a couple of things: number one – it’s parties that see their ideologies are coherent therefore they want to be able to give impetus to a coherent ideology as they go into an election. Number two – some alliances are around facing what we have called the common enemy. Should parties realize that there’s simply the common enemy in the game, they will come together, gather around to try and gain momentum to be able to fight that particular common enemy in the electoral game. Number three – some alliances are really about confidence building. Some parties – their stand alone status, they are not seen as credible or are not seen as being able to run the whole mile of the election race.

So some parties come together to be able to build confidence in each other and build one great pact that builds confidence, not just within themselves but also to the electorate. So these are some of the motivations behind the formation of an electoral pact. But in the Zimbabwean scenario to be specific, I don’t think it’s about ideology, and neither is it just about building confidence. I think it’s more about the common push to want to see Zanu PF off the political scale.

GONDA: Right so let’s dissect the different alliances that we’ve seen. First of all the MDC led by Welshman Ncube and ZAPU alliance – what did you make of that?

MAISIRI: I think they do have something in common. Geographically if you look at where the parties have their strongholds, they’re both based in Matabeleland. And I think if you also look at the sort of challenges that Matabeleland has faced, I think Matabeleland has been looking for parties that sort of represent the issues that have emanated from that region – mainly around devolution, mainly around the issues of empowerment of the Matabeleland region and also mainly around the issues of the application and utilization of local resources within the region.  So I would believe one of the greatest motivations around this pact is geographically convenient, or geographical location.

GONDA: What did you make of the different information on the issue of the grand coalition – the accusations and a strongly worded statement statements issued by the MDC Secretary General Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga implying that MKD President Simba Makoni ‘lied’ about the group meeting to discuss the issue of forming a coalition?

MAISIRI: Firstly it’s difficult to tell exactly what’s been happening within and amongst the pact because you’ve got different information flying around, you’ve got denials, accusations and allegations but however what is unfortunate in this instance is that all the parties outside of Zanu PF are now washing their dirty linen in public. It is something that is very deplorable, something that is very regrettable that these parties are now having to use the press to throw words at each other. We thought there was a maturity in these parties to be able to sit down, either agree or disagree in a very respectful manner and then move forward. The issue here is not really about getting a pact going at whatever cost, but the issue here is about getting a democratic space where those that want to join pacts can join pacts, those that want to form other pacts can join other pacts but the moment we see this kind of information flying around, these kinds of accusations and this sort of like-hate-language between those that are outside of Zanu PF, it shows that the lack of political maturity is still prevailing and also the democracy that these parties are trying drive at is still also very premature.

GONDA: It would appear that those who support the MDC formations would really want to see these parties uniting against Zanu PF because they feel that without unity they will not be able to defeat President Mugabe’s Zanu PF. But it would appear that they really do not have much in common so would you think it will be advisable to just form an alliance, a pact if they don’t share the same values?

MAISIRI: I think the biggest two challenges that these parties have is one – there seems to be a lack of trust across the lines and number two there simply seems also a lack of respect across the lines and without those two ingredients it’s going to be difficult to form a sustainable pact. Even if that pact goes on to win an election, the eventual government that they form is also going to be shaken by the failure to establish trust and respect. So those are two great weaknesses that create a challenge for a possible pact especially between the two MDCs.

GONDA: We talked about the ZAPU/MDC alliance – how significant is the Mavambo/Dawn/Kusile, MDC-T and Zanu Ndonga alliance?

MAISIRI: At the moment it’s still questionable whether Zanu Ndonga is still a part of the alliance with the MDC-T and Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn because we’ve also seen allegations within the Zanu Ndonga camp of who represents who and who doesn’t represent who. So it’s very difficult to tell whether the component in that pact is the authentic component of Zanu Ndonga. Whether it is or whether it is not we are not sure yet, we will find out in the coming days. But the Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn – the bit of contribution of Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn into the coalition, into the pact is rather not at a party level but I think it is the individuality of Simba Makoni that seems to create traction into that pact.

And why so – it’s because if you look at the history especially of the MDC-T in government, one of the biggest challenges that they have faced is the issue of policy propositions, policy formulation and also trying to bring about other policy fundamentals that are different from what Zanu PF have proposed or have used or implemented since 1980. So because of that issue you will find that a lot of people that are very savvy about technocratic issues, savvy about issues of policy formulation, savvy about creating a business environment, savvy about the technical issues of government have started to question the capacity of the MDC-T in that regard but by bringing in Simba Makoni who seems to have some credibility in terms of his period in government, credibility in terms of his period in the private sector, and some credibility in terms of his period in SADC, I think that sort of like plugs up the hole where the MDC have been seen to be lacking to some great extent.

So that is the contribution that Simba Makoni brings into this pact. Whether that contribution is then able to move voters to be able to align themselves more with this pact is something else but at least that seems to be the key result area that Simba Makoni brings into this pact.

GONDA: What about reports from the Herald saying one of the prime minister’s alliance partner Reketai Semwayo was already an MDC-T member but the party formed an alliance with its own member and also that the Zanu Ndonga leader Wilson Kumbula said that Semwayo was sacked by the party?

MAISIRI: It’s all so difficult to tell exactly what is happening in that regard because you know our initial suspicion was that since Morgan Tsvangirai has had a good relationship with Zanu Ndonga and remember at the anniversary of the death of Ndabaningi Sithole, Morgan Tsvangirai was the guest of honour, so our suspicion was that when Semwayo registered as a candidate for Chipinge Central under an MDC ticket we assumed that was because of the cordial relationship that the two parties had and they’d already agreed to set aside a seat for a Zanu Ndonga candidate. That is what our suspicion was at that particular point in time but given the issues that are emanating now where other Zanu Ndonga players and critical members to say, then disown Reketai Semwayo as a leader of the party that then creates a new dynamic altogether. So the question is around whether there’s also dissonance within Zanu Ndonga itself or whether the MDC was not clear enough about the structures of Zanu Ndonga and exactly who to engage in those particular structures. And also if they did enough homework in terms of finding out the critical players with whom they can discuss the issues of the pact with. We are not sure but all it does is bring this confusion, which again emanates from the difference that you see within political parties and multiplicity of factionalisms and divisions within even the smaller parties in Zimbabwe.

GONDA: Supporters of all these political parties – whether it’s Zanu PF MDC-T, MDC-N – they’ve all been complaining about the imposition of candidates and now that there’s this new dynamic, this new issue of political pacts – doesn’t that also create even more problems for some of the party members who will have to stand down in some of their constituencies to make way for these newcomers?

MAISIRI: Yes it creates a very big challenge especially given the history of how politics is played at some levels in Zimbabwe – where politics is not seen as a game of service but it is seen as a game of gain. So while some of the candidates give their names over for parliamentary candidature, they do that because they want to see some gain out of the political game. So if those kind of candidates are then compromised by the electoral pact some of them would rather sacrifice the whole battle to fight for an electoral gain as an institution and look at their personal losses but again for some of them that are fair minded, giving up a position for the benefit of the bigger battle of getting the institution of the party into a better electoral position is the sacrifice that is expected out of any deserving party that looks at when you want to win an election. But however like I said it depends on how individuals perceive it – those individuals who are really sacrificial and are really genuine about the fight for democracy and getting their parties into government will be able to consider stepping down because there is a bigger gain for the institution of the party.

GONDA: We talked about infighting and factionalism in the political parties but I understand that there are also divisions in the military – do you know anything about this?

MAISIRI: Not that there are clear divisions in the military but also it’s the interactions of top security officials that then creates either the perception of the reality of divisions within the military. For example if you look at General Chiwenga and Commissioner Chihuri of the police you realize that the two of them have not been tagging along in terms of carrying a coherent, consistent message of supporting Zanu PF. And what you pick out as well is that there’s a very big view that there’s a former Zanla component within the security structures that seems to also follow that particular line. So in some instances it creates a perception of one faction.

But you’ve other players in the security also like Perence Shiri who was actually in the Herald newspaper a week or two ago making statements such ‘as anyone should vote for whoever they want, nobody must be forced to vote for a party or a candidate that they don’t desire to vote for, all must be free to make their choice’, which is a departure from what we have heard from other military officers especially at a senior level.

So you look at a person like that, you also look at the director of Central Intelligence Organization Happyton Bonyongwe. He has not been as forthcoming as other previous directors of the Central Intelligence in terms of pursuing and pulling and forcing through a line that is very supportive of Zanu PF as a party. So you then realize that these two and others who are in that particular line are sort of considered as the moderates in that scheme of things because they don’t seem to take a very hardliner position on Zanu PF issues.

And then at the same time also if you then look at the structures of the military you will then realize that in the structures of the military there are those that are former Zipra, who were in the Zipra fighting wing in the war and if you do an analysis of where they are in the security establishment you realize most of them actually are in very low ranks of the military or most of them have resigned. And they are also maybe not so influential position and then you realize that there seems to be that particular perceptive group as well in the military of the former Zipra on their own.

And then if you further look back between December and January of 2012, General Chiwenga was making all efforts to try and engage with the former Zipra ex-combatants in Matabeleland and this was seen as a way of trying to coerce them back into a unitary force to be able to walk with and also be on the same side as the whole of the military establishment.

So when you analyse and look at all these establishments it will give you basically three perceptive groups within the military: those that are seen as moderates, those that are seen as hardliners on behalf of Zanu PF and those that are seen as being excluded from that whole scheme of things which will create this overall perception that there may not be as much unity in the military establishment as there is. But again these are issues of perception, these are issues of analytical deduction which may be real or may just be perceptive.

GONDA: We have seen the Zanu PF manifesto and the MDC-T manifesto and we are waiting to see the manifesto from the MDC led by Welshman Ncube but let’s start with the Zanu PF manifesto – briefly is it clear what the party stands for?

MAISIRI: I think it’s clear; it’s very clear what the party stands for. I’ve said that the biggest difference between the Zanu PF manifesto and the MDC manifesto is that the Zanu PF manifesto is a defensive manifesto. It is a manifesto that is talking about issues like – we are going to look at threats to winning the goals of our people, we are taking back our economy, we are defending our legacy. So it is a very defensive manifesto and usually when you look at the science of politics such manifestos are actually brought into life by either the perception of the reality of an enemy who is wanting to attack you or is wanting to take away what is rightfully yours. So Zanu PF’s manifesto is not as developmental as it is defensive. What the party says is that ‘we are going to defend the gains of the liberation struggle, we are going to defend the economic indigenization and  empowerment programme, we are going to defend the land issue’. It is more defensive than it is talking about new issues to drive either the economic social sector or the political sector forward.

GONDA: What about the MDC manifesto? What stands out in their manifesto?

MAISIRI: The MDC manifesto is an open manifesto, it is not as defensive as the Zanu PF one but they are talking about new issues that they want to embark on. It is starting from a baseline where they are saying that the economy has been destroyed by Zanu PF so we need to build going forward whereas Zanu PF is defending why the economy is where it is and also maybe why they need to still continue on certain policies.

GONDA: And what is distinctive between the two parties manifestos?

MAISIRI: Zanu PF has a very localized manifesto. There’s not much about the interaction of the kind of economy they want to build with a global perspective whereas the MDC seems to be very clear about creating a globalised economy. The Zanu PF manifesto talks about delivering for the people, most of the issues in the Zanu PF manifesto are about we deliver, we are going to deliver this, we are going to deliver that, we are going to deliver this whereas the MDC manifesto seems to talk about we want to deliver with the people, there’s an inclusivity of the general populace of citizens in terms of the programmes that the MDC is proposing in its manifesto.

And then lastly the Zanu PF manifesto is very clear about resource ownership. It addresses the issue of resource ownership and I think given the global extent of what is happening with issues of resource, depletion and also competition for resources, I think the Zanu PF manifesto is quite clear, they are emphatic about resource ownership whereas the MDC, it’s not clear about the resource ownership regarding that particular issue of resource ownership.

Those are sort of the comparisons across the two manifestos but at the same time I also want to emphasize that both manifestos, whatever they have proposed – there’s one big lack in these manifestos which is the mechanisms to ensure that what they are proposing comes to life. In one of the biggest issues in Zimbabwe and I think across the world is that good documents have always remained good documents as long as there’s no good leadership to implement them and both manifestos are very silent on the kind of leadership that they want to develop in government, in parliament, in the civil service, in the state institutions, in service delivery institutions, in local government to be able to deliver the fruits of the manifesto that they have proposed.

GONDA: As I said earlier we are yet to see the manifesto from the MDC led by Welshman Ncube but from what you have seen so far; do you have any understanding as to what the party’s policies are or what they stand for?

MAISIRI: Not really. Until we see something from the MDC we are not clear in terms of what they stand for. One of the big issues they’ve been talking about in the past is the issue of devolution which I think is a winner with some of the very resource-rich provinces – such as Matabeleland province and Manicaland province. That’s the only issue that I would say I’ve seen from the MDCs at the moment.

GONDA: And a final word?

MAISIRI: As we go towards elections, there are all pointers towards a lot of disputes. For example President Mugabe last week actually hinted that should SADC not work along the expectations of what Zanu PF is expecting, he is going to pull Zimbabwe out of SADC. Then the MDC also gave a letter to the SADC facilitator around the complaints of the electoral environment that is prevailing. If you look at those two developments, it tells you that both parties at the back of their minds are already seeing a dispute arising either before the election, during the election or after the election and what it tells me is that there is high capacity and potential for a disputed election and in that regard, our urge is that the regional body SADC must be able to see its role, not just at this particular period only but it must be able to see its role in terms of how it’s going to deal with the potential of another disputed election. Also what is its role in the post-election period – I think these are critical reflections that we must all start to think about as we look towards and after the election.

GONDA: Trevor Maisiri from the International Crisis Group, thank you very much for talking to us on the programme Hot Seat.

MAISIRI: Thank you so much Violet.

Sapes Trust Policy Dialogue Forum

Who will take us to Canaan?

http://www.dailynews.co.zw/

GIFT PHIRI, NEWS EDITOR  •  16 JULY 2013 11:30AM

HARARE - Zimbabwean voters on July 31 have a choice to elect a party that
has revived the country’s failed economy or one that slashed it by 45
percent in a decade.

That is the message being put across by captains of industry, workers and
the unemployed.

The message has been repeated by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai on a
campaign trail around the country.

The forthcoming vote is widely seen as a last chance for Zimbabwe to forge
ahead with a comprehensive structural reform programme to revive the
economy, heal a rift with Western countries crucial for fiscal support, and
strengthen financial sector stability.

Pitting Tsvangirai and his long-time foe President Robert Mugabe, the result
of the election is set to have a rallying effect on Zimbabwean markets.

An agreement brokered by the 15-nation Southern African Development
Community (Sadc) after the last violent and disputed elections in 2008 gave
birth to a fractious unity government that has stabilised the economy after
nearly a decade of decline and hyperinflation critics blame on Mugabe.

Tsvangirai is claiming credit for that stability on the campaign trail,
arguing that his entry into the coalition government in 2009 saw the economy
grow by 6.3 percent in that year after a decade of economic contraction,
accelerated by 9 percent in 2010, grew by 10.6 percent in 2011 and the
growth cooled to 4.4 percent in 2012 and is projected to grow by 5 percent
this year.

While analysts say the growth was largely in response to changes in the
political construction rather than changes influenced by effective policy
frame-working by the MDC, on the stump, secretary general and Finance
minister Tendai Biti  is saying the MDC has adopted use of the multiple
currency system, introduced cash budgeting, and discontinued quasi-fiscal
operations of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) resulting in strong
economic growth averaging about 7 percent, single-digit inflation below 5
percent, and a doubling of fiscal revenue collection from 16 percent of GDP
in 2009 to an estimated 36 percent of GDP in 2012.

The 89-year-old Mugabe, the only leader Zimbabwe has known since
independence from Britain in 1980 and his party Zanu PF reject repeated
assertions that their policies have driven the nation once known as Africa’s
breadbasket to virtual economic ruin.

Psychology Maziwisa, junior Zanu PF spokesperson, said the economic
dislocation since 2000 was a result of “economic sanctions” not bad policies
as alleged by the MDC, accusing Britain and the United States of seeking to
oust Mugabe by imposing punitive measures.

“Everything is clear, it’s because of sanctions,” Maziwisa said.

“The (economic) stability is attributable to dollarisation, it’s
attributable to honourable (minister of Justice and Legal Affairs Patrick)
Chinamasa. Dollarisation was introduced by minister Chinamasa in January
2009. All this is an attempt to hoodwink the electorate, its propaganda.”

As in the 2008 presidential election, which Tsvangirai won after beating
Mugabe, the energetic 61-year-old leader is once again creating a buzz as he
criss-crosses the southern African nation ahead of the July 31 vote as his
soon-to-be nonagenarian rival scales back on campaigns.

A centrist politician who admires free-market economics with strong welfare
policies, Tsvangirai vows to end Mugabe’s “elitist” indigenisation and
economic nationalisation programme for a broad-based empowerment programme
while keeping the best of the veteran leader’s anti-poverty projects.

At every turn, Tsvangirai baits Mugabe using Zimbabwe dollars to depict him
as an incompetent economist who wrecked the economy by recklessly minting
cash, and is eager to reinstate the discredited currency if he wins
re-election.

“This money was not able to buy anything for breakfast,” Tsvangirai told a
whistle-stop rally in Masvingo on Sunday while waving Zimdollars.

“Bush economics has no place in a new Zimbabwe. The economy can only be
revived by people with a vision.”

Trevor Maisiri, a senior southern African analyst at the International
Crisis Group, said Tsvangirai cannot directly conclude that Zimbabwe’s GDP
growth over the past five years was due to effective policies by the MDC,
saying the main driver has been the confidence brought by the semblance of
political stability following the formation of the GNU.

Maisiri said Zimbabwe faced a difficult choice.

“Should MDC win the elections, you are likely to have an FDI-driven growth,
given that the party is  open to foreign investments and willing to engage
any global players on a business-to-business basis without the strict
limitations of political ideology,” Maisiri told the Daily News.

“For Zanu PF, an election win will only bring growth dependent on what
political line the party takes. If the party continues on a ‘hardliner’
channel, there will be less opening up of the economy to global trade and
investment, except maybe to the traditional players — Eastern bloc.

“However, if Zanu PF adopts a business-like approach with less political
‘hardliner’ stance, then this will likely attract some level of economic
activity — given that even the Western countries seem willing to engage with
a post-election Zanu PF that internally reforms and pursues ‘sober’ economic
and political policies.”

Mugabe’s Zanu PF manifesto threatens to “take back the economy” by creating
$7,3 billion in value from 1 138 indigenised firms  across 14 key sectors of
the economy,  creating 2, 265 million jobs, proposing  an economy run along
the same rigid lines that crippled eastern bloc economies for much of the
20th century.

Benefiting from one of the world’s largest diamond reserves, critics say
Zanu PF is kept afloat by a torrent of diamond dollars.

Tsvangirai wants to revive preferential alliances with Zimbabwe’s Western
friends, improving ties with southern African neighbours, creating one
million jobs by 2018, increasing economic growth rates exponentially,
further reducing inflation, delivering a $100 billion economy by 2040,
improving electricity generation and building a social contract.

The election affords Zimbabwe a respite from a painful and weak economic
recovery, it is likely to heal a rift with the country’s foreign creditors,
who are talking a debt write-off of Zimbabwe’s over $10 billion arrears.

The international re-engagement is crucial to a country with 80 percent
unemployment rate and the rising prospect of social unrest.

The IMF, which has said it was prepared to discuss emergency loans and
changes as soon as a new government was in place, noted in its latest
country report on Zimbabwe that “significant downside risks to the outlook
remain” including “possible resurgence of political instability ahead of the
elections expected in 2013, policy slippages, a deeper global downturn,
fluctuations in global commodity prices (especially for precious metals and
stones).”

Tsvangirai’s party, which has surged on a wave of economic revival sentiment
and spooked Zanu PF with its talk of tearing up indigenisation agreements,
has earned a thumb up from investors.

Economists say the future health of the Zimbabwean economy weighs heavily on
the outcome of the forthcoming election.

Businessman Mutumwa Mawere says if Mugabe were to be re-elected, the country
will continue on the same destructive path.

“The fact that president Mugabe campaigns relying on the past is well
established,” Mawere said.

“However, present day and future challenges will not be addressed by
listening to the ghosts of yesterday.”

In a sign of the high stakes for financial stability, the White House and
the European Commission have both urged Zimbabwean political leaders to
stage a free and fair contest and that they will be prepared to work with
any democratically-elected government.

Roeland van de Gee, an EU envoy said: “If the outcome of the elections is
clear, is accepted, who are we, all Europeans, to say... we continue with
our sanctions, but it has to be clear, that’s true.”

Any new leader will face an uphill battle to inject confidence into a
paralysed Zimbabwean economy that depends heavily on the continued infusion
of money from its only remaining lifeline, taxes.

The Zimbabwean economy and a deficit-ridden government have lost most of
their ability to raise new revenues or borrow money to continue operations.

But political analysts said no matter what government was formed, it would
face a crisis of expectation and will be hard-pressed to persuade lenders to
extend loans, which could be tied to deeper economic reforms and drastic
spending cuts.

For many Zimbabweans, the election is a choice between hope and fear.

Tsvangirai has billed the election as “watershed” likening it to the 1980
vote that ushered in majority rule, capturing the momentum of those hungry
for change at almost any cost from a political system that is widely seen as
corrupt and ineffective.

It also had support from voters who felt betrayed by the Zanu PF socialists,
whose party has been in power since 1980.

In the end, fear of imminent collapse, or the slow death of the economy and
society, appear to drive a majority of Zimbabweans towards new democracy.

For Zanu PF national chairman Simon Khaya Moyo, this “do-or-die” election
will be about preserving the liberation legacy.

“If by unforeseen circumstance we don’t win this election, the legacy of our
president is gone and is gone forever, the legacy of our party is gone and
gone forever, and we would have squandered the future of our children and
our people,” Khaya Moyo warned.

Zimbabwe's winter of discontent?

http://www.thezimbabwean.co/

16.07.13

by Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum

A careful study of the situation in Zimbabwe reveals evidence of historical
convergence and transitional tides that will soon usher Zimbabwe into a new
democratic season. The interesting dimension of this change is that it is
coming from within and from unlikely sources.

The current winter of discontent within the disciplined forces, ZANU PF
factionalism and the ‘Baba Jukwa’ cyber phenomenon are all clear pieces of
evidence that change is being driven from within, is bottom –up, spontaneous
and organic . Civil society organizations should therefore be focusing on
these internal drivers for change. In light of this, the current EU
aloofness might actually be a welcome development, as it would enable civil
society to focus on what matters-internal social change, a pre-requisite for
a sustainable democratic transition.

Rather than see it as a negative development, the withdrawal of the
international community must be viewed as strategic to the extent that it
will leave the process of change at the mercy of internal forces thereby
giving it local ownership and credibility. Zimbabwe is definitely entering a
strategic period of history when major transitional changes are beginning to
occur bringing about potential momentous transformation. The current fear,
panic, and political factionalism are an indication that some politicians
are not prepared for change which is why some are reacting to it with
suspicion, contempt and some with threats of violence.

However change is inevitable, no matter how long it takes to unfold.
Powerful kingdoms such as the Roman and Ottoman empires came and went and
there are clear signs that this is also beginning to take place in Zimbabwe.
The winds of change across Africa, which brought about democratization of
the region and the Arab Spring have left states like Zimbabwe as outposts of
tyrannical rule. When the pace of change outside is far greater than the
pace of change within, then the end of tyranny is near since tyranny needs
some sort of regional letgitimisation. This is the message SADC should be
driving home to Zimbabwe in no uncertain terms.

According to Reports, the current special voting has been a logistical
nightmare.The nightmare cannot simply be dismissed as a logistical issue. It
is deeper than that. Reliable sources have it that the the powerful but
chaotic Zanu PF faction is clearly trying to manipulate the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission (ZEC) to block the special voting process for police
officers and civil servants.

According to these sources, ZEC is now deliberately blocking them from
voting, after most police officers and other civil servants around the
country have refused to be coerced by their superiors to vote for certain
political parties. Police officers have also insisted that they will not be
used to further the interests of one party over the other and will use their
democratic right despite attempts by senior officials to block this.

The Facebook character Baba Jukwa is similarly haunting ZANU PF from within.
Having emerged on Facebook in January 2013, Baba Jukwa has rapidly become
established as a major source of online political news in Zimbabwe. It is
thought to be run by a member of the ruling ZANU-PF party, many of his posts
centre on accusations of state corruption and violence. Reportedly, the
government is undertaking an intense campaign to find the poster’s identity.
On May 31st the State Security Minister publicly announced his worries that
‘Zimbabwe is under cyber attack’.

Although the forthcoming elections are not likely to be decisive, the
post-election period will not leave the political terrain the same anymore.
Stakeholders need to remain alive to the drivers of change and reinforce
them rather than get in their way. Zimbabwe is certainly teetering at the
threshold of a new season where there will be a new lingual. Rather than
speak of top-down security sector reform, there will be talk about bottom up
regeneration and social change- a precursor to real and sustainable
political change.

Will the West stand up for a free election in Zimbabwe?

http://www.washingtonpost.com/

By Editorial Board, Published: July 16

WESTERN GOVERNMENTS took a strong stand against Zimbabwean President Robert
Mugabe in 2008 when he employed massive violence and fraud to perpetuate
himself in power through a presidential election. Five years later, the
89-year-old strongman is at it again. Flouting agreements with the
opposition and pledges to foreign mediators, he has scheduled an election
for this month without allowing the reforms necessary to make it free and
fair. Opposition leaders once again are being hunted and persecuted.

This time, however, the United States and European Union seem to be giving
Mr. Mugabe the benefit of the doubt. Many of the sanctions imposed on the
country were lifted after a referendum on a new constitution in March. E.U.
officials have promised the rest will be removed if the election, which
began with early voting this week and concludes July 31, is judged free and
fair by African observers. During his recent tour of Africa, President Obama
declared that “there is an opportunity to move forward” in Zimbabwe “if
there is an election that is free and fair and peaceful.”

As was already clear when Mr. Obama made that statement on June 30, Zimbabwe’s
vote will meet none of those tests. Amnesty International reported that
military and police forces have carried out an “alarming clampdown” on the
opposition, including “systematic raids and arbitrary arrests” of activists.
In a similar report, Human Rights Watch said that soldiers had deployed
around the country to beat and harass supporters of opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai. “The chances of having free, fair and credible elections,” it
said, “are slim.”

As part of accords brokered by the South African Development Community
(SADC), Zimbabwe was to have implemented reforms of the security forces and
media and cleaned up its electoral register before any election. Mr. Mugabe
called the vote before any of this was done. The heads of the army and
police are longtime regime loyalists who refused even to meet with Mr.
Tsvangirai. State television has been broadcasting Mr. Mugabe’s campaign
events while demanding that his opponent pay $165,000 for coverage of his
opening rally. A study of the voter rolls by Zimbabwean groups showed
massive distortions: An unrealistic 99.97 percent of the rural population
was reported to have registered, compared with only 68 percent in the
cities, where the opposition is stronger. A million younger voters who
became eligible since 2008 have been left off the rolls.

None of this should surprise any observer of Zimbabwe, where Mr. Mugabe, in
office since 1980, has never hesitated to use force, ballot-rigging or
appeals to racism and xenophobia to remain in power. Though his health is
reportedly weakening, leaders of his ruling party are preparing to
perpetuate the regime after his death, including through changes to the
just-approved constitution. The question is whether their maneuvering will
be tolerated by the SADC, which is led by South Africa, and by Western
governments. With their own monitors banned by Mr. Mugabe, E.U. officials
say they will depend on the regional group’s judgment of whether the
elections are fair. That won’t be a hard call to make; the question is
whether Zimbabwe’s neighbors and the West will have the fortitude to tell
the truth about the election, and to act accordingly.