In an exclusive interview, the former UN
secretary general says he is ready
to help Zimbabwe through its crisis but
warns against judging the whole of
Africa
Tracy
McVeigh
guardian.co.uk,
Friday July 18, 2008
As Zimbabwe
lurches deeper into crisis this week, with an apparent stalemate
in the
tentative negotiations between the government and the opposition, the
man
who salvaged Kenya's political crisis earlier this year insisted a peace
deal was 'doable'.
Nobel peace winner and former UN secretary general
Kofi Annan told the
Observer in an exclusive interview that there was a real
possibility of a
solution in Zimbabwe, but he was scathing about the plight
the beleagured
country's people had been left in, saying the worsening
situation there
"shamed Africa".
Early talks between the oppositon
leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, widely believed
to have secured an outright win
in the March 29 general election, and
President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF
party broke down yesterday.
Annan, now head of the Africa Progress Panel,
the watchdog set up to monitor
the development promises made by the G8
countries, urged the west to rethink
its image of Africa and not to allow
Zimbabwe to bolster the stereotype of a
continent in
crisis.
"Zimbabwe shames most Africans but at the same time its wrong to
judge the
whole continent on what is happening there, it is not a litmus
test for the
region. Mozambique came through a civil war extremely
admirably," he said.
"You have Botswana doing extremely well, Malawi is
making great steps to
improve food production, Africans hear all about
Zimbabwe and are as
concerned as the rest of the world. It shames us
Africans.
"We all applaud the courage of the Zimbabwean people, they
turned out en
masse to express their will at the first election and we have
to make sure
that the Zimbabwean government understands that the will of the
people has
to be enforced."
Annan is still heavily involved in the
ongoing mediation efforts in Kenya,
he negotiated a way out of the stalemate
between President Mwai Kibaki and
his challenger, Raila Odinga, after the
disputed election results last
December provoked a wave of tribal violence
in the country.
"In Kenya, one of the issues was whether there should be
a rerun of the
election. In my negotiations between the parties, I got them
to understand
it was never going to happen and it was important for them to
put their
country first."
Against all the odds, agreement was finally
reached which, says Annan,
provides hope for Zimbabwe. "For once in Kenya we
had a success when it was
not the leaders focusing on how to deal up the
spoils and that is progress."
"And more and more in Africa the
understanding is that you elect people who
respect the will of the people.
More than half of African countries are
being run by democratically-elected
leaders. The challenges in Africa are
still there. But we should not
despair, we are making progress. There was
6.6% economic growth last year,
which was higher than that of the Middle
East."
Annan said he
believed fervently "a peace deal is doable".
"They are talking of sending
UN envoys in now and already I have talked to
people involved and I would of
course offer advice and my services."
Asked whether he would himself be
willing to step in as a negotiator he
said: "Of course I would help because
I am an African."
"Each crisis has its own dynamics, its own personality,
but in Zimbabwe, the
leaders are also going to be held to account by the
people and will have to
accept that will of the people."
What may be
more difficult is keeping the attention of the western
countries. With the
financial pledges for Africa made by G8 nations at the
Gleneagles summit in
2005 already hitting a serious shortfall, and with
western countries having
to face a credit crunch, Annan admitted there is a
real danger of Africa
slipping from the world's conscience.
"There is some measure of
justification that with economic crises around the
world, citizens in donor
countries are themselves suffering and will be
looking inwards. There will
be pressure on politicians or certainly it will
be their political instincts
to placate their own voters and to look in a
domestic direction.
"In
Africa, the problems are being now compounded too by issues caused by
worldwide finances. High transport costs, fertiliser prices have quadrupled
so African farmers are only tilling half their land at a time when we
desperately need them to be producing food.
"Climate change is
already occurring and Africa is suffering because of the
change in rain
patterns, there's progress but also we confront new problems
with the global
slow down."
Annan spoke of the difficultites of getting an international
consensus. "In
the past decade, multilaterism has taken a hit, we have
suffered a very
grave setback after the Iraq war. But everyone is beginning
to realise now,
even the Americans, that we live in an interdependent world.
No one
government can settle major issues on its own. So the pendulum will
swing
back."
His greatest hope is in the young. "There are so many
wonderfully talented
people in Zimbabwe, in Africa, and there are other
avenues opening to them,
in business and as entreprenurs. The business
sector is slowly developing.
I'm a stubborn optimist. It does give me hope.
I think Africa is going to be
the next frontier and we are going to see
Africa more going the way of those
boom economies like India and
China.
"People tell me the world is 50% optmist and 50% pessimist, but
what I know
for sure is that as an optimist I will die happier."
Business Day
18 July 2008
Wilson
Johwa
President
keeps his party and the public in the dark as he negotiates a
settlement
between Zanu (PF) and the MDC, but his time is running out
Political
Correspondent
ONLY President Thabo Mbeki knows what is happening in the
Zimbabwe mediation
process, leaving the African National Congress (ANC)
hamstrung and largely
shooting in the dark.
The new ANC
leadership has begun flexing its muscles ahead of its takeover
of the
government in the middle of next year.
Last week it pressed Mbeki into
announcing the appointment of party deputy
president Kgalema Motlanthe to
his cabinet, and it has also moved to oust
two premiers.
However, the
Zimbabwe crisis is still very much Mbeki's to solve. Unwilling
to give up or
share the burdensome task, Mbeki is hoping a breakthrough in
the talks will
preserve his legacy and help stem the tide of criticism
directed at his
presidency since Polokwane.
"He's not someone who admits defeat very
easily," says Mbeki biographer Mark
Gevisser. He feels the president
harbours ambitions to become an
international problem-solver when he
retires.
"He believes that if he can't solve a problem in his own
backyard, who will
trust him with any other problem?"
University
of Zimbabwe political analyst Eldred Masunungure says Mbeki's
mediation has
split public opinion in Zimbabwe, as in SA.
"Some criticism may be
unfair, driven by a simplified understanding of the
Zimbabwean problem," he
says.
Yet there is a belief among some - including the Movement for
Democratic
Change (MDC) - that Mbeki is a perfidious broker not prone to
even-handedness.
"He is too cautious, whereas Zimbabweans are
impatient for a quick
solution," said Masunungure.
Even the ANC is
part of the "impatient wing" of the regional and
international
community.
Concerned at the damage of Mbeki's "quiet diplomacy" to
SA's reputation, the
party opened direct communications with the two sides
in Zimbabwe.
While it condemned the violence in the country, the party
also voiced
support for Mbeki's mediation, sanctioned by the Southern
African
Development Community (SADC) last year.
But on the
ground, Mbeki and the ANC do not necessarily agree with each
other's role on
the Zimbabwe crisis.
Privately, senior ANC officials complain of being
kept in the dark by Mbeki
on progress in the mediation.
"He feels on
Zimbabwe as he feels on everything else, that he knows better
than everybody
else," says Steven Friedman, at the Centre for the Study of
Democracy.
However, the ANC has not itself been consistent on the
Zimbabwe issue.
Gevisser says the party is caught between positioning
itself globally as a
responsible successor to Mbeki, while also needing to
address the
requirements of its core constituency, keep a working
relationship with
Mbeki, and choose which battles to fight with
him.
This week, at the end of its national executive committee
meeting, the party
criticised the United Nations Security Council resolution
on Zimbabwe,
arguing its success would have totally removed the issue from
African hands.
"We had a responsibility to defend the continent," says party
secretary-general Gwede Mantashe.
Yet the ANC's alliance partners
have taken a much more principled position,
pressing for a tougher line,
which might influence government policy when
Mbeki steps down next year. But
Masunungure says Zanu (PF) will want the
crisis resolved by the time Mbeki
leaves. "They know that the configuration
of forces in southern Africa will
change with a new government in SA."
When he meets
African Union (AU) chairman Jean Ping today , Mbeki is likely
to be asked to
accept assistance in the mediation. But presidential
spokesman Mukoni
Ratshitanga says this is a decision for SADC "because SADC
appointed him
mediator". In any case, an additional mediator is unnecessary,
says Depity
Foreign Affairs Minister Aziz Pahad.
Since the one-man June 27
election won by Mugabe, there has been increased
support for a broadening of
the mediation effort in Zimbabwe. The MDC has
demanded the appointment of a
special AU representative to work with Mbeki.
Gevisser feels Mbeki shares
Mugabe's neocolonialism fears, that once you let
the AU in, it stops being a
southern African problem, and "the next thing
you know is that the issue is
brokered in London or New York".
Mbeki's administration has been
credited with playing a positive role in
building peace on the continent. As
a result, some see Mbeki's legacy as
more mixed than a complete failure.
The result of last Friday's UN Security Council vote has left
Gerry Jackson despondent. Vetoes by Russia and China meant a resolution which would have
imposed an arms embargo on Zimbabwe and a worldwide asset freeze and travel ban
on president Robert Mugabe and his 13 associates was rejected. 'It's floored us all,' says Jackson, head of London-based SW
Radio Africa. 'Zimbabweans on the ground are so disheartened. They know the
world knows the extent of their suffering. Yet, even with that, it's not possible to censure the 14 men
creating this violence.' Stories must be heard Eight years ago, Jackson, a freelance journalist, launched an
independent radio station in Harare; six days later, Mugabe shut it down. 'I realised independent radio just wasn't going to happen in
Zimbabwe,' says Jackson. 'But the situation was deteriorating and it was extremely
important that news got out.' Jackson came to Britain and, in December 2001, launched Short
Wave Radio Africa. Today, nine people, working from a tiny studio in a London
suburb, provide one of only three sources of independent news to Zimbabwe's
citizens (the others include The Voice of the People, with ex-ZBC staff
broadcasting from Madagascar, and the US-based Voice of America). In the aftermath of Mugabe's election defeat in March and the
vicious lead-up to the run-off election on June 27, its role has become more
vital than ever. 'It's hard for people in the West to understand what it's like
not to get any information,' Jackson says. 'We're just trying to keep people aware of what's happening, so
they know about the issues affecting their lives, such as the UN resolutions,
talks, whatever.' The Zimbabwean government has jammed the station's main
frequency almost constantly since 2005, forcing VT Communications, the British
company that transmits content on the station's behalf, to find alternatives.
'The only way around this is to broadcast on more frequencies
than the government can jam,' says Jackson. 'We are currently on one clearly heard additional frequency.'
Secret listeners It's difficult, however, to calculate exactly how many people
are listening. 'You're in a situation where, if you picked up a clipboard to
do research, you'd be killed,' says Jackson. We do know we have a wide listenership, particularly in rural
areas.' And it is in rural Zimbabwe where people most need information.
Patson Muzuwa, chairman of the Zimbabwe Association, which
supports Zimbabwean asylum-seekers and refugees in Britain, first heard the
station while hiding in the mountains. 'No one is allowed to penetrate the rural areas but there are
more people there than in cities,' he says. 'With SW Radio Africa, rural people can begin to understand how
they are disenfranchised by the regime.' The station sends headlines via text message to about 25,000
Zimbabweans within the country; what news SW Radio Africa receives, apart from
international sources, is from its listeners. 'We have a mobile phone in Zimbabwe,' says Jackson. 'People leave their contact details and we call them back. And,
of course, we're phoning all day. In effect, Zimbabweans have become their own informal
correspondents.' What are people talking about? 'It's been the same two topics
for years now,' says Jackson. 'Hunger and violence.' The hunger is extreme: 'There's nothing
in the shops,' she continues. 'The price of one butternut squash is more than a month's
salary. One of our journalists came into work this Monday to report
that four members of his extended family had died, predominantly of hunger.'
Adesperate situation And the violence is worse than ever. 'There has never been so
much killing before. It is completely unbelievable,' says Muzuwa. 'It's appalling,' adds Jackson. She speaks briefly about Gokwe
Hospital, turned into a 'torture centre' for abducted opposition supporters.
At the same time, militia prevent people who've been tortured
and taken to hospital by relatives for treatment from receiving care. Mwzuwa wants more Britons to listen to SW Radio Africa: 'So
that they will know of information not publicised by the international news
agencies.' We're trying to keep a sense of hope alive,' says Jackson.
'Because Zimbabwe is a destroyed country. 'It's far worse than people outside can understand. I'd like
people to remember that these are individuals – mothers, wives, children – who
are suffering, and suffering profoundly.'
Business Day
18 July 2008
Wilson
Johwa
Political
Correspondent
LITTLE has been heard of the Southern African Development
Community (SADC )
standby force since its launch last year.
The
brigade will however be the subject of discussion this weekend when SADC
ministers meet to plan for its activation in preparation for deployment on
peacekeeping missions.
The meeting in Durban will be chaired by
Angola, the present head of the
SADC organ on politics, defence and
security, which is responsible for the
unit. The organ's recommendations
will be made to the SADC summit scheduled
for next month when President
Thabo Mbeki is expected to take over the
chairmanship of the 14-member
regional body from Angolan head of state Jose
Eduardo Dos
Santos.
At its launch during the previous SADC summit in Lusaka, the
SADC brigade
comprised 564 soldiers from Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi,
Mozambique,
Namibia, SA , Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and
Zimbabwe.
The force was constituted under the African Union's (AU's)
protocol on peace
and security, which required all regional economic
communities to have units
that fed into the standby army. So far, the
Economic Community of West
African States is the other regional bloc that
has made the most progress.
Although meant for peacekeeping
operations rather than intervention in
member states, the African standby
force may do so subject to a two-thirds
majority vote among AU heads of
state and government. It can also deploy at
the invitation of an African
government.
Head of the Institute for Security Studies Jakkie
Cilliers said that the
SADC brigade had been delayed by the situation in
Zimbabwe which "undermined
trust and confidence in the
region".
The weekend meeting will also discuss regional peace
initiatives, especially
in Zimbabwe, Malawi, the Democratic Republic of
Congo and Lesotho, where
former Botswana president Ketumile Masire is
mediating.
It will also plan for the launch of a regional early
warning centre,
scheduled for December. Cilliers said unlike similar centres
in Africa, the
SADC facility was designed to use information provided by
national
intelligence agencies - a problematic arrangement which ignores the
fact
that sometimes governments themselves are a source of
insecurity.
"It is important that mechanisms be found to complement
state intelligence
with analysis that relates to human security," he
said.
IOL
July
18 2008 at 09:27AM
By Hans Pienaar
Southern African
church leaders are discussing a resolution demanding
sanctions against
Zimbabwe and a declaration on the illegitimacy of
president Robert Mugabe's
government. They plan to deliver the resolution to
President Thabo
Mbeki.
Led by Dr Allan Boesak, the church leaders began meeting in
Benoni on
Thursday to discuss the Zimbabwean crisis. Some of them were
members of an
observer mission that failed to get accreditation to monitor
the March 29
and June 27 elections. Some of them went anyway, in their
private capacity.
On Thursday the clerics expressed "overwhelming"
support for targeted
economic sanctions as a practical strategy to loosen
Mugabe's "illegitimate"
grip on power and to promote a "negotiated political
settlement", according
to a statement issued by the SA Council of
Churches.
On Friday they will discuss putting these demands into a
petition to
Mbeki after having received feedback from their respective
church bodies.
In the statement, Boesak urged delegates not to
allow a lack of unity
to silence the church.
He said there were
similar debates during apartheid, when churches
were divided on how to
respond to the system of oppression.
"Those divisions are
inevitable. There is a line that is drawn, not by
us, but by our obedience
to the Gospel. Our main job is not to keep the
church together. Our main job
is to do the will of God," Boesak said.
Churches were also urged to
play an active role by giving sanctuary to
displaced
Zimbabweans.
Professor John Makumbe, associate professor of
political science at
the University of Zimbabwe, was quoted as saying
churches were ignoring
hardships endured by Zimbabweans. He described them
as a "largely silent
onlooker" that was "weak" and "sadly
uninformed".
They rarely allowed people to take shelter in their
buildings for fear
they might "dirty the carpets".
Makumbe,
giving a report on the situation in Zimbabwe, said nearly 4
300 people had
been victims of politically motivated violence between March
1 and June 15,
while 100 opposition activists had been murdered and 5 000
party and
election workers were missing.
Community activist Joyce Dube was
quoted as saying many Zimbabweans
had died trying to flee to South
Africa.
"An alarming number of people die trying to get across the
border.
There are many cases where parents think that their children have
rejected
them and don't wish to contact them, only to find that they have
died trying
to jump the border or even died in Lindela Repatriation Centre,"
read the
statement.
This article was originally
published on page 2 of Pretoria News on
July 18, 2008
http://www.sowetan.co.za
18 July 2008
Bill
Saidi
Watching TV footage of celebrations marking Madiba's
90th birthday, one felt
your soul groaning with pain. Not many people, let
alone Africans, would
begrudge Nelson Mandela any kind of
celebration.
He is the ultimate African icon.
Anyone
who believes that this can be overdone is a political sourpuss, a wet
blanket, a spoilsport.
All I could not excuse was the energy with
which all this was conducted the
last time around. Madiba must have
struggled to put on a happy face. He
really ought to have been allowed to
take it easy, not to stand up or to
speak.
But Africa sorely needs
Madiba's presence to remind all African leaders that
this man, who blazed a
trail as leader of a country once torn by racism,
introduced political
tolerance that would bring peace to Africa and even the
world if all who
aspire to leadership emulated his example.
One analyst recently wondered
what might have happened if Mandela had
decided to serve his two terms as
president of South Africa.
"He would eventually have given Robert Mugabe
short shrift," he said. "He
was always going to be tougher with Gushungo
than Thabo Mbeki could ever
be," he said.
That, as they say, is
water under the bridge. Yet it is worth speculating
on. Had Mandela been
president and engaged Mugabe over the crisis in
Zimbabwe, he would not have
agreed to come away with some vague promise of
"unity".
Mandela would
have insisted on a written undertaking from a man whose word,
according to
some pundits with MDC sympathies, is now as worthless as the
currency over
whose demise he has presided since 2000.
The theory that only Zimbabweans
can solve their own problems is not to be
sniffed at. But the origin of the
talks that culminated in the independence
agreement was in Lusaka in 1979 at
the Commonwealth Heads of Government
Meeting (Chogm).
There were
Africans, Asians, British, Canadians, New Zealanders,
Australians, Fijians,
north and central Americans at the meeting.
At Lancaster House in London
the Zimbabweans, who had been killing each
other for 15 years, were joined
by the British in talks that ended with a
deal on independence.
So,
to put it as diplomatically as possible, it was "with a little help from
their friends" that Zimbabweans solved their problems.
You can
imagine Zanu-PF leaders sneering at that conclusion: to them,
colonialism
was ended through the barrel of a gun.
What Madiba might have done to
convince Mugabe to be more conciliatory could
have been a reference to how
long he had spent in prison, if taken side by
side with the time Mugabe
himself had spent in jail.
Had that failed, Mandela could always have
pulled "liberation" rank on the
younger man.
Had that too failed, he
probably would have resorted to strategies that some
might describe as
"rough stuff" or "guerrilla tactics", which have always
featured ambushes as
their stock-in-trade.
He might have been more subtle but I have no doubt
he would have convinced
Mugabe that sticking to his "only God can remove me"
response was not only
suicidal and sacrilegious, but also highly insulting
to other African
leaders, including Mandela, who has the Nobel Peace Prize
to show for his
pains.
Mugabe used to have a number of honorary
degrees but has now lost most of
them. It has to be a sign from
Above.
a.. Bill Saidi is deputy editor of The Standard in
Zimbabwe.
Bloomberg
By Brian Latham
July 18 (Bloomberg) -- Zimbabwe's tobacco
deliveries so far this season
declined 28 percent compared with the same
period last year, the
government's Tobacco Industry and Marketing Board
said.
Farmers in Zimbabwe have delivered 30.2 million kilograms (67
million
pounds) of tobacco to auction, or directly to merchants, since sales
began
on May 5, down from 42.2 million kilograms in the same period last
year, the
Harare-based marketing board said in an e-mailed statement late
yesterday.
Farmers earned $96.1 million after the average price of a
kilogram of
flue-cured tobacco rose 35 percent to $3.11 a kilogram, the
board said.
Zimbabwe, which until 2000 was the world's second-biggest
exporter of
flue-cured tobacco after Brazil, has slipped to sixth place
after Brazil,
India, the U.S., the European Union and
Argentina.
Tobacco production has plummeted from an 236 million kilograms
in 2000, the
year President Robert Mugabe began an often-violent seizure of
most
white-owned farms in Zimbabwe.
The country expects to produce 75
million kilograms of tobacco this year, up
from 74 million last
year.
Zimbabwe's tobacco rivals the U.S. for quality and is used in
cigarettes
such as Marlboro and Benson & Hedges.
Last
Updated: July 18, 2008 03:37 EDT
Zim Independent
Local
Thursday, 17 July 2008 21:11
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe has delayed
the appointment of a new cabinet
and the swearing in of parliament to leave
room for power sharing with the
opposition MDC if the ongoing talks for a
government of national unity (GNU)
succeed.
Sources told
the Zimbabwe Independent that the inter-party
negotiations mediator, South
African President Thabo Mbeki, recently advised
Mugabe to delay the
appointment of a new cabinet because a breakthrough in
the talks could
require a reconfiguration of posts.
"If there is a breakthrough,
Mugabe will appoint a cabinet made up of
his Zanu PF members and those drawn
from both factions of the MDC," a
government source said. "Mugabe will also
select 10 provincial governors
from Zanu PF and the
opposition."
The sources said leaders of the two MDC factions,
Morgan Tsvangirai
and Arthur Mutambara, were likely to be appointed as
non-constituency
senators first and later into cabinet.
Under
the Constitution, the president is mandated to appoint five
non-constituency
senators and the provincial governors to the senate. Only
MPs and senators
are eligible to take up cabinet positions and this, the
sources explained,
led to Mugabe delaying the commencement of the life of
the seventh
parliament of Zimbabwe.
The sources said Mugabe would also drop
ministers who lost in the
March 29 parliamentary polls and create more space
for MDC officials in the
new cabinet.
Among the ministers who
fell by the wayside in the polls are Patrick
Chinamasa, Samuel Mumbengegwi,
Aeneas Chigwedere, Amos Midzi, Mike Nyambuya,
Joseph Made, Munacho Mutezo,
Chris Mushohwe, Oppah Muchinguri and Rugare
Gumbo. Chinamasa is likely to be
rescued.
"Apart from power sharing in cabinet, some MDC officials
will be
appointed permanent secretaries in various ministries and others
will be
posted abroad as diplomats," the government source
said.
The proposal for a GNU was endorsed by the African Union at
its summit
at the Red Sea resort of Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, a fortnight
ago.
Mugabe and Tsvangirai have since endorsed the negotiations,
but
differences remain on preconditions for the dialogue.
Meanwhile, a senior parliamentary official who asked for anonymity
this week
dismissed reports that Mugabe had breached the constitution by
failing to
proclaim the date for the ceremonial opening of the new
parliament.
Media reports claimed that the country's
constitution prohibits a gap
of more than 180 days between sittings of
parliament and should have resumed
sitting on Tuesday. The last sitting of
the old parliament was on January
17.
"The sittings of
parliament are not synonymous with the life of
parliament," the
parliamentary official said. "The 180 days in the
constitution refers to
sittings in a parliament whose life has already
commenced. The life of the
seventh parliament is yet to begin."
By Constantine
Chimakure
Zim Independent
Local
Thursday, 17 July 2008 21:09
RAMPANT
inflation which the Reserve Bank this week said clocked 2,2
million% is set
to hasten towards the 100 million% mark by year-end
following government's
launch of the "Bacossi to the People" project this
week, economists
said.
The Reserve Bank has splashed millions of United
States dollars in its
latest quasi-fiscal undertaking, the National Basic
Commodities Supply
Enhancement Programme in which rural and urban dwellers
will receive
groceries at heavily subsidised prices.
A food
hamper containing 12 products has been priced at $110 billion
or US$4 at the
interbank rate.
Meanwhile, sources told this paper that some RBZ
officials were now
jostling to be deployed to rural areas as "shopkeepers"
at the populist
"people's shops" where they were promised a windfall of $20
trillion in
allowances for five working days. Analysts say government, by
providing
cheap groceries, was actually creating a much bigger problem for
the economy
which has been in free-fall since 2000.
They said
government had no capacity to import groceries for the whole
nation using
foreign currency - which is in short supply due to limited
capacity
utilisation in the farming and manufacturing sectors. They said the
currency
to purchase the groceries could only have been purchased on the
parallel
market using money hot off the printing press.
Bulawayo-based
economic analyst Eric Bloch said the government scheme
would have limited
impact in taming runaway inflation at national level.
"It is going
to reduce inflation for the fortunate beneficiaries,
although it will have
limited effect at national level," said Bloch.
"The programme will
necessitate printing of money and a greater
government debt. It will have
some marginal benefits, not major
opportunities - limited employment
opportunities could be created."
ZB Bank group economist Best Doroh
yesterday said the "deep rooted"
causes of hyperinflation could only be
addressed by resuscitating local
industry.
"I don't think it
will have material impact at national level because
its sustenance is a
major challenge since the bulk of the products are
imported," said
Doroh.
"The causes of our inflation are deep-rooted. This programme
can only
be beneficial if we address the supply side by boosting capacity
utilisation
of industry."
Critics have also pointed out that
the low price of the hamper was an
incentive for recipients to resell the
goods instead of consuming them.
"The market price of that hamper
is upwards of $2 trillion," said an
executive with a manufacturing
firm.
"Those with access to the cheap groceries will be tempted to
sell
products like toothpaste, sanitary pads and washing powder to raise
money to
buy mealie-meal or kapenta which are not included in the hamper.
Government
is promoting trading on the black market here."
He
added: "Looking at the rate at which prices have been rising since
the
beginning of the year, an inflation rate of 100 million% is very
possible by
year-end unless there is serious capital injection to revive
industry. This
stop-gap measure is not the answer."
There is also confusion at the
National Incomes and Pricing Commission
(NIPC) over the scheme as this is
bound to distort the setting of prices for
locally-produced goods. Yesterday
NIPC chairman Godwills Masimirembwa, said
the commission was contemplating
how to peg prices of basic goods following
the establishment of the
scheme.
"We are still working on that area at the moment,"
Masimirembwa said.
"Please get back to me next week."
This
development, analysts warned, could foment another war of
attrition between
the central bank and the commission over the pricing of
goods and
services.
Central Bank governor Gideon Gono has in the past come
out opposing
the pegging of prices of basic goods and services. The latest
plan - in
which he is the central figure - is a contradiction of his past
position.
Earlier this year the Reserve Bank relaxed controls in the foreign
currency
system resulting in the NIPC losing control over the soaring prices
of basic
goods and services.
Speaking at the launch where he
also announced the official inflation
figure since January, Gono attacked
business for effecting price increases
which have pushed inflation to 2,2
million % from 100 580,2%. Independent
economists say the figure could now
be over 9 000 000 %.
The Reserve Bank chief cited the price of a
750ml bottle of cooking
oil saying retailers were using the "most ridiculous
of inflation
predictions" to price their commodities. He said the cooking
oil should be
priced at $12 billion, which was equivalent to R13 on the
inter-bank rate on
Wednesday. The product was being sold for over $200
billion on the parallel
market in urban centres.
"The level of
extortion actually frightens even the devil himself,"
Gono said. "The extent
to which prices are going up everyday defies logic.
"If it means
that the industry has to go down for the sake that they
do not want to
reduce their prices to reasonable levels, we will not stop
looking for
partners who will bring these goods at affordable prices so that
we confront
market indiscipline with market instruments," he said.
Despite
facing a host of operational impediments, Gono challenged
industry to be
"humane" in the face of these challenges.
Meanwhile contrary to
press reports that food-manufacturing group
National Foods (Natfoods) had
produced some of the basic commodities,
sources said the company had only
"repackaged" the predominantly imported
goods. Industry pressure groups
indicate that industry is operating at 15%
of capacity owing to lack of
sufficient foreign currency, a command-pricing
regime and frequent power
outages.
This week this paper saw armed soldiers manning Natfood's
Sterling
Road warehouse where stocks of processed imported products are
reportedly
stocked for re-packaging.
By Bernard Mpofu
Zim Independent
Local
Thursday, 17 July 2008 21:07
THE seven men accused of
plotting to stage a coup last year have asked
the High Court to refer their
case to the Supreme Court where they intend to
challenge the
constitutionality of the Criminal Law (Codification and
Reform)
Act.
Albert Matapo, Nyasha Zivuku, Oncemore Mudzurahona,
Emmanuel Marara,
Patson Mupfure, Shingirai Mutemachani and Rangarirai
Mazivofa were arrested
for allegedly plotting to topple President Robert
Mugabe.
The lawyer representing the seven accused, Charles Warara,
in an
application lodged with the High Court on Tuesday, said he wanted the
matter
referred to the Supreme Court in terms of provisions of the
Constitution of
Zimbabwe.
He argued said the Act was not in
line with the constitution as it
tended to replace the Roman Dutch Law being
used in the country.
Warara's application read: "Be pleased to take
notice that the
applicants hereby apply for referral of this matter to the
Supreme Court in
terms of Section 1 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, that is
to say the
applicants allege that the Declaration of Rights as enshrined in
the
Constitution of Zimbabwe, that is Section 18 (1) (2) and (5), that is to
say
their right to protection of the law is being or likely to be
contravened in
that the charge as it stands does not comply with Section 89
of the
Constitution of Zimbabwe as Section 3 of the Criminal Law
(Codification and
Reform) Act purports to set aside the operation of Roman
Dutch Law in
Zimbabwe."
The lawyer argued that the Criminal Law
(Codification and Reform) Act
was clearly not in keeping with the Roman
Dutch Law in operation as the
changes effected in the offences did not exist
under common law.
"The effect being that the law becomes supreme to
the Roman Dutch Law
as it no longer can be used in charging anyone with an
offence but all cases
dealt with under common law carry persuasive authority
now and have no
binding authority on the judiciary of Zimbabwe," the
application says.
The seven alleged coup plotters, according to the
state, incited
members of the security forces to overthrow Mugabe's
government.
The state's case against Matapo and his co-accused is
that sometime in
May last year they concerted with a common purpose
unlawfully and with the
intention of overthrowing the government of Zimbabwe
instigated Captain
Shepherd Maromo, Captain Olivine Maroala, Corporal Elias
Gape, Charles
Nyashadzashe Mufudze, Sergeant Owen Bafana and Ronald Matanga,
members of
the Zimbabwe National Army and the Airforce of Zimbabwe, to cause
the armed
forces to overthrow government through a coup.
Yesterday, the High Court further remanded the coup plotters in
custody to
July 28. They have been languishing in prison since their arrest
in May last
year.
By Lucia Makamure
Zim Independent
Local
Thursday, 17 July 2008 21:05
CIVIL Aviation Authority of
Zimbabwe (CAAZ) chairman Professor Hasu
Patel and chief executive officer
David Chawota have reportedly defied a
High Court order to restore the
operating licence of a local charter and
aircraft maintenance company,
Executive Air, and now face being sent to
prison.
The
CAAZ executives also reportedly declined to restore professional
licences
for the company's pilots, Rodney Springer and Caroline Puzey, and
that of
William Hurell, an aviation engineer.
Documents in the possession
of the Zimbabwe Independent reveal that
the CAAZ revoked the licences
without following provisions of the
Administrative Justice Act, which makes
it mandatory for the authority to
launch an investigation seeking to
determine the revocation.
The CAAZ suspended Springer's licence on
August 30, Hurrell's on
September 11 and that of Puzey at a date not given
in November 2007.
Executive Air's Approved Maintenance Organisation
and Air Operator's
Certificate was suspended on November 14
2007.
The charter company then approached the High Court against
the
suspensions and Justice Ann-Marie Gorowa handed down a default judgement
against CAAZ on January 8 this year. She ruled that the suspensions were
unlawful and set them aside, but CAAZ did not comply with the
order.
Executive Air again approached the High Court and pleaded
with it to
find CAAZ in contempt of court. Judge President Justice Rita
Makarau granted
the plea last week on July 9.
"The respondents
(CAAZ, Patel and Chawota) are to purge their contempt
and restore all the
suspended licences within four days of being each served
with this order
failing which the 2nd (Patel) and the 3rd (Chawota)
respondents are hereby
committed to prison and there to remain until the
order of this court is
complied with or is set aside," ordered Makarau.
The order,
according to Executive Air, was not complied with, but CAAZ
had tried and
failed to have the ruling of Gorowa rescinded.
Efforts to get
comment from CAAZ spokesperson Nanette Silikhuni were
in vain as she was
reportedly engaged in a meeting at the time of going to
print.
However, Patel yesterday insisted that the matter was resolved.
"The matter is sorted out, don't worry about it," he said.
By
Bernard Mpofu
Zim Independent
Local
Thursday, 17 July 2008 21:03
ZANU PF is pressing ahead
with its fight to regain control of the
House of Assembly by appealing to
the Supreme Court against the Electoral
Court's dismissal of election
petitions filed by the party's losing
candidates in the March 29
parliamentary elections.
The ruling party's losing
candidates, Tendai Savanhu (Mbare East),
Omega Sipani-Hungwe (Dzivaresekwa),
and Tsitsi Muzenda (Gweru-Chirumanzu),
who lost to Piniel Denga, Evelyn
Masaiti and Patrick Kombayi of the
MDC-Tsvangirai, have approached the
Supreme Court to set aside the Electoral
Court's ruling.
Zanu
PF lost its House of Assembly majority to both factions of the
MDC when it
won 99 seats against the opposition's 110.
In their notices of
appeal to the Supreme Court this week, Savanhu,
Sipani-Hungwe and Muzenda
said the Electoral Court erred by ruling that
their petitions were filed out
of time and served at wrong addresses of
respondents.
"The
learned judge erred in ruling that the petitioner had a legal
duty to serve
the petition within 10 days of its presentation
notwithstanding the proven
fact that the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission did
not timeously prescribe the
amount of security that appellant was obliged to
give prior to service of
the petition," read Sipani-Hungwe's notice.
She also argued that
the Electoral Court erred in adjudging that
service of the petition at the
respondent's political party headquarters did
not constitute substantial
compliance with Section 169 of the Electoral Act.
Notices from Savanhu and
Muzenda also have the same grounds of appeal as
those of
Sipani-Hungwe.
If the Supreme Court grants the Zanu PF members'
appeal, their
petitions will proceed to trial in the Electoral
Court.
Meanwhile, the MDC has accused the government of trying to
shrink its
majority in the House of Assembly by using trumped up charges
against its
MPs elect.
The MDC's director of information, Luke
Tamborinyoka, told the
Zimbabwe Independent this week that the government
was using political games
to thwart their party's chance of electing a
member of the opposition as
Speaker of Parliament.
He alleged:
"Zanu PF is talking about dialogue yet they are acting
war. How can the
police put up notices telling the public to be wary of
Sherperd Mushonga
(Mazowe Central MP-elect) when he is the same person his
constituency voted
for."
In a list released by the MDC this week, Misheck Shoko, the
MP-elect
for Chitungwiza South, was reportedly in remand prison in
Mberengwa, after
he was arrested campaigning during the countdown to the
presidential
election run-off.
Shua Mudiwa, the MP-elect for
Mutare West, was in remand prison on
charges of kidnapping a 13-year old
girl and Amos Chibaya, the MP-elect for
Mkoba constituency in Gweru, has a
pending court case in which he is accused
of inciting police officers to
revolt against the government.
The MDC said seven of its winning
candidates in the March 29
parliamentary elections are in hiding as they
were on the police wanted list
for political violence-related
crimes.
Among them are Denga, Mushonga, Pearson Mungofa (Highfield
East),
Tabitha Khumalo (Bulawayo East), Edmore Marima (Bikita East), and
Broadwin
Nyaude (Bindura South). Police spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena
yesterday
denied that police were targeting MDC members for political
violence crimes.
He said: "It is very malicious of them to be
accusing us of trumping
up charges against their MPs-elect. Our job is to
investigate what happened
on the ground without or and favour."
By Lucia Makamure
Zim Independent
Local
Thursday, 17 July 2008 21:01
FIRED deputy spokesperson
of the smaller faction of the MDC, Abednico
Bhebhe, this week said his
expulsion was unconstitutional and he will cling
to his
position.
Bhebhe was sacked together with his boss Gabriel
Chaibva a fortnight
ago by party president Arthur Mutambara who said he had
reshuffled the
information department.
However, party insiders
said Chaibva was fired after attending the
inauguration of President Robert
Mugabe at State House on June 29, against
the MDC position. No reason was
given for Bhebhe's removal from his
information portfolio.
Mutambara appointed Edwin Mushoriwa as the party's chief spokesperson
and
Renson Gasela as his deputy.
However, a fuming Bhebhe this week
told the Zimbabwe Independent that
he was still the MDC's deputy
spokesperson.
Bhebhe said the power to dismiss him rests with the
MDC national
council, not Mutambara.
"The talk about me being
expelled as party deputy spokesperson is
nonsense," he said. "I heard about
my dismissal on the radio, newspapers and
television. Nothing was
communicated to me and as far as I am concerned I am
still the party's
deputy spokesperson until the national council sits and
officially passes
such a decision."
Chaibva said he had no comment on the matter when
contacted this week.
In relieving the two senior party officials of
their duties, Mutambara
said they would be moved to other portfolios within
the party.
"The MDC wishes to advise all concerned that with
immediate effect the
secretary and deputy secretary for information and
publicity of the party
shall be Edwin Mushoriwa and Renson Gasela
respectively," Mutambara said in
the statement. "By the same token Gabriel
Chaibva and Abednico Bhebhe will
be deployed to other
functions."
But Bhebhe insisted that there was no way the party
president could
reshuffle the portfolios without the authority of the
national council.
"The MDC president and the party leadership can
only recommend issues
to the national council which has the powers to
endorse decisions," he
added.
Mutambara could not be reached
for comment yesterday.
Zim Independent
Local
Thursday, 17 July 2008 21:00
THE construction of Lupane
State University, in Matabeleland North, is
lagging behind schedule owing to
inadequate funding and a shortage of
construction
material.
Officials at the institution told the Zimbabwe
Independent this week
that the budgetary allocation made to the institution
had been exhausted.
Treasury allocated $8 trillion in the 2007-2008
budget for the
construction of the university infrastructure, an amount that
has since been
eroded by the country's galloping inflation.
According to official statistics, inflation is now above 2 200
000%.
Howard Ndhlovu, the acting Director of Public Works at the
university,
said the construction project was far behind schedule owing to
the slow
trickling of resources from central government.
"We
have managed to complete only 60% of the slab for the Faculty of
Agriculture
building, yet we have six more buildings to construct," Ndhlovu
said. "We
still have to work on the construction of students' accommodation,
staff
housing, as well as the administration block for the institution."
He said apart from a funding crisis, the construction of the campus
was also
affected by a critical shortage of building materials, especially
cement
because their supplier, Sino Cement Zimbabwe, equipment broke down
recently.
"Our supplier has failed to supply us with cement in
the last two to
three months due to a breakdown in the equipment they use to
manufacture
cement," Ndhlovu said. "All they have said is that they will be
able to fix
their equipment and machinery in the next few days and they will
be able to
start supplying us with cement next week."
Ndhlovu
added that they were expecting Sino Zimbabwe to deliver their
consignment of
1 000 tonnes of cement in the near future.
"It is our hope that the
Minister of Finance will announce a
supplementary budget maybe in August or
September where we will get a
budgetary allocation that will enable us to
increase the pace of
construction," he said.
By Nkululeko
Sibanda
Zim Independent
Opinion
Thursday, 17 July 2008 19:35
NIGERIA,
Rwanda, Uganda, Ethiopia, Gabon, the list of candidates for
the title "least
democratic in Africa" is not confined to Zimbabwe.
While
Robert Mugabe has been singled out for condemnation, leaders of
other
autocratic states have largely been able to avoid sanctions and
isolation.
Many have friends in Western capitals. Or play a strategic role
in the war
on terror. Or sit on oil.
With corrupt and authoritarian
governments close to the norm on the
continent, it is not surprising that
African leaders urged by the West to
censure Mugabe at the recent African
Union summit in Egypt instead welcomed
him with hugs.
As Mugabe
himself has asked: How many African leaders could point a
clean finger at
him? How many held a better election than his one-man
run-off that followed
a campaign of terror?
Many African leaders appear to harbour a
secret admiration for Mugabe
as a man who can thumb his nose at the West and
point out its perceived
hypocrisies, like the Bush administration's appeals
for human rights in
Zimbabwe while running the Guantanamo Bay prison
camp.
"We Africans should learn a lesson from this," Gambian
President Yahya
Jammeh said in praising Mugabe's election last week. "They
(the West) think
they can dictate to us and this is not acceptable. Africans
should stand for
Zimbabwe. After all, what did the West do for Africa?" said
Jammeh, a former
army colonel who seized power in a 1994 coup.
It's easy to forget that just a decade ago, much of Africa was gripped
by
hope as a wave of democracy swept the continent.
It began with the
extraordinary sight of protesters in the West
African state of Benin taking
hammers to a statue of Lenin. Within three
years, 26 countries had held
multiparty presidential elections on a
continent known for one-man rule.
When elections in South Africa ended white
minority rule in 1994, there was
not one single-party state left in
sub-Saharan Africa. Western nations tied
aid to free elections and severed
ties with dictators they had supported in
the name of the fight against
communism.
But that decade of
optimism, backed by theories that opening up
socialist economies to the free
market would help pull Africa out of
poverty, has come to an end and the
democracy movement has stalled.
Today, more than half of Africa is
ruled by despots, including many
offering the illusion of democracy with
elections like those Mugabe held.
Rights activists put much of the
blame on the West.
"It seems Washington and European governments
will accept even the
most dubious election so long as the 'victor' is a
strategic or commercial
ally," Kenneth Roth, executive director of New
York-based Human Rights
Watch, said in a recent report.
Among
countries he singled out as sham democracies were oil-rich Chad
and Nigeria;
Uganda, whose President Yoweri Museveni's friendship with US
president
George W Bush has shielded him from criticism; and Ethiopia, the
strategically located Horn of Africa nation that is a major US ally in the
war on terrorism.
Other oil producers that have managed to
avoid international
condemnation include Angola, which hasn't held a
presidential election since
1992, and Gabon, whose president Omar Bongo
seized power in a 1967 coup and
who is the continent's longest-serving
leader.
"Countries that have made a point of overtly aligning
themselves with
US narratives and policies regarding terrorism appear to
have benefited not
only from financial and military support but seem
successfully to have
diverted attention away from their internal poor
governance and human rights
abuse," said Akwe Amosu, senior analyst at
Washington's Open Society
Institute.
Much of the West's focus
on Zimbabwe is tied up in the sadness of
seeing one of Africa's great
success stories fall apart so completely.
When Mugabe led Zimbabwe
to Independence, the country already had
developed industries and an
agricultural base that made it near
self-sufficient because of years of UN
sanctions imposed on the white
supremacist regime of Ian Smith.
Mugabe abandoned his guerilla movement's policies of "scientific
socialism"
that involved nationalising industries and land, encouraging a
fairly free
economy that grew and allowed him to make major investments in
education and
health care.
Zimbabwe blossomed and became a showcase for the
continent and was
seen as an example to then white-ruled South Africa of an
economic and
multiracial success created by a black man. But the world's
high hopes were
short-lived.
In 2000, Mugabe began violently
seizing white farmers' land out of
revenge for their refusal to support a
referendum to consolidate his power.
That led to the collapse of the
commercial farming sector that exported food
to neighbours.
Zimbabwe's economic meltdown has left a third of Zimbabweans hungry
and
caused inflation to run at a mind-boggling 9,5 million percent.
But
while Mugabe has presided over this catastrophe, he continues to
cast a
spell over many of his fellow African leaders.
Zimbabwe is "the
single greatest challenge ... in southern Africa, not
only because of its
terrible humanitarian consequences but also because of
the dangerous
political precedent it sets", said UN deputy Secretary-General
Asha-Rose
Migiro, Tanzania's former foreign minister. - kubatana.net.
Zim Independent
Opinion
Thursday, 17 July 2008 19:24
THE recent veto against
the UN targeted sanctions on the key people in
President Mugabe's regime by
China and Russia despite a deluge of
international condemnation of
Zimbabwe's human rights violations before and
after the run off must
certainly be a cause of worry for all those who are
working for substantive
political change in Zimbabwe and other troubled
spots in
Africa.
While China played a critical role in supporting
African
decolonisation struggles such as in Zimbabwe itself, its current
laissez-faire policy in Africa's post-independence struggles for democracy
certainly raises more questions than answers about the country's moral and
ethical commitment to Africa's sustainable socio-economic and political
development.
China's Africa policy -- a document that describes
the framework of
its trade with Africa espoused by the communist government
in January
2006 -- shows that China's relationship with Africa in general
and Zimbabwe
in particular, is fraught with not only some head-swaying
contradictions,
but also a serious ethical and moral vacuum that exposes
China to be shrewd,
selfish, calculating, greedy and primitive because it
prioritises its
economic and political interests over ordinary people's
human rights in its
dealings with African countries.
For
example, regardless of Zimbabwe's international isolation due to
its human
rights abuses, China continues to be Zimbabwe's biggest investor
strategically positioning itself to exploit our valuable natural resources
to develop its ever burgeoning economy at the expense of the basic freedoms
and entitlements of the ordinary citizens of Zimbabwe.
According to the Jamestown Foundation, a leading source of information
about
the inner workings of closed totalitarian societies, since the
Zimbabwean
crisis began in 2000, Chinese firms such as China International
Water and
Electric, National Aero-Technology Import and Export Corporation
(Catic) and
North Industries Corporation (Norinco) have clinched
mouth-watering deals in
mining, aviation, agriculture, defence and other
sectors in an avowed all
weather friendship with Mugabe's regime. While some
critics argue that
China's relentless support for Zimbabwe in the Security
Council is based on
the close historical ties dating back to the struggle
for independence, it
is now crystal clear to everybody that China has always
pursued self-serving
policies that are solely based on its economic and
political considerations.
If indeed -- as the available evidence seems to
suggest -- China's current
policy position in Zimbabwe is primarily
motivated by its economic greed,
then Zimbabweans will have no reason not to
believe the growing suspicion
that the support for the liberation struggle
in the seventies was simply
based on China's need to spread communism and
create geopolitical alliances
in the cold war and halt the spread of free
market and liberal principles
across Africa. The fact that ethics therefore
may have played no part
presents China as an opportunistic power whose
development can be directly
linked to the tears, pain and in some cases,
blood of African men, women and
children.
China's cold war geopolitical manoeuvres in Africa would
certainly not
only explain why, for example, Mugabe pursued a one-party
state policy
immediately after independence, but also why China itself
continues to
ignore pertinent issues of human rights, good governance and
accountability
which it fallaciously believes to be a property of the West
-- a logic that
unwittingly condescends on the struggles for independence
and justice by
Africans in general and Zimbabweans in particular. China must
know that the
quest for human rights and democracy in Africa did not start
with the spread
of neo-liberal values in the nineties, but that human
rights, no matter how
differently articulated by Africans, have always
informed African struggles
for justice since the cradle of African
resistance.
While Wang Guangya, the Chinese UN ambassador, used a
seemingly
plausible excuse that it was improper to slap sanctions on Mugabe
and his
aristocratic clique in Harare while Sadc negotiations were still
going on in
South Africa, this position does not explain why China has
always supported
autocratic regimes in Africa whose legitimacy is based on
nothing but rivers
of blood of innocent citizens.
For example,
China's non-interference policy in Darfur, where
according to the UN and
Amnesty International reports, more than 200 000
people have been killed,
countless numbers raped and tortured, and 2,5
million displaced, does not
only expose China's insensitivity to the plight
of the black people living
in the southern parts of Sudan, but also smacks
of a downright racist
attitude by China whose Africa policy falsely pledges
support for
peace and development for the African continent.
In the midst of a
what others have dubbed a genocide in Darfur, China
continues to be not only
the biggest importer of Sudan's oil (importing
about 80% of the precious
liquid), but also to illegally deliver weapons
that include ammunition,
tanks, helicopters and fighter aircraft that,
according to the UN, the Arab
government has allegedly used to bomb and
massacre poor and defenceless
black people living in grass huts.
True African democrats would
surely wonder how on earth China thinks
it can support and bring about
development, peace and stability in Africa
when it works tirelessly to
defend pariah states and blood gobbling regimes
such as the Sudanese and
Zimbabwean regimes in the UN Security Council.
Given the shaky Sadc
negotiations and China's selfish and unconditional
support for Zimbabwe, it
is not surprising that the words of the British UN
Ambassador John Sawers
that the Chinese and Russian vote on Friday was
"deeply damaging to the
long-term interests of Zimbabwe's people ... (and
to) prospects for bringing
an early end to.the oppression in Zimbabwe"
captured the imagination of most
Zimbabweans who yearn for the restoration
of the political and economic
rights.
Yet it's not about whether UN sanctions would work in
Zimbabwe or have
worked in Sudan, but that China's African trade must be
predicated on
ethical and moral principles and trade preconditions that
motivate African
governments to open up and democratise because history
attests to the fact
that democracy is a basis of all sustainable and
enduring development all
over the world. The Darfur example and the recent
daring
attempt by China to deliver weapons and ammunition to the
Zimbabwean
government in the midst of an election crisis in March show that
if no quick
measures are taken, the Chinese would give a helping hand to
Mugabe to
plunge Zimbabwe into a civil war regardless of the moral
responsibility
implied in China's status as a voting member of the Security
Council.
As long as Chinese state companies continue to harvest
profits in
Harare and Khartoum and sell their shares on the New York and
London stock
markets, then the fight for democracy by the ordinary people in
Zimbabwe and
other countries like Sudan continues to be peripheral to China.
Given this
uncritical and immoral stance on the violation of human rights by
China,
perhaps the time has come for Zimbabweans and all conscientious
Africans to
see China as part of the problem that calls for political action
in their
legitimate quests for democracy on the continent.
African civic groups need to start mobilising people to confront the
Chinese
government by demonstrating at the doors of its diplomatic missions
in
different parts of the world to protest against its activities in
Zimbabwe
and Darfur. The people of Africa must not allow China to claim that
it will
always maintain a policy of non-interference and the respect for
sovereignty
of African countries, yet be more than ready not only to
illegally export
weapons to African dictorships, but also use its veto power
in the Security
Council to block any punishment intended for those who
commit crimes against
humanity.
In the face of the cosmetic criticism by most of the
African countries
on the complicit actions of the Zimbabwe, Sudanese and
Chinese governments,
ordinary people's hopes in Zimbabwe and Darfur must now
lie with
international civil society and their national NGOs and pressure
groups to
force China to review its Africa policy and stop viewing Africa as
an
unoccupied continent in space run by wealth dispensing vampires. It must
be
impressed on China that Africans are not less deserving of the human
rights
enjoyed by its own citizens.
By Last Moyo
Dr Moyo writes from Wales, UK. He can be contacted at
lastmoyo@yahoo.com
Zim Independent
Opinion
Thursday, 17 July 2008 19:28
THE farcical run-off took
place in Zimbabwe, predictably in the face
of world opinion dismissing the
sham elections and the irrelevant result.
President Robert
Mugabe's legitimacy is one of a dictator whose power
is dependent upon a
military junta's good will.
If not for the securocrats and their
silent coup after the first round
of elections, Zimbabwe would now be
governed by political office bearers who
would have the legitimacy of a
majority of the voters. Even with the state-
organised terror machinery
intimidating the people and forcing them to vote
for an unwanted aging
despot, his "victory" is nothing but a fallacy and
mockery. Shame on Sadc
who were willing to witness such a defiance of the
people's
will.
Intimidation, repression, physical harm, torture, rape and
murder were
all part of a so-called election campaign. At the end, the
contestant - who
unlike six years ago in 2002 - could no longer be denied
the claim to
legitimate political power, Morgan Tsvangirai, withdrew for
admirably sound
ethical and moral reasons.
After all, the
regime had disclosed its intentions through the
systematic use of brute
force in a ruthless way. To have contested the
second round would have been
to add further misery, mutilation and death to
the long register of human
rights violations bordering on crimes against
humanity. That would have been
an irresponsible symbolic political act.
Anyone who under the given
circumstances would blame Tsvangirai for
his withdrawal would not only be
carelessly naïve, but either Machiavellian
or hypocritical to the extreme.
When the rule of law is not more than the
law of the rulers, reference to
formal procedures can only be in support of
a totalitarian system. It
dictates the rules of the game, and the rulers
follow only one goal: to stay
in power, whatever it costs.
Since the turn of the century,
headlines produced from the former
"jewel in the crown of Africa" (so
Nyerere said to Mugabe at Zimbabwe's
Independence when he asked him to
handle it with care) have contributed to
the Eurocentric perception that
Africa is all about hunger, civil war,
HIV/Aids and despots, who treat human
rights with contempt.
That Mugabe's pseudo-anti-imperialist
populism made him for many a
"true patriot" (mostly outside of his direct
sphere of influence, since it
is one thing to endorse his rhetoric and
another to bear the consequences in
your daily living from it) was part of
an unfolding tragedy with ironical
undertones.
His
finger-wagging posture to Blair, Brown and Bush - who only applied
the usual
double standards when criticising Zimbabwe while keeping a blind
eye on
other blatant violations of human rights (including their own "war
against
terror") - misleadingly inferred defiance of Western imperialism.
But that
was a mere smokescreen to cover up the fact that he was just one of
them, if
not of their worse kind. After all, he oppressed his own people who
were
themselves responsible for a successful chimurenga ending with
sovereignty
in 1980.
Mugabe was then the figurehead of an anti-colonial
liberation project
based on popular support and the sacrifices of the
people. They had reasons
to expect a better life after Independence and were
bitterly disappointed by
a new post-colonial elite which eventually
appropriated their liberation
project.
Mugabe and his cronies
betrayed the people's struggle. It is one thing
if the British were to be
blamed for not honouring their commitments under
the Lancaster House
agreement. One could argue that there were no reasons to
expect anything
different.
But it is another matter when the new rulers betray
their own people.
This is what finally resulted after 20 years of opposition
that had its
roots in the workers and urban marginalised. It was they who
experienced the
brunt of the misery - a misery created not by the external
forces and their
imperialist agents, but by the new clique of rulers, whose
self-enrichment
schemes and obsession for power, privilege and luxury led
them to treat
ordinary people with the utmost contempt.
The
next chimurenga was not, as misleadingly claimed, one by the Zanu
PF regime
under siege, but one by the people against the abuse of power by
that
government. In contrast to the chimurenga preceding Independence, it
was
fought by mainly non-violent means against a heavily armed regime
willing to
use its weapons against those who brought them into power.
The
former liberation movement, elected at Independence as government,
soon
abused its position using state terror against the people. The mass
violence
in Matabeleland showed that it does not take a lot to turn victims
into
perpetrators and to act in the same fashion as the colonial oppressors
did.
So much for liberation and the limits of liberation. But this is not
particular to Africa. It is about the abuse of power and the reign of terror
of cliques - a phenomenon of totalitarian mindsets and rulers all over the
world. That these are also shaped in the struggle against foreign rule like
in the case of Southern African liberation movements is a sobering lesson
from history.
But it is also a lesson about the obligation of
those who supported
the anti-colonial liberation struggles, wherever they
come from and live.
Their support for the anti-colonial liberation struggle
was an act of
international solidarity. Activists from Western countries,
from Africa and
from elsewhere mobilised in support of anti-imperialism.
Support also came
from the majority of countries within the United Nations,
from the
Liberation Committee of the OAU and the Frontline
States.
Those who now pretend that Zimbabwe is "just another
African case" are
wrong. Such pseudo-arguments are premised on the fact that
these rulers (not
leaders) seemingly want to remain in office for the rest
of their lives
unless driven out by sheer force of the people. This argument
usually makes
reference to countries like Gabon, Libya, Gambia, the People's
Republic of
Congo, Togo and so on. But it overlooks the one fundamental
difference: it
was international solidarity and in particular African
solidarity, as well
as an internal popular support by a majority of people,
which brought to
power the liberation movements in Southern
Africa.
It was a collective endeavour stretching far beyond the
borders of the
societies being liberated from settler colonialism.
Independence in Zimbabwe
in 1980 (just as in Namibia 1990 and in South
Africa in 1994) was in part an
international achievement.
This
struggle was not only against unjust minority rule. It was also
about the
struggle for democracy, human rights, civil liberties and, most
importantly,
the necessary material redistribution of wealth to allow all
these other
values to become social and political reality for the broad
majority. Once
these goals were betrayed by a new post-colonial elite,
solidarity by
activists internationally needs to be re-positioned. We now
have a
responsibility to protect and support those who were cheated and
denied the
fruits of freedom. We have a responsibility to support those who
now
continue to seek emancipation from new forms of oppression and
totalitarian
rule.
If we turn a blind eye to this challenge, we become
accomplices of
those who abused the earlier solidarity for their own narrow
and selfish
gains. And we betray those values and norms that inspired us to
mobilise in
support of the anti-colonial struggles. We ultimately betray not
only those
who suffer the humiliation imposed upon them by the post-colonial
dictators,
but also ourselves.
That in the meantime many have
realised this can be seen in the recent
statements by Cosatu and other
mass-based organisations in the region and
elsewhere who have finally
abandoned their fence-sitting passivity.
The solidarity among
organised workers, for example, in Mozambique,
South Africa, Namibia and
Angola who refused to unload arms destined for the
Zimbabwean junta from the
Chinese "ship of shame" was a powerful
reinstatement of the notion of
international solidarity with the oppressed
in a neighboring
country.
It is an embarrassment to witness that few, if any,
governments have
been prepared to take a similar stance, even though they
claim to represent
the very same people who acted in this spirit of people's
solidarity.
Zimbabwe shows once again that Frantz Fanon's prophecy
remains a sad
truth almost half a century after his untimely death. In The
Wretched Of The
Earth he bemoaned "the pitfalls of national consciousness"
through a party,
which "controls the masses, not in order to make sure that
they really
participate in the business of governing the nation, but in
order to remind
them constantly that the government expects from them
obedience and
discipline".
Fanon echoed the concerns
articulated almost half a century earlier by
Rosa Luxemburg. In her
unfinished, posthumously published, manuscript on the
Russian revolution,
she conceded that "every democratic institution has its
limits and
shortcomings, things which it doubtless shares with all other
human
institutions".
But against Lenin and Trotsky she argued that "the
elimination of
democracy as such, is worse than the disease it is supposed
to cure; for it
stops up the very living source from which alone can come
correction of all
the innate shortcomings of social institutions. That
source is the active,
untrammelled, energetic political life of the broadest
masses of the
people."
Luxemburg categorically stated:
"Freedom only for the supporters of
the government, only for the members of
one party - however numerous they
may be - is no freedom at all. Freedom is
always and exclusively freedom for
the one who thinks differently. -
kubatana-net.
By Henning Melber is Executive Director of the Dag
Hammarskjöld
Foundation in Uppsala, Sweden.
Zim Independent
Sport
Thursday, 17 July 2008 20:53
FOUR years ago Zimbabweans
had rare celebratory moments. Kirsty
Coventry, the US-based queen of the
waters, powered to gold, silver and
bronze medals at the Olympic Games in
Athens.
With those feats Coventry's name was carved in the
history books as
one of Zimbabwe's greatest ever sportspersons. But then she
went further and
scaled greater heights by smashing several world records
and winning
international galas.
In winning at the Olympics,
the Harare-born swimmer ended Zimbabwe's
25-year Olympic medal drought. The
last Zimbabweans to win at the Summer
Olympics had been the national women's
hockey team, which entered the Moscow
Games in 1980 as late replacements and
shocked the sporting world by
clinching gold.
Although Coventry
went on to make headlines in different galas across
the world, it was her
Olympics heroics, beamed live in Zimbabwe that firmly
established her as a
genuine national sporting icon.
Today, the Zimbabwe Olympic
Committee will announce "Team Zimbabwe",
the squad that will represent the
country at the 2008 Beijing Games in
China, next month.
Realistically, Coventry is the only medal hopeful in the squad that
will be
announced today, but the Zimbabwe Olympic Committee speak highly of
promising triathlete Chris Felgate, and long-jumper Ngoni Makusha. Makusha
is a national record holder who is currently ranked in the top ten in the
world.
But not to be forgotten are sprinters, Brian Dzingai and
Talkmore
Nyongani, who will form part of a relay team that has promised so
much but
has come short on the big stage.
If any of these
athletes are to achieve something, they will become
the first Zimbabwean
males to win a medal at the Olympics. One of the
biggest names set to be
chosen by ZOC for the Beijing Games is Cara Black,
whose chances of
succeeding are diminished because she will contest in the
singles, not her
forté. Black is a doubles specialist who has won several
Grand Slams on the
circuit.
By Enock Muchinjo
Zim Independent
Comment
Thursday, 17 July 2008 19:07
THERE has naturally been
much gloating in the official press over the
failure of the US resolution on
sanctions.
Nine countries voted for the resolution,
including Burkina Faso, and
five against. But Russia and China's vetoes
carried the day.
This will be a short-lived victory. The US and
Britain will very
quickly bring this matter to international attention again
as soon as the
opportunity presents itself while tightening the sanctions
noose with
measures of their own. Meanwhile, Zimbabwe's crisis will feature
at the top
of the agenda at every regional meeting so long as the political
repression
persists.
There will be no respite and certainly no
investment or
balance-of-payments support. France and Italy, which only a
year ago were
showing impatience with Britain's sanctions policy, are now
resolute foes of
the Mugabe regime. Botswana, Zambia, Kenya, and Liberia
have all spoken out
against a stolen election. And Zanu PF seems to think it
can obtain a quick
fix to the rapidly deteriorating economy by rail-roading
the MDC into a
dialogue that cannot take place so long as people are losing
their lives.
Zanu PF in all seriousness believes it can conduct
business as usual
while opposition activists like Joshua Bakacheza are
kidnapped and murdered.
And what of investigations into Tonderayi
Ndira's abduction and
murder? Has anybody been prosecuted in connection with
that?
A government spokesman was last weekend describing sanctions
as
"international racism". Has that particular idiot seen the pictures of
Ben
Freeth and his family following their vicious assault by Gilbert Moyo
and
his gang? What sort of racism do we call that? Clearly one that acts
with
impunity.
Shocking events witnessed at the French
embassy's Bastille Day
celebrations on July 14 this week. No, not the
release of political
prisoners from the regime's royal fortress but an
insufficiency of
provisions for the tired and hungry masses.
Traditionally the weather is inclement and this year was no exception.
After
two weeks of unprecedented warm July weather, the clouds moved in on
Juillet
Quatorze and provided a gloomy backdrop to the "fete nationale" -
celebrated
in Paris amidst pomp and pageantry with a parade down the Champs
Elysée, in
sweltering heat.
But whatever the weather in wintry Harare, the
large crowd that had
come to celebrate France's fete could usually look
forward to some rewarding
snacks that are invariably served on this
occasion. Camembert, Brie, Gruyere
and other delicious cheeses with
different types of bread and paté normally
head the appetising line-up
accompanied by French wine, the nation's premier
export.
But
alas, not this year. Apart from some nondescript samoosas and
un-French
chicken kebabs on skewers, there was precious little to take
people's minds
off the national crisis. The cheese had been held up at the
airport, we were
told. And the few platters of snacks doing the rounds were
set upon by
hungry well-heeled citizens who claimed not to have eaten for,
well,
hours.
Those who just moments earlier had been singing "formez vous
les
battaillons.contre nous le tyrannée" were elbowing each other out of the
way
as they mugged the poor waitresses. Some lost whole platters as well as
snacks. Muckraker heard a scream, only to find a bewildered waitress
standing tray-less as prominent citoyens plundered her fare.
Admittedly the chocolate cake dessert was delicious but, s'il vous
plait, ou
était le fromage?
And the wine was South African. Sacré bleu! Was
this sanctions a la
francaise?
The large choir, hired to sing
the national anthems of Zimbabwe (all
three verses) and France (one verse),
accounted for many of the disappearing
snacks.
But thus
fortified, they provided a lively chorus of greeting for
Morgan Tsvangirai
when he arrived. He was immediately mobbed by many of
those present who
perhaps thought he had brought some Dutch treats. No such
luck!
One of the more colourful episodes of the land
seizures, etched in the
public memory, was the role played by Bright
Matonga's British wife, Anne
Pout, who had joined her husband in taking over
a farm at Banket owned by
Monica and Vince Schulz whose family had lived
there for four generations.
When Vince Schultz was arrested by the
police for defying an eviction
order, Anne Matonga screamed at him: "Get off
our land: we are taking back
what you stole from our forefathers," a
preposterous contention in the
circumstances. Anne hailed from
Essex!
The headline in the Daily Telegraph the next day read:
"Essex woman
rants against 'whites' as she takes over a snatched Zimbabwe
farm."
"A white British woman who formerly worked as a local
government
officer in Essex is the latest and most unlikely beneficiary of
Robert
Mugabe's land-grab policy in Zimbabwe," the Telegraph reported in
2002.
"Last week Mrs Matonga (39) tended spring roses at her new
home, while
the rightful owners, Vincent and Monica Schultz, tried to get
accustomed to
their new life in a tiny flat in Harare, the
capital.
"Despite moving to Zimbabwe only last year (2001) after a
lifetime in
Britain, Mrs Matonga last week spoke angrily, and without a hint
of irony,
against the "white colonialists who stole our land".
"Mrs Matonga, who married her husband in Britain five years ago,
praised
President Mugabe for his 'patience with the racist white farmers' as
she
spoke to the Telegraph at her new home in Banket, 50 miles north of
Harare.
She said those evicted by force 'only have themselves to blame'.
"Mrs Matonga, speaking in a broad south Essex accent, dismissed as
'nothing
but propaganda' reports of widespread starvation across Zimbabwe
and
allegations that Mugabe had won this year's (2002's) election by
vote-rigging and crushing any opposition.
"As personal
bodyguards from Mugabe's feared youth militia slept under
nearby trees, Mrs
Matonga told how she regularly has to counter 'negative'
stories about the
crisis in Zimbabwe. "'Britain should keep its nose out of
Zimbabwe. Tony
Blair has no right to interfere'," she said.
"After delivering her
diatribe, Mrs Matonga returned to supervising
the crop of roses that had
been planted earlier this year by Mr and Mrs
Schultz, who are now living in
a borrowed two-bedroom flat in Harare where
they say they are 'suffering
endless sleepless nights'," the Telegraph
reported.
Bright
Matonga's role in the land grabs angered his friends in Britain
who had
campaigned for him to stay when the Home Office was about to deport
him.
As Matonga neared the end of his degree, he faced being
booted out of
Britain by the Home Office for not meeting the requirements of
a university
student. However, Sir Teddy Taylor, his local Conservative MP,
successfully
campaigned on his behalf.
Matonga has been much in
the public eye of late defending the regime's
appalling record over the past
three months, attributing negative
international publicity to the
British.
One of the casualties of Matonga's anti-British stance
appears to be
Anne who, according to reports in the Zimbabwe Times, has been
abandoned on
the farm while Bright has moved on to greener pastures, as it
were.
The online publication reports that journalists in Harare
have been
"gripped in a frenzy of speculation" about Matonga's private life.
Why has
the deputy Information minister suddenly become such an avowed
defender of
President Robert Mugabe, while at the same launching a virulent
onslaught on
Western nations, especially the UK, they ask?
"The
secret is now out," the Zimbabwe Times claims. "Matonga's
behaviour is
linked to very personal issues, pertaining to affairs of the
heart.
"The Zimbabwe Times can exclusively reveal that Matonga
has officially
moved out of the Matonga matrimonial home on a farm they
seized from a
commercial farmer and has since moved in with Sharon Mugabe,
an immensely
wealthy businesswoman," the website reports. "The 36-year-old
widow who has
stolen the heart of the capricious Matonga, who stands a good
chance of
being named as new Minister of Information anytime now, runs a
marketing
communications firm, Imago Y&R."
The Zimbabwe
Times says Sharon's exact relationship to the president
could not be
established amid suggestions that she is Mugabe's niece,
daughter of Albert
Mugabe, the president's late brother, the trade unionist
who died in a
swimming pool drowning in the early 1980s.
But this is all
speculation. What is known for sure is that Imago Y&R,
formerly Michael
Hogg Young & Rubicam, was sold to Sharon Mugabe by Zimbabwe's
marketing
guru Michael Hogg in 2005 after a failed bid by rival agency, Gary
Thompson
& Associates.
The takeover marked one of the biggest
empowerment transactions in the
sector. Mugabe acquired the controlling
stake in the leading advertising,
marketing and communications firm. She
renamed it Imago Y&R.
"The agency won the contract to run
Mugabe's sleek election campaign
ahead of the June 27 presidential election
run off, and is believed to have
raked in colossal profits from the glitzy
but controversial campaign," the
Zimbabwe Times reports. "The Reserve Bank
of Zimbabwe underwrote the cost of
Mugabe's re-election campaign, while
Matonga became increasingly vociferous
in support of Mugabe.
"In June, Bernard Barnett, a Y&R corporate vice-president in London,
told the Sunday Times that, following a tip-off, Sharon Mugabe had been
asked whether her company was the professional media outfit called in by
Mugabe's advisers after the last elections.
"We asked the
managing director if it was true - that they had been
working for Zanu-PF -
and she said she personally was one of the president's
communications
advisers," said Barnett. "It was a very unpleasant surprise.
"Neither she nor the agency should be working for a regime like that,
and
especially not campaigning for them.
Barnett said at the time Y&R
would sell its 25% stake in Imago.
"We're just anxious to end any
possible connection between ourselves
and that disgraceful regime," he said.
Mugabe, whose husband died two years
ago, now lives with Matonga in her
mansion in Borrowdale Brooke, the
Zimbabwe Times reports.
"She
has been spotted on several occasions in the company of Matonga
at one or
the other of her many business enterprises, including a designer
fashion
boutique in the Eastgate Shopping Mall."
Matonga married Anne,
a former municipal IT manager in 1997, and moved
into her home in
Billericay, a small commuter town in Essex, it was reported
in 2002. Matonga
is said to have met Anne while he was still at a college in
Southend-on-Sea,
a resort town east of London, where he studied media
production and
technology at South East Essex College.
Anne played a key role in
preventing Matonga's deportation from the
UK, it is understood. After his
graduation, Matonga worked as a delivery
driver and a freelance journalist
and was literally living off Anne.
Family sources, quoted by the
Zimbabwe Times, described Anne as the
marriage's "driving force who
smartened him up no end".
Matonga returned home in November 2001 to
head the state-owned
Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation's television
division. Anne and their son
flew to Harare six months later.
Sharon Mugabe studied and worked in the US until 2000. She was a
financial
analyst, first with First Albany Brokerage Firm and later for New
England
Consulting Group.
She returned to Zimbabwe in 2000, and joined the
African Banking
Corporation as head of communications.
Finally, Muckraker would welcome a statement from Professor Jonathan
Moyo
putting to rest the ugly rumours that he is planning to rejoin Zanu PF
and
make himself available for cabinet office. Quite obviously no
self-respecting politician, however ambitious and calculating, would want to
be associated with a party that holds power through a programme of
systematic violence against the opposition.
We are sure Moyo
will do the right thing and put out a principled
statement saying exactly
why he could never contemplate rejoining Zanu PF.
Zim Independent
Comment
Thursday, 17 July 2008
19:02
ZIMBABWE'S economic policies have degenerated from the absurd to
the
ridiculous.
There are biting food shortages and in
fact shortages of virtually
everything. Resultantly food prices have shot up
as is the norm in such
circumstances. But in this country, our new-found
economic policies grind
against the grain of convention.
After
announcing that inflation was 2,2 million%, Reserve Bank
governor Gideon
Gono believes that prices of goods should actually come
down. It's only in
Zimbabwe where 100mls of toothpaste, six candles, 500
grammes of washing
powder, sanitary pads, salt, 750 ml of cooking oil, 2kg
packets of rice,
flour and sugar, a kg of salt, 100ml of petroleum jelly and
a 250g bar of
soap cost $110 billion or US$4 at the interbank rate. This is
the realistic
price of a basket of groceries according to our rulers!
This is not
a subsidy, it is bureaucratic derision premised on the
self-fulfilling
notion that things are getting better in this country.
In essence,
how does a government subsidise goods using foreign
currency when it does
not have the money to do so? It prints money which is
inflationary. That is
the hallmark of the expansively named National Basic
Commodities Supply
Enhancement Programme which President Mugabe launched on
Wednesday. Each
household is expected to get a monthly hamper for $100
billion -- for those
who can afford it. There are repayment terms available
for those incapable
of raising the sum!
The Herald on Wednesday quoted Information
permanent secretary George
Charamba as saying this was a "sign of things to
come as government moves to
restore people's buying power". What dross!
People regain their buying power
as they get richer and not through
unsustainable populism whose benefits are
often short-lived but whose impact
on the economy is immense. We are going
to look back one day at this act of
folly and ask what our leaders had
smoked when implementing this
programme.
The new Baccossi scheme -- like a whole raft of past
populist
projects, including Aspef and farm mechanisation -- is designed to
position
the Zanu PF government as a benevolent institution that is now
fulfilling
promises made during the campaign period. There is no greater
advertisement
of its policy failure than this project however. The
government will not
tell us that it has through the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
been importing
soap, sugar, cooking oil and rice, which have been repackaged
in local
manufacturers' livery for distribution at the ridiculously low
price.
The same RBZ which has been marshalling foreign currency for
the cheap
food project has in past worked feverishly to dish out cash and
cheap fuel
to farmers through Aspef, and tractors and other farming
implements through
the farm mechanisation programme. These treats have
failed to improve
productivity on farms hence the crippling shortages of
food. So the ceremony
in Harare this week was virtually to launch a national
feeding programme for
"empowered farmers"! It is a brazen admission that if
one populist project
fails our government can always come up with another
one.
But this new project is being pitched to portray a false sense
of
abundance and satisfaction of a population that can now access cheap
food.
Times of plenty are nigh. Soon there will be pictures in the press and
footage on television of beneficiaries lost in ecstasy as they dance to
celebrate this latest stroke of generosity from our governor and dear
leader. In the past, villagers celebrated a good harvest but today they have
been reduced to celebrating handouts and deifying their
leaders.
This is exactly what the Zanu PF government wants.
Principles of
individualism, independence and capital have been replaced by
dependence and
toadying. I do not really know why our leaders see no scope
in providing
National Foods with foreign currency to kickstart operations
and secure
jobs. Our rulers would rather import products and dish them out
for nothing
than support local manufacturers to create wealth for the
nation. I shudder
to view this as part of the 100% empowerment promised to
us by Zanu PF.
With government having initiated this new feeding
programme, we wait
to see how it will proceed with the civil servants'
salaries. Are salaries
going to be based on the new purchasing parity
established by the cheap
groceries or will government move to increase the
salaries in tandem with
the rising inflation? Then there is the issue of
price controls. How will
shops survive if they have to sell groceries side
by side with the people's
shops? We can only imagine how "empowered
villagers" will react to shops
selling a bottle of cooking at $100 billion
instead of $12 billion.
But knowing communication systems and
levels of disinformation in
rural areas, there is real fear that militias
will set prices of goods using
the low threshold of the subsidised hamper.
We are also keen to know what
measures the Ministry of Industry has put in
place to protect retailers and
manufacturers in the wake of the cheap goods
on the market. Do we still need
OK, TM, Spar, Lucky Seven or Bambazonke
stores? Perhaps not. We do not need
to produce
anymore. We have
been empowered -- to be lazy that is.
Zim Independent
Comment
Thursday, 17 July 2008 19:22
OF the
many causes of Zimbabwe's horrendous, earth-shattering
hyperinflation, which
is now considerably in excess of 10 million per cent
(year-on-year), one of
the very significant ones is the massive decline in
productivity in
virtually all economic sectors.
The disastrous
hyperinflation is attributable to inflation itself,
which is sharply causing
more inflation, the impacts of the parallel and
black markets in foreign
exchange, and of the black market upon commodity
prices, and upon grossly
excessive governmental spending and concomitant
unduly great printing of
money.
The hyperinflation is also a result of pronounced public and
private
sector corruption, which intensely impacts upon business operating
costs,
and is also a consequence of many other factors.
But one
of the significant contributants to Zimbabwe's soaring
inflation is the
extremely great burden of fixed costs (including rentals
and property
expenses, salaries, insurances, and numerous other overheads)
that has to be
borne by each unit of production, because volumes of
production have
decreased to an extremely great extent.
At the turn of the century,
the manufacturing sector was utilising in
excess of 75% of its productive
capacity, whereas capacity utilisation is
now estimated to average 15%, and
is still falling. Thus with only one-fifth
of the production of less than
eight years ago, each unit now produced has
to bear five times as much of
fixed costs than then applied. This is a very
major cause of inflation, and
that cause is exacerbated by the insufficiency
of goods in the market-place,
markedly due to the reduced production. The
product scarcities and
consequential excesses of consumer demands over
supply are major stimulants
of the black market, which market feeds upon
endless price escalations made
possible by the anxiety of consumers to
access scarce products.
In agriculture, the fall in productivity was almost wholly due to the
ill-conceived, and even more ill-managed, land reform programme, which
displaced skilled and able, in some instances replacing them with others
skilled and able, but in many, instances with those seriously lacking in the
requisite skills, the unable and the unwilling. The fall in productivity has
also been due to the state depriving farmers of right and title to the
lands, thereby effectively depriving them of the collateral needed to source
working capital, and by prolonged mismanagement of prices by government,
precluding operational viability. However, further key factors were the
devastatingly poor management by government of essential input availability,
and by the gargantuan extent that political and economic conditions have
motivated able agricultural workers to seek employment in neighbouring
territories (and particularly so in Zambia, Malawi, Mozambique and South
Africa).
Very similar conditions have impacted upon
productivity in the
manufacturing sector. The mammoth non-availability of
foreign exchange
(intensified by Reserve Bank expropriation of private
sector holdings of
foreign exchange in Foreign Currency Accounts) has had
grievously adverse
effects. First and foremost has been erratic availability
of manufacturing
inputs, resulting in numerous factories having to downsize
or resort to
part-time operations, and often to interrupt operations until
further inputs
come to hand.
This has been severely exacerbated
by the fast deteriorating
infrastructure, with some manufacturers being
without electricity for up to
20 hours a week, having irregular and
inadequate supplies of water, and
sharply increased delivery costs and
delivery delays as a result of the
deteriorating state of national and urban
roads, of national rail services,
and irregular fuel availability. The
shrinkage in productivity is also due
to industrial plant, machinery and
equipment becoming more and more aged, as
neither foreign currency or cash
flow resources are enabling timeous capital
expenditures, and due to
deteriorating maintenance caused by frequent lack
of critical spares, also
as a result of the insufficiency of foreign
exchange.
Yet
another cause of the decreasing productivity is that labour forces
are
becoming more and more demoralised and demotivated, they being
understandably wholly focused upon the overwhelming stresses to which they
are subject. Most cannot afford public transport, and are walking distances
of eight to 15 kilometres to work each day, with a like distance home at
day's
end. They do not earn sufficiently to feed, house, educate and care
for
their families. Even frequent wage increases (oft beyond the means of
the
employers) do not suffice to keep pace with inflation. Families are
being
broken up as more and more seek employment beyond Zimbabwe's borders,
or as
wives and children return to rural areas in order to reduce,
marginally,
essential expenditures. As a result, labour is producing lesser
volumes, and
much that is produced is of lower quality than required. All
this
unavoidably impacts upon industries' pricing policies, and therefore
upon
inflation.
However, one of the major contributory factors
is the gargantuan
"brain drain" of Zimbabweans to seek livelihoods further
afield. Whilst not
all of those who have departed to seek incomes in South
Africa, Botswana,
Namibia, Zambia, Malawi, Mozambique, United Kingdom,
Germany, USA, Canada,
Australia, and elsewhere were skilled, and therefore
were unable to obtain
formal employment in those countries, very many were.
Zimbabwe has had a
mass exodus of not only doctors, nurses, radiographers,
physiotherapists and
pharmacists, but also of engineers, accountants,
production managers,
designers, quality controllers, electricians, diverse
technicians,
marketers, and innumerable others. This has critically affected
the
efficiency and quality of operations in all economic sectors, and a
resultant indirect consequence is yet further inflation.
Although no absolutely authoritative data exists, reliable estimates
indicate that in excess of five million Zimbabweans now live beyond
Zimbabwe's
borders. Not only is that more than a third of the population
but, if
children and aged are excluded as generally not economically
productive,
then some 50 to 60% of those who could contribute to Zimbabwean
economic
wellbeing are no longer in Zimbabwe.
Almost all, at
time of departure, were genuinely intending to return
one day, their
motivations for leaving being solely to earn "real" money in
order to
support many family dependants back home, to fund acquisition of a
home (in
Zimbabwe), and to accumulate some capital. But those intents
disappear as
the Zimbabwean economic decline continues endlessly, as they
sink new roots
and develop new lives, meeting others, having children,
acquiring homes,
enjoying career development and advancement, making new
friends, and so
forth. The reality is that few will ever return, save on
brief
visits.
Therefore, a key facet of Zimbabwean economic recovery will
be the
determination and ability of the private and public sectors to
develop new
pools of skills, to enhance the skills of the few who have
remained in
Zimbabwe, and creating an environment that those in Zimbabwe
with skills
(including future additions to the pool of skilled persons) are
not
motivated to depart Zimbabwe, but to remain in the country. This, of
course,
requires major political and economic policy changes on the part of
government, but it also needs commerce and industry, mining, tourism,
financial services, and other economic sectors to intensify personnel
training, enhance emoluments on an ongoing basis, within the constraints of
business viability and survival, to strive to enhance morale, and to access
expatriate inputs.
Failure to do so will further fuel
inflation, and will accelerate
Zimbabwean economic near-total
collapse.
http://www.thoughtleader.co.za
Michael
Trapido
While the
political ping pong ball that is Zimbabwe's future is knocked
backwards and
forwards across the negotiation table I thought that a
sing-a-long might
cheer us all up; something that would be appropriate while
you're watching
the population being brutalised and murdered on television.
Most of you will
know the tune to Where do you go to my lovely sung by Peter
Sarstedt, so
here is a slightly amended version.
South African negotiators who have
helped to reach this point can substitute
their own names for "Mugabe";
it'll make them feel more important. Why not?
They are responsible for this
debacle so why not claim credit? Aziz Pahad,
among others, doesn't get
nearly enough credit for the high death toll in
that country.
Don't
be shy. After all, hasn't Mugabe thanked South Africa and your team
for
helping Zimbabwe to become what it is today? Your place in infamy is
assured.
Even if something approaching a resolution is found, tens of
thousands are
going to die before their time in Zimbabwe. The time taken to
implement any
solution is not going to save many on the brink. Quiet
diplomacy allied to
all the dilatory tactics employed by South Africa on
Mugabe's behalf will
assist in making the life expectancy of 37 years old
seem optimistic.
Take a bow guys - you've earned it.
WHERE DO YOU
GO TO MUGABE?
You talk like Adolf Hitler
And you dance like a tyrant
gone spare
Your clothes are all made in London
And there are diamonds and
pearls in your hair, yes there are
You live in a big fancy mansion
Off
the Butcher's Park, Harare
Where you keep up your murderous records
As a
friend of the bourgeois, yes you do
But where do you go to Mugabe
When
you're alone in your bed
Tell me the thoughts that surround you
I've
looked for your people, they're dead.
I've seen all your
qualifications
That you got from a distant land
And the lifeblood you
stole from your people
Your loveliness goes on and on, yes it
does
When you go on your summer vacation
You escape to somewhere with
Grace
With your carefully designed thoughtless antics
You destroy what's
left of your place, yes you do
And when the blood falls you're found in
South Africa
With the others of the jet-set
And you sip your Napoleon
brandy
But you never get your lips wet, no you don't
But where do you
go to Mugabe
When you're alone in your bed
Tell me the thoughts that
surround you
I've looked for your people, they're dead.
Your name, it
is heard in high places
The world hears calls for your head
They want you
to be tried as a criminal
And you think it's just for fun, for a laugh,
a-ha-ha-ha
They say that when you are buried
It will be as a hated
despot
But they don't realise where you came from
And I wonder if they
really care, or give a damn
But where do you go to Mugabe
When you're
alone in your bed
Tell me the thoughts that surround you
I've looked for
your people, they're dead.
Do you remember the back streets of
Salisbury
With children given to play
All touched with a burning
ambition
To shake off their lowly-born tags, so they try
So look into
my face Robert Mugabe
And remember just who you are
Then go and forget me
forever
Because you will eternally bear scars, deep inside, yes you
will
I know where you go to Mugabe
When you're alone in your bed
I
know the thoughts that surround you
Sheer terror for when you join your
dead.
(na na-na-na na na-na-na na-na na na na na)
(na na-na-na na
na-na-na na-na na na na na)