Financial Times
By Tony Hawkins in Harare
and Mark Turner at the United Nations
Published: June 30 2006 20:15 |
Last updated: June 30 2006 20:15
Kofi Annan, UN Secretary General, will
meet with Robert Mugabe, the Zimbabwe
president, at an African Union summit
in Gambia on Saturday, in an effort to
engage Harare in international talks
about its future, and possibly set a
date for a visit to the
country.
But UN officials were reluctant Friday to go into any detailed
proposals
following what they viewed as unconstructive public statements by
Thabo
Mbeki, the South African president, and subsequent discussion in the
southern African media.
Mr Annan would like to reach a deal with
Zimbabwe before stepping down at
the end of this year, but talks are still
fragile and success far from
assured. "My plan to go to Zimbabwe is still
very much on the table," he
told journalists recently. "Zimbabwe, in
economic and agricultural terms,
was one of the breadbaskets of the region,
and has the capacity of doing
that. [But] I think it's in a very difficult
way."
"We, the international community, should find a way of assisting
Zimbabwe to
come back to the fold and to turn around its economy and its
social
systems."
However emphasing his government's refusal to even
discuss constitutional
change and an interim administration with Mr Annan
ahead of the meeting the
Zimbabwe president insisted that his country does
not need any international
rescue package.
Speaking on Thursday the
Zimbabwe leader said: "There are so many so-called
'initiatives' to rescue
Zimbabwe. We are not dying. We don't need any
rescue. We will not collapse.
Maybe we are suffering, yes. But we will never
die".
The president's
comments coincided with reports that the ruling Zanu-PF's
politburo had
given Mr Mugabe "a mandate" to meet Mr Annan, but to reject
any proposals
for constitutional reform and a transitional government. "We
will not accept
any suggestions for a transitional government or economic
rescue packages
tied to veiled attempts of regime change," said a senior
member of the
party's top policy-making body.
"If Zimbabweans want change, they know
when elections are due" added party
spokesman Nathan Shamuyarira, a close
confidant of the president.
These comments have deepened gloom ahead of
the meeting despite continuing
claims from South African sources that Mr
Mugabe will come under intense
pressure to step down at the AU
summit.
In Harare, expectations of a positive outcome from the meeting
are low.
Government sources see the meeting as an opportunity for
President Mugabe to
"set the record straight," to quote one minister, by
telling the Zimbabwe
story "as it really is rather than how it is portrayed
in the biased western
media and in one-sided reports by UN
agencies".
Privately officials are delighted that the meeting is taking
place on "home
ground" for Mr Mugabe, seen as an African folk hero, by some
in Africa, who
has championed his country against "sanctions" imposed by the
EU, US
president George W. Bush, and British prime minister Tony
Blair.
Recent statements by the Zimbabwe government give no hint of
compromise.
Western diplomats left an acrimonious meeting with Zimbabwe
ministers last
week in state of deep gloom after foreign Minister Simbarashe
Mumbengegwi
had launched a 20-minute rant against the Australian ambassador
to Zimbabwe
Jon Sheppard.
The briefing had been called to tell the
diplomats that Zimbabwe would
honour bilateral investment agreements and pay
compensation for expropriated
land that they covered. When Mr Sheppard
sought an assurance that all those
who had lost their land would have "equal
rights under the law" the foreign
minister lashed out at Western countries
describing Australia as "one of the
most racist countries in the
world".
The episode left diplomats wondering whether there is any point
in an
Annan-Mugabe meeting.
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa
followed up with a bitter attack on the
West for seeking to destabilise
Zimbabwe by funding non-government
organizations.
While opposition
leader, Morgan Tsvangirai has welcomed the UN initiative,
his party, the
Movement for Democratic Change, says it still plans to go
ahead with street
protests to force the government to the negotiating table.
But in the past
Mr Tsvangirai has failed to bring people onto the streets
and with President
Mugabe threatening a" vicious" response to anyone seeking
to unseat his
administration, there is unlikely to be much support for
public
protests.
The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions has set July 11 as a
tentative date
for a national stayaway to protest against rising
unemployment, rampant
inflation, expected to reach 1250 percent in June, and
rapidly declining
real wages.
The Guardian
Friday June 30,
2006 7:01 PM
By HEIDI VOGT
Associated Press
Writer
BANJUL, Gambia (AP) - Iran's president prayed with African Muslims
Friday
ahead of a summit where he and another guest, Venezuelan President
Hugo
Chavez, could steal attention from a host of Africa's troubles, from
war in
Sudan to the struggle to cement democratic rule.
Leaders of
the 53-member African Union were expected to press Sudan to
accept U.N.
peacekeepers in the conflict-wracked Darfur region, debate the
rise of a
hard-line Islamic regime in Somalia and consider a proposal aimed
at keeping
presidents from installing themselves for life.
Also on the agenda for
the weekend summit was illegal migration, amid a wave
of undocumented
Africans trying to reach Europe via risky sea or desert
voyages.
But
the weighty regional discussions could be overshadowed by the two
high-profile guests from outside Africa - Chavez and Iranian President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
Ahmadinejad arrived Thursday night and attended
Friday prayers at Banjul's
main mosque. He addressed the crowd, encouraging
Gambian Muslims to ``come
together on the path of Islam to
God.''
``However powerful you may be, if you are not following Islam, you
must know
that your power will come to an end,'' Ahmadinejad
said.
Ninety percent of Gambia's 1.6 million people are Muslim, and Islam
is a
powerful force throughout western and other parts of
Africa.
Ahmadinejad's visit was seen as an attempt to drum up support for
Iran in
its standoff with the United States and Europe over its nuclear
program. The
Iranian president has made several high-profile trips to Asia,
where he drew
crowds of Muslims cheering Tehran for defying the
West.
Leftist icon Chavez - who was to address the summit Saturday - has
worked to
form trading blocks in the Americas as a counterbalance to the
U.S. The
Venezuelan leader is also planning to visit Iran next month to
discuss
energy issues.
Richard Mendez, deputy head of mission at the
Venezuelan Embassy in
Ethiopia, said his country has talked to African oil
producers about
potential collaborations, though no agreements have been
signed. Mendez
added Venezuela is hoping for African support in its bid for
one of the
rotating seats on the U.N. Security Council.
But, he said,
Chavez's appearance was more reflective of a broader desire to
show
solidarity with Africa.
Among African leaders confirmed to attend were
South Africa's Thabo Mbeki,
Libya's Moammar Gadhafi, Liberia's Ellen Johnson
Sirleaf, Nigeria's Olusegun
Obasanjo, Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe and Kenya's
Mwai Kibaki.
On one of the most critical issues - Darfur - the leaders
are expected to
reiterate calls for Sudan to accept U.N. peacekeepers to
replace an
overtaxed African Union force. At a meeting this week, the
group's
policy-making peace council made clear it wanted the handover,
refusing to
extend the mandate of African Union forces beyond September. The
council
also announced targeted sanctions against anyone who stands in the
way of
peace in Darfur.
Sudan has resisted U.N. peacekeepers for
Darfur.
``We think the African Union could be supported,'' rather than
replaced,
said Taj Elsir Mahjoub, a Sudanese delegate in
Banjul.
Since 2003, the Darfur uprising against the national government
has left
more than 180,000 people dead, driven 2 million from their homes
and
undermined stability in neighboring Chad and Central African Republic as
well as in Sudan.
U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan said Tuesday he
hoped pressure at the
summit would persuade Sudanese President Omar
al-Bashir to accept a U.N.
force. Annan plans to meet with al-Bashir and
said other African leaders
also would discuss a potential U.N. takeover with
Sudan.
Annan also was expected to meet with Mugabe, who is under
increasing
international pressure to resolve Zimbabwe's political and
economic crisis.
Mugabe rescinded an invitation to Annan to visit Zimbabwe
following reports
Annan might press him to step down after more than two
decades in power in
exchange for an aid package.
Sideline discussions
were also expected on Somalia, where a hard-line
Islamic group is asserting
control. The U.S. has accused the group of
harboring al-Qaida
leaders.
A proposal threatening suspension of African Union membership
for nations
that abolish presidential term limits is also under
consideration. It could
be added to a 2002 declaration making coups illegal,
according to a proposal
drafted by African foreign ministers.
Term
limits have been a recent theme in African politics. Uganda dropped
them
last year so its president could run again, but Mauritanian voters
approved
limits in June and Nigeria upheld its limits over an attempt to
amend the
constitution by supporters of Obasanjo, whose second and final
term ends
next year.
Migration is another topic in which the West takes an interest
- and
European and U.S. observers were expected at the Banjul
meeting.
African Union Commission Chairman Alpha Oumar Konare warned in a
recent
speech that Africa needs to fight proposals such as a draft French
law
clamping down on unskilled immigrants but welcoming highly skilled
artists,
scholars and athletes. Konare said that would only contribute to
the brain
drain from Africa.
Even if resolutions are passed, African
Union members aren't beholden to
them and the body has little funding to
pursue independent action.
``We decide all the points, but application,
that's the problem,'' said
Moiche Echek, Equatorial Guinea's ambassador to
Ethiopia. ``It is very, very
easy to wear a suit like me, sit and attend a
conference. But what happens
in the village, that is different.''
---
Associated Press Writer Momodou Jaiteh in Banjul contributed to this
report.
Sent: Saturday, July 01, 2006 5:02 AM
Subject:Free At Last!
Just
to let you know that the Harare 3, Kevin John Woods, Philip Mazisa
Conjwayo
and Michael Anthony Smith are due to be released from prison at
07:30
Zimbabwe time tomorrow after an ordeal lasting 18 years.
By Violet
Gonda
30 June 2006
As the African Union summit starts this
week there is massive
speculation that the United Nations Secretary General
Kofi Annan may use
this opportunity to meet with Robert Mugabe. Although
speculation is rife
that Annan might use the visit to press the 82 year old
leader to step down,
political commentator Professor Stanford Mukasa said
nothing substantial or
significant will come out of this meeting especially
since it's reported
that it may be held on the sidelines and not on the
agenda of the AU summit.
Furthermore, Mukasa said Mugabe has met
the UN Secretary General
several times and made assurances that he will
resolve the crisis each time.
Mukasa believes there is nothing that
Annan can do to pin Mugabe down
to a specific agenda or a specific programme
of action. "Kofi Annan is a
lame duck. He is stepping down as Secretary
General of the United Nations in
a few months time. By December this year he
will be stepping down and I don't
think anybody can expect him to accomplish
much. He has been informed about
the crisis in Zimbabwe and he has done
absolutely nothing," he said.
But international pressure is
mounting for the African Union to put
pressure on the Mugabe regime. South
African Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister
Aziz Pahad was reported this week
saying it was likely that Annan and Mugabe
would meet on the fringes of the
African Union summit. Pahad also said that
if such talks did take place, it
was likely that President Thabo Mbeki would
also be involved. "In the
context of our proximity and the role we have been
playing up to now one
would expect that he would be invited," Pahad said.
The Mugabe
regime has been holding Annan at arms length since last
year's Operation
Murambatsvina which the UN described as a disastrous action
that affected at
least 2.4 million and left 700 000 homeless. The Secretary
General has been
planning to see the outcome of Mugabe's so-called clean up
exercise but the
Zimbabwean government have said there is no need for Annan
to visit because
it had embarked on a re-housing operation. But evictions
are still
continuing in Zimbabwe.
Robert Mugabe also rejected foreign mediation
attempts when he was
speaking at the funeral of Tichaona Jokonya, the
information minister who
died last Saturday.
Addressing mourners on
Thursday Mugabe said there was no political
crisis in the country requiring
foreign mediation. "Lately, we have heard
about so-called 'initiatives' to
rescue Zimbabwe. We don't need rescuing
because we are not about to die.We
may be suffering, yes, but we will never
die. What we need is support for
the economy."
Both factions of the Movement for Democratic Change
issued statements
responding to Mugabe.
Nelson Chamisa,
spokesperson of the Tsvangirai MDC said, "President
Robert Mugabe's
assertion that the economy has not collapsed and that
Zimbabwe does not need
any rescue package all but confirms that Zanu PF and
Mugabe are in a
perpetual state of denial and have taken permanent residence
in cloud cuckoo
land. Mugabe seems to have plucked pages from Ian Smith's
colonial regime
hymnbook. Smith made the notorious statement that he had
"the happiest
natives" in Africa. Similarly, Mugabe is claiming he has the
happiest
subjects who are not in need of any rescue package. It is
characteristic of
dictators the world over to be locked in a permanent state
of
self-delusion," said Chamisa.
Spokesperson of the Mutambara MDC Gabriel
Chaibva said Mugabe's
statements on the state of the economy were
disappointing. "Inflation is at
more than 1200%, unemployment over 85%,
800,000 people were made homeless,
thousands of others need food aid
urgently, the health delivery system has
totally collapsed and unaffordable
even for the rich, electricity cuts are a
permanent feature and very soon
our theatres will be operating on candle
light, education standards have
plummeted as teachers flee classrooms
because of poor
remuneration."
He added, "AIDS and HIV continue to take toll of the
population as
government fails to provide ARVs, our farmers are facing
chronic shortage of
essential farm inputs, basic commodities are out of
reach of the ordinary
person, the public transport system has virtually
collapsed and the
frontiers of poverty continue to advance unstoppably,
threatening to engulf
the whole nation."
Chaibva said with such
a scenario one would expect the Head of State
to seek every opportunity to
explain his government plans in dealing with
the deep rooted crises he is
facing.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
News24
30/06/2006 13:10 -
(SA)
Harare - Splits are deepening in Zimbabwe's ruling party over
the continued
tenure of the extravagance-loving mayoress of the capital, say
reports.
According to reports, the central committee of the Harare branch
of the
Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) had passed
a vote
of "no confidence" in Sekesai Makwavarara.
The "no confidence"
motion came only a few days after local government
minister Ignatius Chombo
extended by another six months the tenure of
Makwavarara as head of the
chairperson of the commission running the city of
Harare.
Harare
living conditions 'deteriorate'
Makwavarara was appointed chairperson of
that commission more than two years
ago, after the government sacked the
elected opposition mayor Elias Mudzuri.
The flamboyant mayoress had
courted controversy ever since because of her
reported taste for the high
life.
As living conditions in Harare steadily deteriorated, Makwavarara
had made
an expensive trip to Moscow, ordered curtains for her mayoral
mansion at a
cost of Z$35bn ($350 000) and taken advantage of her position
to try to
purchase a council-owned house at a fraction of its market
value.
Makwavarara 'undermines Zanu-PF'
The reports said that in
an unusual challenge to the local government
minister, William Nhara, a
spokesperson for the Harare central province
branch of Zanu-PF, accused
Makwavarara of flouting tender procedures to the
detriment of
ratepayers.
Nhara said Makwavarara had undermined the ruling party and
lacked
professionalism and leadership qualities.
Makwavarara was a
member of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
before she switched
allegiance to Zanu-PF. Life in Harare, once known as the
Sunshine City, had
steadily declined since Makwavarara was appointed.
Roads were potholed,
there were frequent water cuts and burst sewage pipes
were a perennial
problem.
Harare's main residents association had told its members to stop
paying
rates.
Comment from PBS Frontline/World, 27 June
Stephen Talbot
continued from
yesterday...
In those days, nearly every African leader or would-be leader
professed to
be a socialist of some sort - whether it was Julius Nyerere's
"African
socialism" in Tanzania or Nelson Mandela's left-wing ANC, which
included the
South African Communist Party. Raised as a Catholic and
educated in part by
Jesuits, Mugabe became a Marxist while studying in Ghana
during the era of
President Kwame Nkrumah, the grand old man of African
nationalism. Mugabe's
Marxism was an ideology that hardened during his
10-year prison term in
Rhodesia and was influenced by his Maoist allies in
China. I should have
paid closer attention to Mugabe's definition of
socialism as a
"socio-economic system ... which is planned and operated by
those who are
chosen by the people." For Mugabe, the goal became a one-party
state, not a
European-style social democracy. And his own power - not the
welfare of his
people - became his obsession. I never had an opportunity to
discuss all
this with my friend Tirivafi. But if he was disgusted by his
president's
power grabs and personal aggrandizement, he never said so
publicly. Tirivafi
spent most of his career abroad, as a diplomat in India,
Africa and Europe.
He died of natural causes at an early
age.
Mugabe's 26 years in power have turned out to be a textbook
example of Lord
Acton's famous dictum, "Power tends to corrupt and absolute
power corrupts
absolutely." In the first election after independence,
Mugabe's Zanu Party
won control of 57 out of 80 seats in parliament, easily
overwhelming their
nominal ally, Zapu. A pattern soon developed: When Mugabe
felt firmly in
control, he was relatively benign, running Zimbabwe like a
ward boss in old
Chicago, handing out patronage to his friends. But whenever
Mugabe felt that
his power was threatened -- by Nkomo, by white farmers, by
the Movement for
Democratic Change -- he lashed out. Usually his brutal
crackdowns were timed
to upcoming elections he thought he might lose.
Mugabe's confiscation of
white-owned farms in the last six years has been
highly political. Zimbabwe
inherited an inequitable agricultural system from
colonial Rhodesia. A
quarter of a million whites owned most of the fertile,
productive farm land
in a nation of what was then 7 million blacks. The
farms were efficient and
bountiful, producing tobacco as a cash crop and
more than enough corn to
feed the country and to export. African demand for
land reform was strong,
but Mugabe did not want to jeopardize the economy,
and despite some militant
talk, he did almost nothing to redistribute land
until he was challenged in
the polls.
Suddenly Mugabe played the
race card. He urged "war veterans" -- unemployed,
demobilized guerrilla
soldiers - to occupy white farms. Ownership of many
farms was simply
transferred to Mugabe's cronies, who have proved to be
either incapable of
farming or totally disinterested in it. Most whites have
left the country,
sometimes invited to start over in neighboring Zambia or
Mozambique.
Thousands of black farmworkers lost their jobs, and agriculture
has
collapsed. Malnutrition is now widespread. Eighty percent of Zimbabweans
are
unemployed. The whole country, now some 12 million people, has closed in
upon itself, cut off from the rest of the world, trapped in its own private
torment. Mugabe, now 82, has virtually achieved his one-party state. Zanu
controls most of the seats in parliament. When Mugabe needs to, as in 2002,
he rigs elections. His party, which only needs a 75 percent majority (which
it has) to change the constitution, does so on a whim. He has silenced what
used to be a robust and free press, jailing and torturing reporters. And he
has become increasingly mercurial and brutal. Last year he launched his own
version of slum clearance, called Operation Murambatsvina ("Clean the
Filth"), evicting some 700,000 people from their homes in Harare and other
cities -- mostly desperately poor people who, he feared, might support the
opposition or stage food riots. When condemned by the international
community, Mugabe hisses back, claiming he is the target of a Western
conspiracy. Paranoia has replaced the openness with which, 30 years ago, he
solicited international support for his rebel cause.
All of this
has caused me, and others, to wonder what exactly transformed
Mugabe from a
promising national hero to a tyrant. Is it simply that he has
remained in
power far too long? Or was there some other trigger? Ian Smith,
Mugabe's
now-elderly enemy, has said he thinks Mugabe is simply "deranged."
Mugabe's
outbursts against homosexuals seem particularly bizarre, though
perhaps this
is political theater, aimed at tradition-bound, deeply
conservative voters.
Some speculate that Mugabe became unhinged after his
wife, Sally, died in
1992. He subsequently married his secretary, who is
some 40 years younger
than he. Others trying to fathom Mugabe's psyche look
back further, to the
horrors of the Rhodesian war and the emotional scars
such a conflict can
leave. There was one moment in particular during
Mugabe's years in jail: His
only son died and he was not allowed to attend
the funeral. An extraordinary
man like Nelson Mandela was able to rise above
such torment and personal
loss and went on to free his people and reconcile
his nation. But few
countries are fortunate enough to have a Mandela.
Long ago, Mugabe
seemed to hold something of Mandela's promise. When I last
spoke with him,
on that rooftop in Maputo, he had come to a crossroads. His
guerrilla army
had taken the offensive, and he might, conceivably, have shot
his way to
power, but the toll in lives would have been high and it might
have provoked
a larger conflict, involving South Africa and perhaps even
Britain and the
United States. There was an apocalyptic mood back then, with
South African
apartheid leader P.W. Botha telling the BBC that World War III
had already
started in southern Africa between the West and the Soviet
Union. At that
moment, Mugabe had the good sense to accept a British offer
to go to London
and negotiate an end to the bitter conflict. The Lancaster
House Agreement,
which paved the way for majority rule in Zimbabwe, was
signed just before
Christmas in 1979. There would be no repeat of Angola, no
spark for a third
world war. As a result, Mugabe entered office with a
reputation for
international statesmanship - a reputation enhanced by his
support, at some
risk to his own country, for an end to apartheid in
neighboring South
Africa. The reluctance these days of African leaders to
denounce Mugabe's
human rights abuses is self-serving - they don't want to
call attention to
their own shortcomings - but it is also partly a legacy of
respect for a man
who was once a freedom fighter.
I have pondered the enigma of Robert
Mugabe countless times - and questioned
my own naïveté in taking him at face
value. It's unnerving when you misjudge
someone so profoundly. At the risk
of sounding ridiculous, there is one
thing that everyone notices but rarely
mentions about Mugabe: his mustache.
That small, distinctive streak of dark
hair just under his nose is
Hitleresque. Not a perfect match - Hitler's was
more of a square, Mugabe's
is narrower - but one can't help making the
comparison, however unfair and
stupid that might be. In fact, many political
cartoonists who dislike Mugabe
draw on the Hitler comparison. I never asked,
but I can't help thinking: Is
Mugabe being deliberately provocative? Or does
his style of facial hair have
no political symbolism whatsoever? I can still
remember my excitement at
meeting Mugabe and filing my first radio story
about him. This was history -
a man leading one of the last anticolonial
struggles in Africa. He seemed to
measure up - a tough, university-educated
African leader with British
flourishes. When I asked him how he would
describe U.S. policy toward
Zimbabwe, he deadpanned, "A mixed grill." What
happened to the Mugabe I knew
in the late 1970s still bewilders and disturbs
me. Even if he lacked
Mandela's transcendent humanity and compassion, Mugabe
could have been an
esteemed statesman and a popular president. Instead he
has run his country
into the ground, one more tyrant on a long-suffering
continent, his people
waiting for him to die.
Mail and Guardian
Percy
Zvomuya
30 June 2006 07:59
Nothing could
have conjured the images of a riven country more
eloquently than the
Zimbabwe national day of prayer. An event meant to unite
a country was
marked by a slanging match that would not have looked out of
place before a
heavyweight boxing match.
At the event staged at the Glamis
Arena in Harare, the country's
President, Robert Mugabe, was initially
conciliatory, urging the church to
point out his government's "shortcomings,
sins of commission or omission".
But later he turned to lay
into the outspoken Roman Catholic
Archbishop of Bulawayo, Pius Ncube: "When
the church leaders start being
political, we regard them as political
creatures - and we are vicious in
that area," he said.
This tone was not out of place in a week in which Bishop Levy
Kadenge of the
Methodist Church, who is the convener of the anti-government
Christian
Alliance that boycotted the event, had not been to his house since
Thursday
last week. Reports say that a Central Intelligence Organisation
(CIO)
officer told him "we want to wipe you out".
His secretary
general, Jonah Gokova, recently said that the
bishop was not in hiding and
was "at his office". However, Kadenge had been
"advised not to speak to the
press".
Gokova said the Christian Alliance was formed in
response to
concern from church members after last year's urban clean-up
operation that
left up to 700 000 people destitute.
Ncube
told Irin News that church leaders who have aligned
themselves with the
government had compromised themselves. Last month he
claimed that some
leaders had been bribed to support the government. "The
church should be a
safe haven for the tortured. This government continues to
abuse people's
rights and church leaders should be warned that their
solidarity with those
who have caused so much suffering leaves the victims
feeling betrayed," he
said.
Head of the organisation behind the national day of
prayer,
Christian Denominations and Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe,
Bishop
Trevor Manhanga, however, insisted that working with the government
was the
best way in finding a solution to Zimbabwe's problems. "We refuse to
join
our detractors and short-sighted citizens who do not see anything good
about
the country," he told Irin News.
Analysts argue
that in a country where people have lost faith in
opposition politics and
the ability of Mugabe's government to find a
solution to the country's
problems, many people have turned to Christianity.
They point
out that the church has, consequently, become the new
arena for the control
of the minds and hearts of the people. Analysts say
that the church is no
longer reading from the same gospel at a time when
people, despairing of the
divided opposition, are looking to it for
leadership.
Mining Weekly
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
Mining exploration-company African Consolidated Resources (ACR) listed
on
the London bourse's Alternative Investment Market (AIM) on Friday, after
successfully raising £4-million in new equity.
The company,
which claims gold resources of just short of a million
ounces, as well as
platinum, nickel and diamond exploration rights in
Zimbabwe, raised the new
equity by selling 33-million new shares at 12 pence
a share.
ACR said it would use the funds for its current exploration and
investment
programme in Zimbabwe.
Executive chairperson Ian Fisher said in a
media statement that
Zimbabwe contained substantial mineral reserves, which
were considerably
"undervalued" and "underexploited". He attributed it to a
lack of both
capital investment and modern exploration
processes.
"Admission to AIM is an important step for ACR, enabling
us to deliver
our strategy of creating value for our existing and
prospective
shareholders, while ensuring that the local environment and the
indigenous
people are rewarded," he said.
On the issue of the
Zimbabwe's mining policy, ACR said that the
Zimbabwe government stated that
exploration companies would be less affected
in the short term by
empowerment strategies. Zimbabwe's current law, along
with its proposed
indigenisation strategies, aims at economically empowering
the
historically-disadvantaged people.
ACR controls several hundred
square kilometres of exploration ground
and has a variety of projects at
stages from greenfield to prefeasibility
resource definition drilling. ACR
currently has six drill rigs operating on
two lead projects, which are
expected to be available for the foreseeable
future.
Institute for War and Peace Reporting
Introduction
to a series of profiles of prominent Africans working at the
International
Criminal Court in The Hague.
By Fred Bridgland in Johannesburg (AR No.
69, 27-Jun-06)
The International Criminal Court, ICC, in The Hague,
established four years
ago, is the world's first permanent international war
crimes court.
Other international criminal courts, such as the
post-Second World War
Nuremberg Tribunal and the United Nations
International Criminal Tribunal
for the former Yugoslavia, also located in
The Hague, have been, or are, by
comparison once-only, temporary
institutions.
The ICC was set up under the 1998 Statute of Rome with the
backing of the
United Nations General Assembly and the approval of 120
countries, but its
operations and officials are independent of the UN and
are not subject to
veto by the UN Security Council.
The first visible
sign to outsiders that the ICC had "arrived" came on March
20 this year when
Congolese militia leader and warlord Thomas Lubanga Dyilo
made history by
becoming the first suspect to appear in the ICC's modern
courtroom, charged
with war crimes by Judge Claude Jorda of France.
Gaining evidence to
support the prosecution of 45-year-old Lubanga has
involved more than 60 ICC
prosecution missions over the past two years to
the remote, minerals-rich,
northeastern Ituri region of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, DRC. The
ICC's Argentinian chief prosecutor Luis
Moreno-Ocampo said his investigators
had worked almost clandestinely in
Ituri because guerrillas from the rival
Lendu and Hema ethnic groups "could
kill our witnesses".
Among the
initial charges made against Lubanga, leader of a militia called
the Union
of Congolese Patriots, UPC, is of conscripting children under the
age of
fifteen and using them in front-line hostilities. Moreno-Ocampo
alleges that
Lubanga had trained children as young as seven to become
guerrilla
soldiers.
Lubanga is now held at the ICC's prison in Scheveningen, on the
outskirts of
The Hague, where the court has leased twelve cells, with the
option to take
more as the UN's Yugoslav tribunal, the current main tenant
of the prison,
winds down its operation.
The UN says more than 60,000
people have been killed in Ituri and more than
half a million of the
province's 4.5 million people have become internal
refugees since late 1998
when war erupted in the eastern DRC, stirred by the
neighbouring states of
Rwanda and Uganda and by the DRC government.
Ituri's war-within-a-war,
and the cycle of attacks and counter-attacks by
ethnic armies, comes against
the background of an only recently ended
full-scale war in the DRC - often
described as the "first African world
war". The conflict involved nine
African states, twenty different armed
factions and is estimated to have
cost some four million lives.
Few people outside Africa have heard of
Lubanga. Nor are many in Africa
familiar with his name or alleged
deeds.
In quizzes for participants in seminars on the ICC and other
international
justice issues held in Africa by the Institute for War and
Peace Reporting,
the lack of knowledge has been quite striking. This is not
an indictment of
seminar participants because, in truth, the ICC has not
been sufficiently
pro-active in promoting itself and what it hopes to
achieve. This is
particularly unfortunate because all its initial high
profile cases concern
Africa - the Lubanga case; arrest warrants for Joseph
Kony and other leaders
of the Lord's Resistance Army in Uganda; a major
investigation into war
crimes and abuses of human rights in the Darfur
region of Sudan; and an
investigation in its infancy of alleged human rights
abuses in the Central
African Republic.
There is a huge need for
greater understanding of the court, its powers, its
limitations and its
wider effects. Its very existence serves as a deterrent
to would-be
dictators. Following the appearance of Lubanga in the ICC
courtroom, chills
surely ran down the spines of the likes of former
Ethiopian military
dictator Haile Mariam "Red Terrror" Mengistu, former Chad
dictator Hissen
Habre, Zimbabwe president Robert Mugabe and Sudan president
Omar al
Bashir.
The inadequate attention given by the ICC to public relations in
Africa is
also regrettable because many Africans ask why this "European"
court seems
to be concentrating on Africa and the hauling of Africans to a
European
capital to prosecute them. The spectre of some kind of
neo-colonialism
arises.
And yet the ICC has a good and positive story
to tell to Africa, not least
because so many of the top positions in the
600-member permanent staff of
the ICC are held by Africans deeply concerned
about human rights on their
continent.
Twenty-seven African countries
have ratified the treaty establishing the
ICC, making Africa the most
represented region in the ICC's Assembly of
States Parties. And there are
hopes that Togo will soon become the 101st
state to ratify the founding Rome
Statute.
The ICC's deputy chief prosecutor, a hugely important and
powerful position,
is an African, Gambia's Fatou Bensouda, who asserts,
"Africa must take
ownership of the court. It is our court. It is not imposed
on us."
To help illustrate the importance of the court to Africa, IWPR
Africa will
for the rest of this year, and perhaps beyond, publish monthly
profiles of
key African players at the ICC in The Hague, beginning with
Bensouda, as in
the following article by Katy Glassborow.
While the
profiles are aimed principally at African newspapers, broadcasting
organisations and other media, anyone anywhere around the globe is free to
use them.
The IWPR Africa Report is still young, having been launched
in January last
year, and we have still yet to convey adequately to all the
media in Africa
that our reports can be used without payment, although we do
ask for
attribution and ideally for our writers to be by-lined.
With
this first profile of Fatou Bensouda, we hope you may begin to publish
IWPR
material more frequently [take a look at our website
http://iwpr.gn.apc.org] and help the people of
Africa and elsewhere to
understand the enormous importance of the ICC and
other issues of
international justice.
Fred Bridgland is the
Johannesburg-based editor of IWPR's Africa Report.
By Lance
Guma
30 June 2006
An immigration and asylum tribunal will
on Monday decide the fate of
thousands of failed Zimbabwean asylum seekers
living in the United Kingdom.
This is being done under the 'AA' test case.
At the core of the case is
whether the Home Office should grant blanket
immunity to all failed asylum
seekers irrespective of circumstances or
deport those whose claims are not
genuine. The Home Office won its appeal at
the Royal Courts of Justice,
against a ruling which had prevented them
deporting failed Zimbabwean
asylum-seekers. Harris Nyatsanza a spokesperson
for the United Network of
Detained Zimbabweans says after their initial loss
at the Court of Appeal
the matter has been sent back to the tribunal for the
reconsideration of
fresh evidence that will look at the safety of those who
have gone back.
Nyatsanza says the Home Office has documented
several cases in which
people who have voluntarily gone back under the
International Office for
Migration (IOM) scheme reported positively on their
attempts at
re-integration back in Zimbabwe. The Home Office will argue that
because of
these reports Zimbabwe is a safe country for those with weak
claims for
asylum. Nyatsanza also explained that the Home Office was not
disputing that
there were human rights abuses in Zimbabwe but that only
genuine government
opponents with a well-founded fear of persecution could
be granted
protection under the Geneva Convention pertaining to refugees.
They also
argue that those who have had their claims turned down have gone
through
appeals with independent judges without success.
The
matter has drawn heated debate with the Home Office screening
policy coming
under fire. Some well-known activists, including Crispen
Kulinji, came
within a whisker of deportation were it not for the efforts of
committed
rights groups who protested. It is these contradictions in the
system that
have infuriated critics of the Home Office and calls have grown
louder for
an overhaul of the process. Nyatsanza says it's very hard to
appeal against
a negative decision once it has been made. It is highly
unlikely blanket
immunity can be granted for all failed Zimbabwean asylum
seekers, but what
legal experts say is that a reconsideration of evidence
regarding the safety
of returnees will shape the entire Home Office policy
regarding Zimbabwe. A
negative decision could very well lead to mass
deportations.
Meanwhile a coalition of refugee support groups, including the United
Network of Detained Zimbabweans, Zimbabwe Action Group, Zimbabwe
Association, Free Zimbabwe, Zimbabwean Women's Network, Zimbabwe Vigil and
others have organised vigils in Bournemouth, Bristol, Birmingham, Newcastle,
Leeds, Manchester and Coventry. In Bournemouth local MP Harnett Brook and
journalists from the local Daily Echo will attend the Saturday and Sundays
vigils there. On Sunday evening all roads lead to the Tribunal Courts at the
Royal Courts of Justice in London for an overnight vigil leading to the
court case on Monday. Former ZimRights Chairman Nicholas Ndebele who is now
heading the Zimbabwe Action Group says they would like the UK government to
remember that failed asylum seekers are also real people. He told Newsreel
the idea behind the vigils was for Zimbabweans to come forward and show the
whole world that the case, 'concerned real people and not abstract
things.'
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe
news
June 30,
2006
By ANDnetwork .com
China Development Bank will
sink US $80m into building a white paper
manufacturing plant in Mutare,
Zimbabwe.
Although the finer details of the deal were still
sketchy by the time
of writing, it is understood that the project will
commence soon.
Hunyani Holdings, Zimbabwe Newspapers (Zimpapers)
and Forestry Company
of Zimbabwe were the brains behind the
deal.
"The deal has gone through feasibility studies and the
outcome was
satisfactory such that CDB agreed to finance the project,"
sources revealed
this week.
The Forestry Company has vast
tracts of commercial timber, a key input
in paper production and it thus
becomes a major source of wood pulp for the
new venture.
Zimpapers, as a major consumer of newsprint, and Hunyani Holdings
stand to
benefit from synergies that will arise through constant supply of
raw
materials and reduced production costs.
On the other hand, the
Forestry Company will be able to maximise
benefits from the value added
timber products (paper).
A tonne of newsprint now costs around $300
million. The fruition of
the deal will also end Mutare Board and Paper
56-year stranglehold on the
industry.
Several hundred jobs
would be created at the plant and in downstream
industries.
Sources could not be drawn into disclosing the finer details on the
deal
citing confidentiality, preferring to direct questions to the
Government
which is now spearheading the deal.
Zimpapers group chief executive
Mr Justin Mutasa last year indicated
that modalities were in place to
venture into newsprint manufacturing as
part of measures to cushion the
company form rising production costs.
"We will commence our own
newsprint production because the current
monopoly in the newsprint
manufacturing production cannot be tolerated," Mr
Mutasa was quoted as
saying.
CBD has emerged as one of the international financiers
willing to
assist Zimbabwe during this economic transformation
phase.
The bank's governor, Mr Chen Yuan, told a Zimbabwean
business
delegation led by Vice President Mujuru during her official
long-visit to
the Asian country earlier this month that his bank was willing
to finance
Zimbabwe's social and reconstruction programme.
The
bank specialises in trade finance, providing aid to governments
and
financing infrastructure development in the energy sector, mining,
transport
and communication.
At the last count, the bank's net assets stood
at US $350 billion,
making it the world's largest financial
institution.
Zimbabwean Herald
Mail and Guardian
Godwin
Gandu
30 June 2006 07:09
A belligerent
President Robert Mugabe is placing conditions for
the lifting of
international sanctions first, before any dialogue or planned
visit by
United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan.
Mugabe is
expected to meet Annan on the sidelines of the African
Union summit in
Gambia this week, following the facilitation of the meeting
by South Africa
President Thabo Mbeki.
UN spokesperson Yves Sokobi told
journalists last week Annan had
"expressed interest" in meeting Mugabe to
avoid "Zimbabwe's collapse". The
sanctions that Mugabe wants dealt with
include European Union-targeted
travel bans and the United States Economic
Recovery Act, which bars the US
from doing business with
Zimbabwe.
It is a conditionality Mugabe mooted after Mbeki's
shuttle
diplomacy between London and Harare to help kick-start the dialogue
process.
Mugabe has also imposed the removal of sanctions as a prerequisite
to any
serious engagement with the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC).
At a meeting held last year in the Gunhill suburb
between
Zanu-PF kingmaker General Solomon Mujuru and MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai,
Mujuru advised the MDC leader that Mugabe wanted him to talk to
the West to
remove sanctions first before any meaningful dialogue between
the parties
can take place. Present during that meeting were Economic
Development
Minister Rugare Gumbo and Central Intelligence Organisation
Director General
Happyton Bonyongwe.
Mugabe's desperation
to have sanctions lifted resonates with US
ambassador Christopher Dell's
observations that the sanctions were making an
impact.
Insiders within Zanu-PF's information department tell the Mail &
Guardian that Mugabe was going to meet Annan in an "uncompromising mood",
given the "hurting sanctions".
Annan's visit to Harare
may not be "any time soon" as Mugabe is
worried about what Annan may bring
to the table and "the continued spotlight
Zimbabwe receives at every
international forum".
"Zimbabwe is not in a position to
impose conditions. Only the
international community has that capacity," says
Professor Eldred
Masunungure, political science lecturer at the University
of Zimbabwe.
"Zimbabwe is severely wounded to the point that it cannot
sustain the
present crisis."
Mugabe two weeks ago also
advised a delegation of church leaders
to engage Tsvangirai over sanctions.
Reverend Andrew Muchechetere of the
Ecumenical Peace Initiative says the
issue of sanctions will be on the table
in a meeting with Tsvangirai next
week.
The "success of the Mugabe-Annan meeting will largely
depend on
the stance of the two men," says Masunungure. "If Mugabe goes in a
belligerent mood, he won't achieve anything." Mugabe, instead "will seek the
indulgence of Annan to intercede on behalf of Zimbabwe".
Mugabe hauled his late information minister Tichaona Jokonya
over the coals
after a Cabinet meeting two weeks ago, following an interview
Jokonya gave
to the Voice of America in which he says Mugabe will have
dialogue with
Annan over the escalating political crisis. Jokonya died last
weekend.
Insiders say "Mugabe feels there is no need for
dialogue;
sanctions should go first."
Presidential
spokesperson George Charamba, who briefs Mugabe,
indicated Annan's
invitation to Zimbab-we was "stale" as Operation
Murambatsvina - which he
was supposed to assess after his envoy's damning
reports - was over and had
been replaced by Operation Garikai (stay well).
"Mugabe feels
no need to meet Annan," says the insider but
"regional pressure seems to be
prevailing, that's why he is upping the
stakes by demanding Annan convince
the international community to
remove -sanctions first."
Constitutional law expert Lovemore Madhuku doesn't think Annan
will achieve
much. "It's too late," he says. "His trip will be doomed given
the diverse
interests within UN, particularly the Security Council," he
says. Russia and
China will oppose any motion that "puts Zimbabwe in the
dock".
Because Annan is quitting in December, Zanu-PF
insiders feel his
sell-by-date is too close for him to have any meaningful
impact. Madhuku
says instead of focusing on the Annan-Mugabe talks,
international
condemnation "should mount". "Mugabe must be pressurised to
bring genuine
democratic reforms," he says.
Business Day
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
As
we build up a good PR image of SA's progress and tourist attractions in
preparation for the 2010 Soccer World Cup, we need to overcome two
potentially damaging problems that we need like holes in the head - violent
crime and Zimbabwe.
Much has been said about what needs to be
done about crime (for example,
more resources for the police) but Zimbabwe,
a failed and miserable state on
our very doorstep, gets far less attention -
its problems are too close for
comfort. Obviously rigged elections, state
closure of opposition newspapers,
4-million internal refugees who are
jobless, homeless and hopeless, and a
lunatic leader all contribute to
giving the whole region a bad name.
Two-million folk were affected by
Mugabe's Operation Clean-Up, last year's
wanton destruction of thousands of
homes of town dwellers perceived to be
supporters (and they probably were)
of the Movement for Democratic Change's
Morgan Tsvangirai, still the
country's only credible opposition leader.
Unemployment is now 85%
and runaway inflation, causing desperate hunger, has
recorded a loaf of
bread at Z$220000, with one US dollar worth Z$500000.
Petrol is extinct
except for the forex-owning elite.
Action Aid has found that 69% of
those effected by the "clean-up" of homes
desperately need medical or
psychological help - which they have no chance
of getting from the collapsed
public health sector. A visit to a private
doctor costs
millions.
This agency reports that "rapes, electric shocks, severe
beatings on the
body and foot soles, forced nakedness, witnessing the
torture of family and
friends, and mock executions are part of a long list
of horrifying
state-sanctioned acts".
The Amani Trust confirms
that Zimbabwe "has a population exposed to multiple
traumas".
Rubbish
remains uncollected, just another health hazard. Treatment for AIDS
is a
nonstarter.
One would like to think that the multiple visits of
politicians between
Pretoria, Harare, London, New York and elsewhere might
lead to something
worthwhile. Or are they reminiscent of the legendary
switching of the
deck-chairs on the Titanic?
Ivor DavisSandton
Rev. Dr. Martine Stemerick interviews a torture victim.
Click here to read it.
Business Day
Carli
Lourens
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Trade
and Industry Editor
THE "now-or-never" World Trade Organisation (WTO)
meeting that got under way
in Geneva yesterday appeared to be making no
progress on the first day, with
some even suggesting that the parties at
loggerheads had moved further
apart.
The US and the European Union
(EU) continued to accuse each other of being
unwilling to make concessions
to clinch a global free trade deal before time
runs out, international news
agencies reported.
India was reported as having threatened to walk away
from the meeting if the
US refused to make wider cuts on farm
subsidies.
Brazilian Foreign Minister Celso Amorim was quoted as saying
the positions
of key players in global talks appeared to be moving further
apart, rather
than narrowing to the point where a deal was
possible.
If WTO members manage to break the deadlock over rich
countries' support for
agriculture, then a world pact giving poor countries
better access to rich
markets may be within reach by year-end.
If
they fail, it could trigger a failure of the Doha round, WTO boss Pascal
Lamy suggested this week.
Failure at the current meeting is also
likely to fuel pessimism about the
benefits of a final outcome, and is
likely to give fresh impetus to the
debate on the role of the WTO.
So
far almost all major deadlines set along the Doha process have been
missed.
The trade negotiations committee meeting now under way in Geneva
does not
mark another deadline.
But WTO members will attempt at this meeting to
achieve what they failed to
do by the April 30 deadline - to reach a
framework agreement on agriculture
as well as industrial goods. The meeting
is being attended by at least 40
trade ministers. SA's Mandisi Mpahlwa is
among them.
SA's trade and industry department said ahead of the meeting
this week that
it was "keenly aware" of pessimism about the benefits of
talks. But SA could
not afford not to be in the WTO, it said.
The WTO
was the single most important forum in global trade and could
deliver
important benefits to developing countries, including SA, the
department
said.
Prospects for an agriculture deal appeared better last week than
they do
after the first day's meetings.
Lamy said last week that WTO
members were now closer to an agriculture deal
than ever before. There had
been signals that the US and the European Union
(EU) would consider making
some further concessions in agriculture ahead of
the meeting.
To
break what has become known as the "negotiations triangle" stalemate, the
EU
had to make further concessions on agriculture tariffs; the US had to
reduce
farm subsidies; and big developing countries had to lower tariffs on
industrial goods.
Trade commentator Hilton Zunckel of trade
consultancy Floor Incorporated was
not optimistic.
Based upon the
draft agriculture deal released for comment to WTO members
this week, he
said it was almost certain that ministers "will remain bogged
down in a
negotiating field awash in muddy exceptions in once potentially
fertile Doha
Development soils".
"It is widely accepted that a political breakthrough
as opposed to a textual
negotiation is needed to redirect trade negotiators
in order to make any
further progress in concretising agricultural
modalities," Zunckel said
yesterday.
Last year's proposal on the
reduction of agriculture support and tariffs by
the Group of 20 (G-20)
developing country alliance, of which SA is a
founding member, is likely to
feature prominently in discussions over the
next few days.
There were
signals that the US and EU were prepared to move closer to the
proposal, and
even that it could form part of the basis of an agriculture
deal. Such
suggestions have, however, raised the ire of stakeholders such as
the large
COPA farmers' union in the EU. The union finds the proposal
unacceptable.
Zunckel, who agrees the G-20 proposal may be "a logical
converging point",
says first world negotiators, notably the G-10 group of
food-importing
countries, have also vehemently denied this.
It would
be ironic if the G-20 proposal formed the basis for any deal on
agriculture
because the group was initially described as a petulant child
disrupting
serious negotiations.
Breaking the farming stalemate will not necessarily
make for a smooth
process. If the big rich countries make sufficient
concessions in
agriculture, it will be up to big developing countries to
make the next
move, to open their markets to industrial imports from rich
countries.
Labour groups in SA have warned that there could be massive job
losses if SA
makes deep cuts in tariffs on industrial goods
imports.
A statement by metalworker unions in SA, Angola, Mozambique,
Zimbabwe and
Zambia, among other countries, said yesterday that the proposed
formula
would lead to extensive cuts in tariffs by middle-income developing
countries, "making it virtually impossible for them to industrialise
further".
A group called NAMA-11 - representing 11 developing
countries' interests in
nonagriculture market access, or industrial goods -
is expected to present
stiff opposition to any ambitious demands made by
rich countries at the
meeting.
SA led the establishment of NAMA-11
during the December Hong Kong
ministerial meeting.
SA, on behalf of
NAMA-11, has apparently raised several concerns about a
draft agreement on
industrial goods, also released for comment by WTO
members last week.
By Tererai Karimakwenda
30 June 2006
Operators of
Zimbabwe's commuter omnibuses are caught between a rock
and a hard place
these days. On one hand is a government without solutions
to the fuel crisis
that is contributing to massive fare increases. And on
the other is an angry
and frustrated public trying to get to work and
blaming bus operators for
charging too much. Our Harare correspondent Simon
Muchemwa reports that the
government is failing to provide enough fuel under
a scheme that subsidises
fuel costs for minibus operators and was introduced
to alleviate transport
problems. He said the operators are forced to buy
more on the black market
at exorbitant prices and they pass this cost onto
commuters. The police then
arrest any operators charging above the
government's prescribed rates and
commuters get angry at them for increasing
fares frequently. As a result
many operators are choosing to park their
vehicles rather than lose money or
get arrested.
Muchemwa said under the subsidised scheme government
sells fuel to
commuter operators for about Z$26,000 per litre. But
deliveries are coming
in on average once every 4 weeks. This creates a
demand for fuel from the
black market which is currently selling at about
Z$600,000 per litre.
Without charging more than the gazetted government
fares operators would
lose a lot of money. Authorities have also ordered
them to have tickets with
the destination fares written on them. Failure to
possess these can lead to
arrest.
And there is more. Muchemwa
told us vehicles that are not considered
road worthy are being towed away
and impounded. This has led to fewer
minibuses on the roads and created long
queues during business rush hours.
Muchemwa said commuters are frustrated
and angry. And instead of approaching
the responsible government officials
they blame the people they deal with -
drivers and conductors. A recent
incident in Chitungwiza is reported to have
quickly escalated into violence.
Muchemwa said the passengers on a minibus
that had just raised fares into
town attacked the driver and threatened to
burn the vehicle. But the
situation was diffused before any damage was done.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
20 JUNE 2006
Edited by Edward W. Lempinen
On 14 May 2004, a satellite passing 450 km over Zimbabwe captured an image that included portions of the hardscrabble Hatcliffe settlement--more than 700 homes and other buildings scattered across the grasslands just north of the nation's capital city, Harare. Less than 16 months later, on 2 September 2005, a satellite sent back a stunning new picture: The pattern of red-dirt roads was still visible, but the buildings were gone.
|
Portions of the Hatcliffe settlement outside of Harare, Zimbabwe, on 14 May 2004. |
The same part of Hatcliffe on 2 September 2005--with scores of buildings demolished. |
Credit: Copyright 2006 DigitalGlobe Inc. All rights reserved |
The pictures were among the first collected by a commercial satellite company as part of a year-long AAAS pilot project to assess how satellites and other geospatial technology can be used in support of human rights. Already the project is having an impact: Amnesty International and Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights used satellite pictures of the destroyed Porta Farm settlement in a 31 May report on the Zimbabwe government's destructive campaign to uproot opposition, generating extensive newspaper and broadcast coverage in Europe, Africa, and the United States.
Otto Saki, an attorney with the Zimbabwe lawyers group, said in e-mailed remarks that the satellite images may have "a phenomenal impact" in legal action over the systematic destruction of villages under the government of President Robert Mugabe.
"New satellite technology provides the unprecedented ability to document human rights abuses via a virtual ‘eye in the sky'," said Larry Cox, executive director of Amnesty International USA. "With satellite projects like this one, we are gaining the ability to detect, publicize, and even prevent future human rights abuses from occurring in Zimbabwe and around the world."
Geospatial technology is not new--the development of hot air balloons and airplanes brought the use of aerial cameras; intelligence agencies have long used spy satellites; and scientists use such tools to study the weather and forest fires. But images from government satellites are not usually available in a timely way to human rights groups, and new images from privately owned satellites can cost $2000 or more.
Last December, the AAAS Science and Human Rights program obtained a $110,000 grant for a pilot project from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation.
Imaging satellites and other geospatial technology have been "vastly underutilized" in human rights work, said Lars Bromley, who has guided the project as a senior program associate in the AAAS Office of International Initiatives. "By handling all the technical and analytical aspects, AAAS allows groups like Amnesty and the lawyers to match their issue expertise with the power of the imagery. If we can smooth this relatively complicated process, the NGOs working to protect human rights around the world can see lots of benefits."
Among key partners in the effort are Amnesty International USA; the United Nations Special Advisor for the Prevention of Genocide; the Natural Resources Defense Council; the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum; the U.S. Campaign for Burma; and EQUITAS, the international center for human rights education. DigitalGlobe, a Colorado-based satellite image company, has been a partner and has provided images at a discounted price from its high-resolution QuickBird imaging satellites. Another satellite image company, GeoEye, also has provided generous support.
Bromley and others say that sophisticated commercial satellites and the increasing power of personal computers and the Internet have made the data more available than ever. The costs are likely to fall in coming years as more commercial imaging satellites are launched.
After AAAS finishes analyzing images from Hatcliffe, Porta Farm, and two other settlements, the project will turn to test cases in the Darfur area of Sudan and Burma. Published reports on the project's interest in allegations of wholesale destruction in Burma's Karen State have elicited a sharp rebuke in a newsletter controlled by the nation's government.
Over the years, AAAS's Science and Human Rights program has pioneered a number of initiatives to develop and promote the use of scientific methods to advance human rights, including forensic sciences, statistics, and social science methods. If the geospatial pilot project is successful, AAAS and its partners will explore how to make it permanent.