Mercifully, at midnight, Mike and
Angela Campbell and Ben Freeth were
released at a house of a black lady in
Kadoma.
All three have been severely beaten. Mike has serious concussion
and a
broken collar bone and fingers. Angela has a broken arm, in two
places.
Ben has a badly swollen and totally closed eye and feet severely
beaten.
Motivation for this brutal attack is the fact that Mike and Ben
are the
architects and at the forefront of the SADC Tribunal litigation.
Fourteen
farmers in the Kadoma/Chegutu farming community spear-headed the
joinder
applications with the Campbell Mount Carmel case in SADC. A total
of
seventy-seven farmers country-wide should at this point in time be
enjoying
total SADC interim ruling protection. Sadly this is obviously, in
the case
of Kadoma/Chegutu, not the case and the area is patently being
targeted as a
direct result of this important and benchmark International
Litigation.
The purpose for the brutal attack and vicious beating carried
out at Pixton
Mine (youth militia torture camp) was the forced compliance,
under extreme
duress, with the signing of a formal withdrawal of the Campbell
Case from
the SADC Tribunal. The Campbells and Freeth were taken by "war
vet" Gilbert
Moyo and approximately twenty thugs to the mine. They were
viciously beaten
until they complied with the signing of a withdrawal of the
case. The case
is due to be heard in Windhoek from 16th July
onwards
The Campbell and Ben Freeth are safe undergoing medical
attention. The
gruesome photos of Freeth ad the Campbells are available on
request via
e-mail or on CD.
THE JAG TEAM
011 610 073
0912
326 965
Newsweek
A group of white farmers bear the brunt of
ZANU-PF's force
By Rod Nordland | Newsweek Web Exclusive
Jun 30,
2008
Some details, such as timing and description of movements, in the
following
are altered for the safety of NEWSWEEK's reporter.
Ben
Freeth did not expect to be alive today. Just after midnight this
morning,
the white farmer was lying face down next to a bonfire, beside Mike
and
Angela Campbell, his wife's parents. He had no idea where his own three
small children and his wife Laura were, only that a marauding band of
ZANU-PF was hitting all the white farms in their district near the town of
Chegutu, about 60 miles southwest of Harare. The three had been abducted
from their farm by an armed gang, and brought to their base. By midnight,
they had been beaten for seven hours, while their tormentors danced around
the bonfire and told them they'd kill them. "I really thought we were all
dead," he said. "It must have been our prayers that stopped it. I was
praying and all our friends were praying, and then they put us in a truck
and dumped us beside the road outside Kadoma", a town about 25 miles
away.
Why the ZANU-PF let them live isn't clear, but the reasons for the
attack
were plain. Freeth, who is British born, and his in-laws, white
Zimbabweans,
are among a small band of white farmers who remain in the
fertile
agricultural area, the scene of many of the forced expropriations of
commercial farms; from 300 white farmers at the beginning of the decade,
only about 30 remain in that area. Nationally, the pattern is similar. Mt.
Carmel Farm, which belongs to the Campbells and Freeths, produces mangoes
for export and a variety of other crops on 1,200 hectares [about 3,000
acres], had been targeted for expropriation two years ago by Nathan
Shamuyarira, the official spokesman for the ZANU-PF party, who arrived at
their gate with an order signed by the minister of land and agriculture,
telling them to surrender the farm to him. Under a bill enacted by Robert
Mugabe's government, land could be expropriated on an administrative order
at any time if the ministry determined that it was justified. Most of the
farms in their area have been handed over to Mugabe government officials,
diplomats, judges, and army officers, although the intention of the bill was
to give land to the landless. Freeth and the Campbells fought back, however,
taking their case to a tribunal of the Southern African Development Council
(SADC), arguing they were the victims of racial discrimination, and the
tribunal issued a restraining order. "We're challenging the land reform as a
totally racist thing," Freeth said, from his hospital bed in Harare; I've
been asked not to identify the hospital. "We have neighbors who are black
farmers who have not been targeted."
On top of that, during the
election campaign, Freeth wrote an open letter
that was widely disseminated
outside of Zimbabwe detailing the intimidation
of black farm workers, many
of them supporters of the opposition MDC party,
by ZANU-PF party
activists--who rounded them up for all night vigils and
political harangues
at night in the Chegutu area, often meting out beatings
to workers on the
Mt. Carmel farm and to MDC supporters. "None of us knows
what will happen
next," Freeth wrote. "Dictators like Mugabe do not step
down. Like Hitler,
they go on till their country is in ruins and their
people are in rags.
World leaders tut-tut as the crimes against humanity go
on unhindered; but
their perpetrators live on and travel the world with
impunity."
The
trouble started about 3:30 p.m. yesterday, when Freeth got word that a
large
group of men was headed toward his in-laws' house, after looting
another
white farm in the area, Twyford Farm. He drove over. At the gate of
his
in-laws' residence, about 20 black men had gathered. One of them was an
Army
major he knew; another was Gilbert Moyo, a ZANU-PF local official who
has
been spearheading farm invasions in the area. "They shot twice at me
through
the windshield," he said, "and I just ducked in time not to be hit."
Then,
he said, they pulled him out of his truck and began beating him,
throwing
him into a ditch next to his mother and father-in-law. "They were
shouting
at me that I should drop my case against them with SADC." After
beating all
three of them, they threw them into the back of their truck and
drove to
another white farmer's residence, that of Brian Bronkhorst. But
Bronkhorst
wasn't home. Then they were taken to the ZANU-PF base after dark,
and thrown
on the ground by the bonfire. "These were the same people who
were
tormenting everyone before the elections," Freeth said. In addition to
the
three farms attacked and apparently looted yesterday, two other farms in
the
area have been attacked since Friday's runoff election.
As it happens,
word had reached Freeth's wife Laura, and she managed to
escape with their
three children, aged 3 to 8. Their middle child,
six-year-old Joshua, had
his leg broken in a previous invasion of their
farm, when a mob rampaged
through their house. Dumped in a ditch beside a
road, Freeth and the
Campbells made their way to a house and called for
help. All three are now
in the Harare hospital, where I managed to interview
them by
flashlight--electricity was off, as it often is in Harare, usually
for half
of each day. A lot of whites in Zimbabwe now are afraid to talk to
the
press, but not Freeth and the Campbells. "I'm glad you're here to tell
people about this." Freeth's eyes were swollen shut by the beating and he
was covered with bruises and had a concussion, but he escaped any
debilitating injury. His father-in-law Mike Campbell is more seriously hurt,
with a broken collarbone; Mike's wife Angela has an arm broken in two
places.
Freeth says he has every intention of returning to his farm.
"I'm hanging in
there," he said. "We hung in there the last eight years and
we don't know
what the future brings but we're going to hang in there no
matter what it
brings." In his open letter before the election, he quoted
another white
farmer who was evicted after his home was destroyed: "'The
first thing that
I shall do when I am back on the farm is start digging
foundations again.'
And so, upon the ruins perhaps, that is the way it will
have to be. But we
pray the rebuilding can take place before everything is
destroyed."
Mike Campbell too had written an open letter during the
election,
complaining that election observers were not coming out after
dark, when
most of the violence and intimidation took place. "We ask you to
pray and
send brave people and peace keepers to stop the atrocities before
they get
even worse," he wrote. "Maybe I write this in vain; but I write
this
crying."
africasia
BEIJING, June 30 (AFP)
US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice reminded
China's political leaders
Monday that the crisis in Zimbabwe was an issue
for the UN Security Council
and not just for Africa.
"We'll see what
the African Union does, but this is not an African issue
alone. This is an
issue for the international community, an issue for the
Security Council,"
Rice told reporters after separate meetings with China's
President Hu Jintao
and Prime Minister Wen Jiabao.
Rice was referring to a summit of African
nations that began on Monday in
Egypt, in which the issue of political
violence in Zimbabwe was expected to
be discussed.
She also said she
was looking for "not just another statement" from the UN.
China and the
United States are both permanent members of the UN Security
Council along
with Britain, France and Russia.
Robert Mugabe was sworn in Sunday for a
sixth term of office as Zimbabwe
president after being declared winner of a
one-man election widely denounced
as a brutal and illegitimate
farce.
In her meeting with Chinese counterpart Yang Jiechi on Sunday,
Rice
discussed plans to introduce measures this week at the UN Security
Council,
including an arms embargo and a travel ban on Mugabe's
regime.
But Yang was vague when asked if China supported an arms embargo,
saying the
most pressing task now was to stabilise the situation in
Zimbabwe.
June 30, 2008
SW Radio Africa journalist, Violet Gonda, has built a reputation as a tough-talking radio journalist. That was until she interviewed President Mugabe’s official spokesman, George Charamba. He hurled insults, threatened, abused and screamed non-stop. Gonda miraculously survived.
Click here to listen to the world’s most bizarre radio interview. (Mac OS users must use Safari to launch audio program).
July 01, 2008 02:19am
SECRET documents have revealed that Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe set in motion recriminations against those who worked against him even before he took the oath of the country's much-criticised re-election, London's Daily Mail newspaper has reported .
Documents outlining the strategy against the opposition Movement for Democratic Change seen by the Daily Mail reveal that, in the run-up to the polls, Mr Mugabe had plotted to "eliminate MDC agents" and ensure that the identity numbers of all voters were taken so they could be found later if they voted for the opposition.
The documents are from Mr Mugabe's Joint Operational Command - military leaders tasked with ensuring he remained in power.
They state that forces are to "kill MDC MPs" and that "postal ballot boxes were to be stuffed in remote areas by death squads (who) have been instructed to abduct and kill whoever gets in his way".
Mr Mugabe's poll posters have been removed and replaced with signs stating: "This is the final battle for total control."
The toll of his victory was laid bare at one Zimbabwe hospital yesterday, in wards choked with victims of appalling brutality by the secret police.
Most had shattered limbs after being beaten with iron bars.
Burning plastic had been dripped on others. Some had iron hooks pushed through their faces and arms.
Mr Mbeki wrote a 37-page "discussion document" for President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF party setting out a series of stark warnings and recommendations.
The disclosure of this paper, drafted in 2001 and predicting many of the problems that Zimbabwe has subsequently encountered, sheds new light on Mr Mbeki's approach towards Mr Mugabe. While offering public support to his Zimbabwean counterpart, Mr Mbeki has been forthright in private.
Despite his bitterly disputed election victory, Mr Mugabe was still able to attend a summit of African leaders.
The African Union, an alliance of all 53 countries on the continent, gathered in the Egyptian resort of Sharm el-Sheikh. Mr Mugabe left Zimbabwe to attend this event within hours of his inauguration as president on Sunday, after the Electoral Commission announced that he had swept 85 per cent of the vote. Morgan Tsvangirai, his opponent, had withdrawn from the contest after weeks of violence.
While Mr Mugabe took his seat in the conference centre along with every other African head of state, he faced fierce criticism. Raila Odinga, Kenya's prime minister, urged the AU to act. "They should suspend him and send peace forces to Zimbabwe to ensure free and fair elections," he said.
But Mr Odinga is not attending the summit. One leader who is present, President Omar Bongo of Gabon, gave his backing to Mr Mugabe, calling him the "president of Zimbabwe".
Mr Bongo has held power for 41 years - and Gabon's elections would be unlikely to pass international scrutiny. Of Africa's 53 leaders, 13 seized power by force, 10 have been in office for more than 20 years and two inherited their positions from their fathers.
African leaders are highly unlikely to snub Mr Mugabe or pass judgement on Zimbabwe's crisis. Instead, they will probably conclude the summit by urging Mr Mugabe and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change to negotiate. South Africa's foreign ministry said that talks on the creation of a "transitional government" to cope with Zimbabwe's "challenges" were needed.
Mr Mugabe's regime been a priority for South African diplomacy since the onset of Zimbabwe's crisis in 2000. A lengthy document, written by Mr Mbeki for Zanu-PF and leaked to the Mail and Guardian, a South African weekly, betrays his private frustration with Mr Mugabe.
"Of critical importance is the obvious necessity to ensure that Zimbabwe does not end up in a situation of isolation, confronted by an array of international forces she cannot defeat, condemned to sink into an ever-deepening social and economic crisis," wrote Mr Mbeki.
His paper amounts to a point by point critique of Mr Mugabe's decisions. Mr Mbeki urged him to avoid confrontation with Britain, take concerted action to revive the economy and stop employing the rhetoric of the anti-colonial struggle.
"In conditions of growing impoverishment among the people, it becomes impossible to mobilise these masses on the basis of the anti-colonial struggle," he wrote.
Mr Mbeki said that Zanu-PF should "encourage free, open and critical discussion" and "ensure the freedom of the press".
Mr Mbeki urged Zanu-PF to "understand that the great strategic challenge that faces Zimbabwe today is economic recovery". He added: "To resort to anti-imperialist rhetoric will not solve the problems of Zimbabwe, but may compound them."
Without economic revival, Zimbabwe would endure a "general crisis that will destroy the independent national democratic state".
Since Mr Mbeki wrote those words, Zimbabwe has sunk into the very crisis he predicted.
Globe and Mail, Canada
MARK MACKINNON
From Monday's
Globe and Mail
June 30, 2008 at 6:39 AM EDT
HARARE
-
Crouching low over the steering wheel, Chamu sneered and shook
his head
slowly as we drove past a building plastered with several dozen
posters
calling for Zimbabweans to support Robert Mugabe's drive to install
himself
for another six years as president.
"We did it in 1980, let's
do it again!" the green-and-yellow election
advertisements shouted. It was a
reference to the role Mr. Mugabe and his
ZANU-PF movement played 28 years
ago in bringing about the end of white
supremacist rule in this
country.
Do what again, you had to wonder. Chamu kept shaking his head as
we drove
down nearly empty streets and past the deserted stores of his
hometown in
northern Zimbabwe. Gasoline cost too much for people to drive
their cars.
The store shelves were empty of all but a few expensive,
imported products
that the average Zimbabwean could not afford. "There's
nothing in Zimbabwe.
As long as Mugabe rules, we will suffer," the
25-year-old tour guide
scoffed. "And if we protest, they will squash us like
mosquitoes. Like
cockroaches. Human life means nothing to
them."
Chamu was the first Zimbabwean I met, but it was an opinion I'd
hear
repeated over and over again during the week I spent reporting in
Zimbabwe
undercover.
Chamu isn't the tour guide's real name. Most of the
names in this story have
been changed. Publishing real names might earn
those concerned a potentially
fatal visit from the Central Intelligence
Organization. Such are the stakes
in Mr. Mugabe's Zimbabwe. Even identifying
the town Chamu and I were driving
through might endanger the few other
foreign journalists still in the
country - I left yesterday - since it would
reveal the route some of us used
to get in and report on last week's one-man
"election."
My journey through the disaster that is modern Zimbabwe began
as soon as I
crossed into the country. Posing as a tourist - camera,
binoculars and
Indiana Jones hat at the ready - I entered overland and
headed straight for
one of the country's spectacular national
parks.
I spent the first two days trying to do nothing an ordinary
tourist wouldn't
do, hiking through parks and photographing the carefree
monkeys, baboons and
hippos that were sometimes the only other creatures
there. With most
sensible tourists giving Zimbabwe a wide berth these days,
I had some of the
world's natural wonders almost completely to myself. At
night, I'd retire to
my room and surreptitiously e-mail what I could of the
day's events using my
BlackBerry.
Even while hiking deep in the
parks, I couldn't escape the sensation that I
was drifting through the
wreckage of something potentially wonderful that
had been destroyed by
spectacular mismanagement and crude tyranny.
Early in my trip I met
Matonga, a twenty-something young man who makes a
meagre living trying to
persuade tourists to part with their precious
foreign currencies in exchange
for cheesy stone trinkets that he insists are
ethnic art.
We walked
together down a dirt path, stepping over $250,000 Zimbabwean notes
that were
issued in December but are already worthless. There are
$50-billion notes
now in circulation, and even they aren't worth more than a
few U.S. dollars
each.
"There's no jobs, no life in Zimbabwe. I haven't had anything to
eat for
three days. If you don't believe me, just look at my shoes," Matonga
says
convincingly, lifting up his foot to reveal a white sneaker almost
completely worn through at the sole.
The scope of Zimbabwe's economic
disaster is mind-boggling. It's a place
with 80-per-cent unemployment,
incalculable inflation - some estimates put
it near 5 million per cent - and
a worthless currency.
The fight for power coloured everything. Even
inside the park, the walking
path was covered with leaflets urging voters to
cast their ballots for Mr.
Mugabe. Hundreds of them, covered in dirt and
apparently unread, littered
the ground in the park and the nearby tourist
village.
Inside the same park, I encountered a trio of South African
election
observers who were supposed to be monitoring the campaign for the
election,
still four days away. After opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai
withdrew
from the presidential runoff, however, they decided that they may
as well
take in the sights, since there was no longer a real election to
supervise.
"Our jobs have been made redundant," one of them
said.
After two days of keeping a low profile in the countryside, I met
up with an
American journalist who had also sneaked into the country, and we
nervously
made our way to the capital. We both understood well how high the
stakes
were. After Mr. Tsvangirai stunned the country by outpolling Mr.
Mugabe in
the March 29 first round of the election, the government began
hunting for
unaccredited foreign journalists who it was deemed were helping
the Movement
for Democratic Change's cause by exposing ZANU-PF's attempts to
intimidate
opposition supporters.
One journalist from The New York
Times spent days in jail for what the
authorities here refer to as
"committing journalism." A British reporter was
reportedly stripped and
tortured for 38 hours.
My colleague and I anxiously rehearsed our cover
story as we travelled
toward Harare. We were going to a friend's wedding. It
was on Saturday, the
day after the election, and we'd come a few days early
to see the city.
Fortunately, our journey into the city was surprisingly
easy. Police and
army roadblocks that had been set up around the country a
few days before
had been taken down. Speculation was that the authorities
wanted to ensure
the security services were in their bases in case there was
trouble on
election day.
When we reached Harare, we went straight to
the first of two "safe houses"
we would stay at during the week. Our
contacts in the opposition warned us
that Harare's hotels were being
monitored by intelligence officers, so we
couldn't stay in one without
drawing unwanted attention.
The safe houses were essentially the homes of
families who decided to risk
their own safety to shelter a pair of foreign
journalists. "We're glad
you're here and we'll do whatever we can to help
you," our first host told
us as he and his family prepared a welcome dinner.
He nonetheless sent his
two sons to stay with friends, an unspoken
acknowledgment of the danger the
family faced.
We stayed up the first
night watching the highlights of one of Mr. Mugabe's
campaign rallies on
Zimbabwean state television. Our hosts repeatedly broke
into derisive
laughter as Mr. Mugabe shook his fist and blamed Britain, the
former
colonial power here, for all of Zimbabwe's current ills.
My colleague and
I surreptitiously sent our reports by satellite phone that
night, pulling it
inside whenever a government helicopter flew too low
overhead.
The
next day I got my first real taste of reporting in Zimbabwe. We met up
with
Nelson, a brave Zimbabwean journalist, at a café. Over lunch, he kept
nervously peeking over his shoulder to make sure we were not being tailed by
the Central Intelligence. He briefed us on the situation in the country
while speaking only through his clasped hands. We were joined for lunch by
another American journalist, who warned me to change my jacket. My North
Face fleece, she said, made me look too much like a foreign journalist on
the lam. Which is what I was.
That night, I "committed journalism" in
the back of Nelson's car as we drove
aimlessly about town at high speed. He
had done some interviews on my behalf
with people I couldn't meet myself
because of my precarious situation, and I
needed him to tell me what was
said. Nowhere but the car was deemed safe
enough to meet, and through the
whole 40-minute drive, we kept looking
behind us for signs that we might be
being followed, making random
last-minute turns whenever we felt a car had
been behind us for a
suspiciously long time.
The rest of the week
went much the same way. After two days in one place, my
American colleague
and I switched safe houses. We gleaned what information
we could about what
was happening in the country using a shaky Internet
connection and by doing
interviews over roaming cellphones.
Our ability to do our jobs was badly
restricted. Every time one of us
proposed going somewhere or meeting
someone, the other shot it down as too
risky. Our best glimpse of life in
Zimbabwe, a nation of poor billionaires,
was gleaned from a trip to the Spar
supermarket, an absurd world where a
600-gram box of Rice Krispies cost more
than 819-billion Zimbabwean dollars,
the equivalent that day of $51 (U.S.).
A bag of Lay's potato chips sold for
$109-billion ($6), while 300 grams of
sliced cheese cost $212-billion ($20).
Astonished - though we're far more
affluent than most of the locals - we
picked up only a few staples and
forked out an incomprehensible $832-billion
at the cash register.
One
night, we tried to visit a local hospital to interview two MDC
supporters
who were recent victims of violence. They had been beaten and
forced to
swallow pesticides, a poison that killed one other member of their
family.
Along with a friendly retired doctor, we entered the hospital and
walked
briskly toward the trauma ward, me carrying a box of chocolates to
present
to the injured activist, whom we planned to tell anyone who asked
was
formerly the gardener of a friend of ours in Johannesburg. We agreed
that if
either of us sensed we're being watched, we'd use a code word to
express
that it was time to go.
However, the man we wanted to interview was in
surgery when we got there and
his mother's room had a police guard posted at
the door who immediately
asked what our business was. Sensing that we were
pushing our luck, my
colleague and I turned to each other and said
"macaroni," almost in unison.
Looking over our shoulders the entire way, we
retreated back to the safe
house.
Friday was election day so we
decided that it was finally the moment to be
as brave as we could. First we
took a slow drive around town, driving past
empty polling stations that were
jarringly at odds with the pictures of long
lineups of voters being shown on
Zimbabwean state TV. The only sign of
passionate political activity was some
red graffiti outside a polling
station at the University of Zimbabwe that
read "Boycott! Morgan is our
president!" Riot police with helmets and clubs
- and others carrying assault
rifles - were deployed throughout the centre
of Harare.
Those who did vote were a lacklustre lot. A 25-year-old fruit
salesman named
Bernard Mucharo told us he'd been warned he needed to vote -
and vote for
President Mugabe - or he would lose his licence to set up a
table in the
main market. "It's not like I believe in what I've done. It's
not about it
being wrong or right to vote, but the question is what do I
survive on if I
lose that table?" he told us.
We waited until
nightfall, when the darkness could somewhat conceal my white
features, then
drove out to the nearby township of Chitungwiza, an MDC
stronghold in the
March election that has been the scene of repeated
violence since then and
was the grudging locale for Mr. Mugabe's final
campaign rally the day
before. Driving in, it was not hard to spot the gangs
of ZANU-PF youth
gathered on street corners, many of them wearing the
party's green and white
colours.
We went to an MDC safe house in the township, where about 50 people
were
gathered for the night, women and children sleeping on the floors
inside the
house, men sleeping in the garden outside. Those inside were
terrified. The
house had been attacked 10 days before; ZANU-PF thugs chanted
"you started a
war, so this is a war" as they beat four MDC youths to death
with iron bars.
One of the rooms that people were sleeping in was still
blackened from a
petrol bomb thrown during that attack, and everyone was
worried the ZANU-PF
men would return after the polls closed. Several had
gone so far as to paint
their fingers red - imitating the indelible ink
voters were asked to dip
their fingers in at polling stations - in hopes
that it would spare them
from violence. But one man and his wife refused to
do so. Their 27-year-old
son Archford Chipuyu was among those killed in the
attack 10 days before.
His body was driven 15 kilometres out of town and
dumped in a field.
"I have nothing to fear, I've just lost my son," Mr.
Chipuyu's mother,
Anastasia, told me, her face expressionless and looking
far more aged than
her 43 years.
In the next room, an MDC campaign
organizer named Tineyi Tashayi leaned on
metal crutches, his face gaunt and
unshaven. He said he'd been staying at
the safe house - where meals of maize
and vegetables are handed out once a
day - since June 19, the day after his
own home was attacked by ZANU-PF
members who smashed his left leg with an
iron bar.
He said the attack on him and Mr. Chipuyu, who was also an MDC
activist,
were part of an organized campaign to destroy the foot soldiers of
the
opposition movement, the people who had helped the party organize and
prepare for the election.
"They come to my home every day looking for
me. I can't go home, they really
want my head," he told me. He sincerely
believes the ZANU-PF will eventually
catch him and finish the job. "As long
as Mugabe rules, there is no way out.
It's going to get worse."
Taipei Times
By Elizabeth Sidiropoulos And Neuma Grobbelaar
Tuesday,
Jul 01, 2008, Page 9
Zimbabwean opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's
withdrawal from the
presidential run-off last Friday and his decision to
seek the protection of
the Dutch embassy in Pretoria, South Africa, has
secured for Zimbabwean
President Robert Mugabe a Pyrrhic
victory.
Mugabe's triumph comes at a huge cost to democracy and stability
in
Zimbabwe, as well as in the region. The actions of the Mugabe regime in
the
run-up to Tsvangirai's decision demand a strong regional response to
what is
clearly a stolen victory. Indeed, Mugabe's retention of power
represents the
most serious challenge to Africa's nascent democratic
institutions and to
South Africa's vision of a continent of peace and
prosperity.
After contesting every election since 2000, Tsvangirai's
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) has changed tactics reluctantly. Under
the
circumstances, South Africa and the Southern African Development
Community
(SADC) urgently need to reappraise their approach not only to
Mugabe, but to
how they will deal with any uncontested election.
A
host of declarations adopted over the years by the SADC and the African
Union (AU) address the conduct of elections on the continent. These include
the SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections (2004),
the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (last year) and
the Declaration on the Principles Governing Democratic Elections in Africa
(2002). None of these principles have been respected in Zimbabwe, and
regional leaders have not cited their violation as reason to censure
Mugabe's
government.
Unfortunately, we have a recent precedent for
this type of behavior: Kenya's
rulers, too, ignored and twisted the rule of
law and the integrity of the
electoral process, relying on violence to
secure a political outcome that
their fellow citizens denied
them.
Dealing effectively with political instability in Africa requires
two
things: the political will of key states to underwrite the democratic
process, and strong regional institutions to provide a legal framework
reflecting the principles underpinning states' behavior. The effectiveness
of regional institutions and the role of regional powers are interlinked.
Regional institutions can entrench themselves only if their members promote
adherence to the spirit and letter of their legal frameworks.
In both
cases South Africa - the main regional power with the most levers of
influence over Zimbabwe - has a vital role to play. But does South Africa
really see itself as a regional power? Its handling of Mugabe over the past
eight years has actually underplayed its leverage. Yet the mantle of a
regional power sometimes requires using that leverage for the greater good
of the region.
What should South Africa do now? Should South African
President Thabo Mbeki
step down as mediator in the Zimbabwe crisis, not
because he has failed, but
to remove from South Africa the constraints that
being a mediator put in
place?
South Africa has a vested interest in
stability, and it can turn the screws
on Mugabe's regime, much as it has
refused to contemplate any form of
sanctions because of their impact on the
poor. South Africa must tap into
the growing concern among Zimbabwe's
neighbors - Angola, Botswana, Tanzania
and Zambia - about the political
crisis, and forge a united front within the
SADC that sends a clear message
to Mugabe and his generals that the region
will no longer tolerate their
actions.
The SADC should not endorse the regime's claim of victory in an
uncontested
election. It must insist that all opposition leaders and
supporters be freed
immediately, and that all state-sponsored violence be
halted. It should
dispatch an eminent persons' group of senior African and
other international
leaders to Zimbabwe, as well as peace monitors to ensure
that the government
complies with these demands.
SADC's censure of
Mugabe and his regime should be backed up by concrete
actions, such as
restrictions on all arms flows to Zimbabwe, travel
restrictions on senior
officials of Zimbabwe's ruling ZANU-PF party and the
threat of property
seizures and the freezing of financial assets in the
region and
beyond.
Mbeki and other SADC leaders should recognize a key point.
According to
legal opinions commissioned by the Southern African Litigation
Center,
Zimbabwe's Electoral Act holds that the delay or absence of a lawful
run-off
means that the candidate who obtained the most votes in the election
of
March 29 has been duly elected as president.
Moreover, South
Africa was instrumental in drafting the declaration on
unconstitutional
changes of government, adopted by the Organization of
African Unity, the
AU's predecessor, in 1999. The manner in which the
electoral process in
Zimbabwe has been conducted since March has been an
unconstitutional
continuation of government. The declaration clearly
stipulates that an
incumbent government's refusal to relinquish power to the
winning party
after free, fair and regular elections is unconstitutional.
If South
Africa sees itself as speaking for Africa on the global stage and
creating a
vision for the continent's future, it must know when to lead and
how to
build consensus. None of this is easy, but South Africa must now act
decisively in order to polish its tarnished image as a responsible regional
power. "Business as usual" is no longer a viable approach for South African
foreign policy.
Elizabeth Sidiropoulos is the national
director of the South African
Institute of International Affairs based at
Witwatersrand University, and
Neuma Grobbelaar is the director of studies at
the institute. COPYRIGHT:
PROJECT SYNDICATE
Times Online
June 30, 2008
Sonia Verma in Sharm el-Sheikh
A defiant Robert Mugabe
sailed unchallenged through the first test of his
presidency by his
peers.
Freshly sworn-in following a single-candidate election, he
received a leader's
welcome when he strode into the African Union summit in
Sharm el-Sheikh
today and emerged unfazed, his authority intact.
He
dined at a lavish luncheon given by his Egyptian hosts, hugged heads of
state and other diplomats in the corridors and stayed at one of the most
luxurious resorts in this Red Sea town.
Delegates from the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) lodged at
the Sheraton, while their
leader Morgan Tsvangirai remained holed up in
Zimbabwe.
The African
Union's public response to Mr Mugabe's seizure of power was seen
as a key
measure of the organisation's commitment to democracy in the wake
of
Zimbabwe's violent run-off elections.
However, protest from African leaders
at the summit was muted, even as
Western leaders from France, the United
States and Canada joined Britain in
ratcheting up pressure on the AU to
reject Mr Mugabe's authority.
In London, Gordon Brown had said the summit
should "make it absolutely clear
there has got to be change". "I think the
message is coming from the whole
world that the so-called elections will not
be recognised," he said.
And in Nairobi, Raila Odinga, the Kenyan Prime
Minister, called on the AU to
eject Mr Mugabe from the summit. He said: "The
African Union should not
accept or entertain Mr Mugabe. He should be
suspended until he allows the
African Union to facilitate free and fair
elections between him and his
opponents." The African Union's own observers
in Harare said in a statement
issued that the vote "fell short" of the
organisation's standards.
However, African leaders gathering at the
Egyptian Red Sea resort appeared
reluctant to launch an outright challenge
to Mr Mugabe's rule for fear that
it would propel the country into deeper
turmoil.
There was also a sense that any criticism levelled by certain
leaders would
be dismissed, given the poor democratic track records of their
own
countries.
Delegates at this summit - which was meant to focus on
development issues -
spoke broadly of the need for negotiations to steer
Zimbabwe out of its
current political crisis, but failed to endorse the
three key demands of Mr
Tsvangirai.
He has asked the AU to reject Mr
Mugabe's authority, appoint a new mediator
to help find a solution to the
impasse and empower an African police force
to patrol the country.
A
draft resolution set to be ratified by AU leaders at the summit does not
criticise the runoff election or Mr Mugabe.
Speaking to The Times on
the summit sidelines, George Sibotshiwe, a
spokesman for the MDC said he
remained "cautiously optimistic" that Africa's
leaders would take stronger
measures to end the political crisis during
sessions tomorrow.
"I
would hope that the nature of what happened in Zimbabwe warrants a strong
response and a lot of the leaders are taking our problems into
consideration," Mr Sibotshiwe said.
The summit opened with Asha-Rose
Migiro, the United Nations deputy secretary
general, urging African
statesmen to take action at this "moment of truth".
"We are facing an
extremely grave crisis," Ms Migiro said.
"This is the single greatest
challenge to regional stability in Southern
Africa, not only because of its
terrible humanitarian and security
consequences, but because of the
dangerous political precedent it sets," she
said.
She called the second
round of the uncontested presidential elections
"regrettable". Mr Mugabe,
sitting alongside other delegates, appeared
unmoved as she spoke.
A
succession African leaders proceeded to sidestep any criticism of tainted
elections, delivering only veiled references to the violence and
intimidation that marked Zimbabwe's presidential runoff.
Jakaya
Kekwete, the Tanzanian President chairing the summit, called Friday's
elections "historic". "There has been a positive side to this but there have
also been challenges," he said.
"We would like to congratulate the
Zimbabwean people for their successes but
we would also like to express our
commiserations for their suffering," he
said.
Jean Ping, the Chairman
of the African Union Commission, who walked into the
summit with Mr Mugabe,
said the continent must assume responsibility for
Zimbabwe: "Africa must
fully shoulder its responsibility and do everything
in its power to help the
Zimbabwe parties to work together so as to overcome
current challenges," he
said.
But without an additional African Union appointed envoy, any
attempts to
broker a power-sharing agreement by the current mediator, South
African
President Thabo Mbeki, were seen as futile.
Mr Mbeki's has so
far pursued a path of "quiet diplomacy", remaining silent
on Mr Mugabe's
strong-arm tactics, even as other African leaders have
protested.
The
opposition argues the South African leader as biased in Mr Mugabe's
favour
and is pushing for the appointment of an additional AU negotiator to
dilute
his influence.
Still, both Mr Mugabe and Mr Tsvangirai have said they
remain willing to
negotiate, despite lingering bitterness.
Their
desire is largely driven by necessity. Mr Mugabe is seeking an
agreement
that would neutralise the opposition, diffuse international
criticism and
lend him enough credibility to continue his rule.
Mr Tsvangirai, shut out
of power, faces increasingly limited options. Today
his chief political
strategists said the MDC had not given up hope of
meaningful AU
intervention, possibly modelled on its efforts to resolve
Kenya's political
crisis earlier this year.
Thokozani Khupe, the MDC Vice-President, said
the opposition would focus its
efforts on the creation of a "transitional
authority" based on the results
of the March 29th vote, a formula which
would give Mr Tsvangirai the upper
hand in any end game.
"I think it
is important that the African leaders break the silence. It is
high time
they call a spade a spade," said Ms Khu
Washington Times
DONNA BRYSON
Originally published 02:44 p.m., June 30, 2008, updated
02:44 p.m., June 30,
2008
The two paths of Robert Mugabe and Morgan
Tsvangirai are telling: Mugabe,
newly sworn in as Zimbabwe's president
again, is at a summit of African
leaders while the opposition leader holes
up in a Western embassy in
Zimbabwe's capital.
Tsvangirai is hemmed
in by Mugabe's policemen, soldiers and ruling party
thugs as well as the
president's cozy relationship with fellow African
leaders.
The
round-faced, ever-affable Tsvangirai insists he is hopeful _ "As far as
we
are concerned we are nearer a resolution than we have ever been," he says
_
but his options appear few.
He wants African leaders to guide
negotiations on forming a coalition
government to oversee a transition to
democracy in Zimbabwe. While some
leaders have publicly endorsed that idea,
it is unclear how hard they will
or can push Mugabe, who has ruled since
independence in 1980.
Tsvangirai wants the African Union to send in
peacekeepers. That, too, is
unlikely, given the difficulties the body
already is having with its stalled
mission in Sudan's Darfur region,
undertaken jointly with the United
Nations. AU peacekeepers also are
struggling in Somalia.
Tsvangirai, a 56-year-old former trade union
leader, is on sensitive ground
when he proposes outside help, as shown by
his repeated clarifications that
peacekeepers would not be tantamount to a
military intervention. He risks
being labeled a traitor at home, and leaders
elsewhere in Africa might
bristle at his perceived lack of sufficient
nationalist sentiment.
While under pressure from Western governments and
human rights activists to
take a hard line, African leaders have long had
close ties with the
84-year-old Mugabe, renowned as a campaigner against
white rule and
colonialism. Even those who can claim to be champions of
democracy are
reluctant to be seen as backing the West against a fellow
African.
In an example of the lack of consensus, election observers sent
by the main
regional bloc, the Southern African Development Community, could
not agree
on how strongly to word their assessment of Friday's presidential
runoff.
Tsvangirai, who led a four-candidate field in the opening ballot
three
months ago, withdrew from the runoff June 22 because of vicious
killings of
supporters, leaving Mugabe to claim victory.
The bloc's
statement said only that the latest vote was "not a true
reflection of the
will of the Zimbabwean people." Lawmakers who observed the
vote under the
auspices of the Pan-African Parliament, however, had no
trouble declaring it
not free, fair or legitimate.
Tsvangirai has called on the African Union
to take over mediation that the
southern bloc placed in the hands of South
African President Thabo Mbeki
more than a year ago. Tsvangirai says Mbeki's
refusal to publicly criticize
Mugabe betrays bias in Mugabe's
favor.
While some African leaders have called for a change from Mbeki's
"quiet
diplomacy," it is unlikely that the African Union will show Mbeki
disrespect
by stripping him or the southern bloc of the mediation
role.
Mugabe has said he is open to talks, and referred glowingly to
Mbeki's
efforts. Mugabe could be hoping any progress will be stalled in
talks about
how to hold talks.
Looking West doesn't bode much better
for Tsvangirai.
President Bush wants the U.N. Security Council to impose
an arms embargo on
Zimbabwe and ban travel by Zimbabwe government officials,
but building
consensus could be difficult.
Diplomats do not expect
the Security Council to go much further than last
week's nonbinding
resolution condemning violence against Zimbabwe's
political opposition.
South Africa, China and Russia oppose taking any
further action.
The
U.S., European nations and Australia have imposed limited sanctions on
Zimbabwe, and they may strengthen them, though there are concerns tougher
measures could hurt ordinary Zimbabweans already struggling with economic
collapse. There is little sign of broader economic boycotts or the
grass-roots campaigns that pressured apartheid-era South
Africa.
Still, in a weekend interview, Tsvangirai argued it is Mugabe who
is against
the wall, saying the longtime leader's only choice amid
international
condemnation and Zimbabwe's dire economic woes is to negotiate
a
power-sharing deal.
"Where does he go from here?" Tsvangirai said.
"He cannot solve the economic
problem. He cannot solve 8 million percent
inflation by continuing to be in
this intransigent
mood."
___
Donna Bryson is chief of southern Africa for The
Associated Press.
San Francisco Chronicle
Mugabe's history
of vengeance worries election observers
Los Angeles Times
Monday, June
30, 2008
(06-30) 04:00 PDT Harare, Zimbabwe --
As Robert
Mugabe was inaugurated Sunday to a new five-year term as
Zimbabwe's
president, critics and analysts warned that his pattern of
violent revenge
against opponents could be repeated in coming months in an
attempt to
destroy his chief rival's party.
The announcement of Mugabe's
inauguration at the State House in Harare and
the issuing of invitations
were so hasty that both came several hours before
the results of Friday's
essentially one-man presidential runoff race were
released.
The
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission eventually reported that Mugabe had
received
2.1 million votes to 233,000 for Morgan Tsvangirai, the Movement
for
Democratic Change candidate who withdrew June 22 because of intensifying
violence against opposition supporters.
In a significant blow for
Mugabe's bid to be accepted as Zimbabwe's
legitimate president, regional
observers from the Southern African
Development Community rejected the
election as not representing the will of
the people. The group's observers,
rarely critical of a member's election,
raised concerns about the political
violence and displacement of people.
Observers of the Pan-African
Parliament also condemned the election and
strongly criticized the violence
and intimidation.
The criticism by African observers leaves Mugabe in a
difficult situation as
he flies to Egypt for an African Union summit
today.
He also faces pressure from the Bush administration and the
British
government, which have threatened to impose new sanctions against
his
government and to press for strong action by the United
Nations.
Mugabe, who has ruled Zimbabwe since it won independence from
Britain in
1980, had finished second to Tsvangirai in the first round of
voting in
March that also saw his party lose its majority in parliament.
Declaring his
determination to stay in power, he fought the election runoff
with a
military-style campaign run by generals and security
chiefs.
Hundreds of command bases were set up, run by liberation war
veterans and
soldiers and manned by youth militias tied to the ruling party,
who hunted
down opposition activists and beat them, sometimes to
death.
The election slogans for the ruling ZANU-PF party summed up
Mugabe's view of
himself as Zimbabwe's unquestioned leader and the
opposition as an enemy
force bent on allowing the recolonization of the
country by Britain.
"Mugabe is right," was the simple declaration on
posters around Harare.
Another went, "This is the final battle for total
control."
After Mugabe was declared the winner, ZTV state television
erupted in
triumphalism. Religious commentators on ZTV read biblical
excerpts to back
the proposition that the country must unite around one
leader anointed by
God.
A prayer at the inauguration said it was a
"divine day" and called for God
to grant Mugabe "divine authority that only
comes from you."
"In this new struggle for our country, many of our
comrades lost life, limb
and property," Mugabe said Sunday, as though
referring to a battle rather
than an election. "Those people who have lost
their lives in this gallant
struggle, rest in peace assured that we remain
vigilant to protect
Zimbabwe's heritage."
Despite his mention of lost
comrades, Human Rights Watch reported that the
pre-election violence was
overwhelmingly perpetrated by the ruling ZANU-PF
and against Tsvangirai's
supporters. Independent doctors said 85 people died
and 3,000 were seriously
injured. But the casualties might be much higher:
The opposition says 200
activists were missing and presumed dead. An
additional 200,000 were
displaced, it says.
The violence that accompanied Mugabe's struggle to
retain power echoed his
past behavior, several observers said, and raised
concerns about what is to
come.
"Every time Mugabe is cornered, he
resorts to violence," said Oskar Wermter,
a Catholic priest in Harare's
crowded Mbare neighborhood. "It's a warlike
atmosphere. He (Mugabe) and his
colleagues live in the past in the glory
days of the liberation war in the
1970s. They're still in the trenches. They
see themselves as in the same
confrontation with the British and the whites.
"There's a possibility
that now that they have manipulated the elections,
they will go further and
crush the opposition and keep hitting them and
annihilate them once and for
all."
He said in Mbare, youth militias were beating people who did not
vote. Human
Rights Watch also reported punitive beatings of people for not
going to the
polls.
In a phone interview Sunday, Tsvangirai said he
feared that the violence was
not over.
"This is war, this is not an
election. These people are for the total
annihilation of the MDC," he said.
"I think this violent campaign may be
reduced to hit squads targeted at our
leaders, MPs and councilors to get
control of the
parliament."
This article appeared on page A - 3 of the San Francisco
Chronicle
International Herald Tribune
The Associated PressPublished: June 30,
2008
PARIS: France's foreign minister says the re-election of
Zimbabwe ruler
Robert Mugabe is a "farce" and that France cannot accept
it.
Bernard Kouchner says France has decided that the government is
illegitimate. France takes over the European Union's rotating six-month
presidency on Tuesday.
Kouchner says he is looking forward to seeing
Africa's leaders be firm with
Mugabe at an African Union summit.
But
he also points out that for many Africans, Mugabe was long a great
liberator
as an anti-colonial hero, which complicates matters.
Kouchner spoke
Monday after Mugabe was sworn in as president for a sixth
term. The runoff
in which Mugabe was the only candidate was widely
discredited.
Yahoo News
Monday June 30, 06:44 PM
Zimbabwe's opposition wants African Union leaders to appoint a
permanent
envoy to assist South African President Thabo Mbeki in mediating
the
country's crisis.
"As far as we are concerned while we may be
unhappy with the role of Mbeki,
the (Southern African Development Community)
SADC member states still look
at President Mbeki as the mediator," said
Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) spokesman George
Sibotshiwe.
"We are prepared to compromise, and have a mediator on
behalf of SADC but
supported by a permanent envoy appointed by the African
Union," Sibotshiwe
told public radio.
Sibotshiwe, representing the
MDC at the AU summit in Sharm El-Sheikh in
Egypt, urged African leaders to
recognise the June 27 presidential run-off
election as a
sham.
Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe was sworn in as president in a
hastily
arranged ceremony at his official residence on Sunday, barely an
hour after
the electoral commission declared he won more than 85 per cent of
the votes
cast.
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai pulled out of the
election days before it was
held due to violence against his
supporters.
"This is a historic moment for African leaders. Our
expectation is fairly
simple - there has to be an acceptance that the
election of 27 June was a
sham," said Sibotshiwe.
"They (AU) have to
create some type of plan to assist with the violence on
the ground. The
crisis has escalated beyond the reach of SADC and therefore
requires the
African Union to participate."
Observers from the 14-nation SADC said the
election "did not represent the
will of the people," a rare rebuke adding to
criticism from around the globe
denouncing the vote.
Mugabe praised
Mbeki for his mediation efforts in Zimbabwe, and the MDC has
accused the
South African leader of lobbying AU leaders to recognise Mugabe
as the
legitimate president of Zimbabwe.
"We are grateful to SADC and the role
of statesman played by President
Mbeki," Mugabe said.
"Zimbabwe is
indebted to his untiring efforts to promote harmony and peace
in
Zimbabwe."
"This is not an exclusive matter for any country," said
Sibotshiwe.
"This is a continental matter ... that must be resolved by
Africans."
Reuters
Mon 30 Jun
2008, 7:25 GMT
SHARM EL-SHEIKH, Egypt (Reuters) - Africa must shoulder
its responsibilities
and help both sides of Zimbabwe's political divide
overcome their
differences after an election crisis, the African Union's top
diplomat said
on Monday.
"Africa must fully shoulder its
responsibilities and do everything in its
power to help the Zimbabwean
parties to work together to help overcome their
country's problems," the
chairman of the African Union Commission, Jean
Ping, told an AU summit in
Egypt.
Ping also commended southern African leaders for their efforts to
help
resolve Zimbabwe's turmoil.
Reuters
Mon 30 Jun
2008, 7:23 GMT
JOHANNESBURG (Reuters) - South Africa on Monday called on
Zimbabwe's ruling
ZANU-PF party and the opposition to begin talks to form a
transitional
government.
Foreign Minister Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma
noted that Zimbabwe remained deeply
divided and polarised despite a widely
condemned election on Friday, her
ministry said. President Robert Mugabe,
declared the overwhelming winner,
was sworn in on Sunday.
"ZANU-PF
and the MDC must enter into negotiations which will lead to the
formation of
a transitional government that can extricate Zimbabwe from its
current
political challenges," the ministry said in a statement.
South Africa is
the designated regional mediator in Zimbabwe.
Africa News, Netherlands
Posted on Monday 30 June 2008 - 10:07
Joyce Joan Wangui, AfricaNews
reporter in Nairobi, Kenya
President Robert Mugabe has warned Kenya's Prime
Minister Raila Odinga
from ever stepping on the Zimbabwe soil. This follows
last week's harsh
remarks that Odinga made while in the USA, referring to
the lack of
democracy in Zimbabwe.
Odinga castigated Mugabe on what
he termed as 'an embarrassment to Africa'
and an example of 'how not to do
it in Africa'. While in Washington, Odinga
held talks with US Secretary of
State Condoleezza Rice and their talks
centred on Mugabe, among other
things.
He described Zimbabwe as an "an eyesore for the African
continent" and
went a notch higher to say he would implore the international
community to
impose sanctions on Zimbabwe.
And without mincing
words, Mugabe retaliated by issuing a warning letter
to Odinga not to ever
step into Zimbabwe. Odinga was due to travel to
Zimbabwe before Friday's run
off elections and ask ZANU PF to postpone the
polls, citing
unfairness.
In a televised speech Odinga says he has no intention of
ever visiting
Zimbabwe under Mugabe's regime,
"I have no plans
whatsoever of ever stepping in Zimbabwe under Robert
Mugabe."
Odinga said that ZANU-PF should consider merging with the MDC and form a
grand coalition, the Kenyan style.
"Sometimes it calls for someone
to negotiate with the devil for the sake
of peace," said Odinga referring to
the merger proposal for both parties.
And Kenya's foreign ministry has
issued a statement saying it would push
for an immediate imposition of
sanctions against President's Mugabe's
government.
Foreign minister
Moses Wetangula said at the ingoing AU meeting in Egypt
that; "The AU under
its constitutive act has clauses that can deal with
situations such as
Zimbabwe. They can exclude them from participating in AU
activities or they
can intervene in Zimbabwe."
Thousands of Zimbabweans Friday went to the
polls termed the 'one man
election' where only Mugabe was the sole
Presidential candidate. Opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai pulled out of
the race, citing intimidation and
harassment of his supporters.
Amid criticism from all corners, Mugabe went ahead with the polls and he
is
likely to win .Morgan Tsvangarai, the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC)
leader, condemned Friday's presidential run-off as a source of shame
and
that Friday's results would "reflect only the fear of the people".
Said
he, "What is happening today is not an election. It is an exercise in
mass
intimidation," he said.
The MDC leader also urged other countries
not to recognize the results of
the run-off.
"Anyone who recognizes
the result of this election is denying the will of
the Zimbabwean people and
standing in the way of a transition that will
deliver peace and prosperity,
not just to Zimbabwe, but the whole region,"
he said.
Meanwhile
the US secretary of state Condoleeza Rice has dismissed the
run-off as
"illegitimate".
The Telegraph
By Graham Tibbetts
Last Updated: 8:48AM BST
30/06/2008
Robert Mugabe, the president of Zimbabwe, will come under pressure
to enter
power-sharing talks with the opposition, led by Morgan Tsvangirai,
at a
summit of African leaders today.
Zimbabwe's opposition is calling
for African Union leaders to snub Mugabe.
He's at a summit in
Sharm-el-Sheikh, having been sworn in as president.
Members of the African
Union are meeting in Egypt for a conference expected
to be overshadowed by
the crisis in Zimbabwe.
It follows Mr Mugabe's victory in a presidential
election that was condemned
for violence, resulting in Mr Tsvangirai, leader
of the Movement for
Democratic Change, withdrawing from the race. The
president secured 85.5 per
cent of the vote but many papers were
spoiled.
Election observers said the poll, which featured only Mr Mugabe,
was
undemocratic.
The officials from the Southern African
Development Community (Sadc) said in
a statement: "The elections did not
represent the will of the people of
Zimbabwe."
The head of Sadc's
400-strong observer mission, Jose Marcos Barrica, said:
"The pre-election
phase was characterised by politically-motivated violence,
intimidation and
displacements."
Another observer team from the Pan-African Parliament
said the election
should be re-run because voting was not free or
fair.
South Africa's president, Thabo Mbeki, is the regionally-appointed
mediator
for Zimbabwe and is leading calls for a negotiated solution to the
crisis.
Meles Zenawi, prime minister of Ethiopia, said it was important
the two
parties talked.
"There has to be some sort of negotiations
between the parties," he said.
"If not, polarisation will be the
result."
He added: "There cannot be a sustainable solution to the
Zimbabwean crisis
under the leadership of one or the other
party."
The vice president of the MDC, Thokozani Khupe, said the AU
should send a
dedicated envoy to Zimbabwe as well as peacekeepers to halt
the violence.
She also called on the AU to shun Mr Mugabe at the
summit.
"I don't think it would be right for the African Union to welcome
him after
all he has done," she said in Sharm el-Sheikh, the summit
venue.
"I think it is important that the African leaders break the
silence. It is
high time they call a spade a spade."
Lord
Malloch-Brown, the Foreign Office minister, will also be at the
gathering
and has urged Zimbabwe's neighbours to do "whatever it takes" to
remove
him.
Gordon Brown pledged "substantial" international help rebuilding the
country
if democracy was restored, urging the continent's other leaders to
increase
the pressure.
International Herald Tribune
The Associated PressPublished:
June 30, 2008
BEIJING: U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice urged China on Monday to
back U.N. Security Council action to punish
Zimbabwe's leaders, saying the
time for mere statements was over. But
Beijing showed little sign of being
prepared to support upcoming U.S.
proposals.
Speaking to reporters traveling with her in Beijing, Rice
noted progress in
stripping North Korea of its nuclear programs and urged
China to sincerely
engage Tibet's exiled Buddhist leader, the Dalai
Lama.
Rice also called on Beijing to unshackle the Internet and said she
had
raised several individual cases of detained activists.
Chinese
officials have offered little to prompt optimism in Washington for
planned
tough new action over Zimbabwe, a Chinese ally and trading partner
in
Africa.
Rice said Washington agrees with China that African nations need
to play a
bigger role, but said additional action is needed.
"We'd
like the Africans to take the lead but it is not an African issue
alone. It
is also an issue for the Security Council," she said. "When we go
to the
U.N. we're going to need something that is not just another
statement."
China holds a veto in the Security Council and its backing,
along with that
of Russia, will be essential to any move to penalize
President Robert Mugabe
and his top aides for allegedly instigating
political violence.
The White House wants to impose an international arms
embargo on Zimbabwe
and place travel bans on Mugabe and his cronies. But
after meeting Rice,
Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi said Beijing favors
negotiations
between Mugabe, who was sworn in for a new term Sunday, and the
opposition.
"The most pressing path is to stabilize the situation in
Zimbabwe," Yang
said at a news conference with Rice on Sunday. "We hope the
parties
concerned can engage in serious dialogue to find a proper
solution."
Rice says the U.S. plans to introduce a resolution in the
council this week.
The U.S. holds the council's presidency until July 1, but
appears to face an
uphill battle in getting several important members to
agree to any penalties
against Zimbabwe.
Rice said she raised the
issue again with Chinese President Hu Jintao and
Premier Wen Jiabao on
Monday.
But while both men thanked Rice for U.S. assistance after the May
12
earthquake in China's southwest Sichuan province that killed nearly
70,000
people, they failed to mention Zimbabwe in comments before talks with
her.
On other topics, Rice said the leaders discussed progress in the
six-nation
talks hosted by China that aim to permanently disable Pyongyang's
nuclear
programs.
North Korea last week handed over a long-delayed
declaration of its programs
and facilities and blew up the cooling tower at
its main reactor site. In
exchange, Washington has lifted some economic
sanctions against the North
and said it would remove the country from a U.S.
State Department list of
state sponsors of terrorism.
"We are all
encouraged, but everybody emphasizes the hard work ahead," Rice
said. "We
really have to get to a phase that is devoted to abandonment."
Rice said
she was encouraged by word of a new round of talks this week
between China
and envoys of the Dalai Lama. The discussions seek a long-term
resolution of
problems in the Himalayan territory, ruled by Beijing with an
iron fist
since communist troops invaded more than half a century ago.
"We think
he's a very positive figure in dealing with the very difficult
issue of
Tibet," Rice said.
Rice declined to say what human rights cases she
raised, but said Washington
was concerned about the arrest of several
bloggers for writing about
sensitive political issues on the
Internet.
After Monday's meetings, the secretary boarded her jet for the
flight home
to Washington. China was Rice's final stop on a weeklong tour
that also took
her to Germany, Japan and South Korea.
BuaNews (Tshwane)
30 June 2008
Posted to the
web 30 June 2008
Luyanda Makapela
Sharm-El-Shaikh
Some African
countries have expressed concern over the peace and security
situation in
Zimbabwe at a foreign ministerial meeting of the African Union
(AU)
Executive Council and have made recommendations on the matter, says
Tanzania's Foreign Minister Bernard Membe.
Addressing the media after
the two-day AU Executive Council meeting on
Sunday evening, Mr Membe, who
also chairs the council, said it had taken
notice of the latest developments
in Zimbabwe which caused great concern to
the region.
"We have
made specific recommendations to the Heads of State [regarding the
Zimbabwe
issue] and tomorrow [Monday] we will see what happens as all member
states
will be here to discuss this issue further," Mr Membe told reporters
on
Sunday.
The report will be tabled for the analysis of the leaders
attending the AU
summit, added Mr Membe.
Zimbabwe held a presidential
run-off election on Friday as scheduled despite
opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai's withdrawal from the race.
The 13th Ordinary Session of the
Executive Council also tackled the issue of
peace and security on the
African continent, including the conflicts between
Eritrea and Djibouti, as
well as Chad and Sudan, Mr Membe said.
He added that the AU foreign
ministers called for self-restraint by both
sides of Eritrea and Djibouti
and tried to bring them together.
"We have encouraged that these two
countries come together and resolve this
border crisis and this issue be
resolved as a matter of urgency," the
Executive Council chairperson
said.
The skyrocketing food and oil prices, Mr Membe said, were also on
top of the
agenda of the council session, adding that the high oil prices
worsened the
current global food crisis, which would also be proposed to the
G8 summit in
Japan next week.
The council called for urgent and
long-term measures to develop agriculture,
including efficient use of water
resources and funding the African farmers
to purchase fertiliser.
He
also noted that the Executive Council expressed concern on the practice
by
some countries to convert food products into biofuels, saying that it
should
be abandoned.
"We have strongly recommended that Africa negotiate with
Afro-Arabic
countries to reduce oil prices.
"The Council further
proposed that fertilisers should be made available for
people so that they
can be able to plant bio-chemical inputs together with
fertiliser to prevent
unforeseen circumstances," said Mr Membe.
Under the theme, "Meeting the
Millennium Development Goals on Water and
Sanitation," the 11th AU summit
held in Egypt's Sharm el-Sheikh on Monday
and Tuesday will focus on peace
and security in Africa, the oil and food
prices and agriculture, as well as
the situation in Zimbabwe.
SABC
June 30, 2008,
09:30
The African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) has called for
the
outcome of Zimbabwe's one-man presidential election to be set
aside.
ANCYL president Julius Malema described last week's election, in
which
long-time leader Robert Mugabe was the only participant, as a "joke of
the
worst order". "The conditions on the ground in Zimbabwe were never
conducive
to a free and fair election, and the credibility of this election
is
seriously wanting," Malema said in his closing address at the ANCYL
annual
congress yesterday evening.
"To recognise its outcome would be
a betrayal of not only our own values,
but also of the aspirations of the
people of Zimbabwe. What was meant to be
a presidential run-off election
deteriorated into a joke of the worst
order."
Malema said Zimbabwe's
ruling Zanu-PF had rejected its liberation movement
values. "The outcome of
the so-called presidential run-off election must be
set aside and both
Zanu-PF and Movement for Democratic Change (MDC),
alongside organs of civil
society must find each other in order to find a
lasting solution to
Zimbabwe's political and economic challenges," said
Malema.
"The
cul-de-sac Zimbabwe has reached in its political life means the time
has
come for a fresh start under the guidance and leadership of a unity
government whose mandate must be to rebuild Zimbabwe's political and
economic institutions."
Mugabe was inaugurated as president
yesterday, barely an hour after he was
declared winner in the run-off
elections in which opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai did not participate.
He pulled out days before the elections,
saying dozens of his supporters had
been killed in a campaign against the
opposition. - Sapa
The Nation (Nairobi)
30 June 2008
Posted to the
web 30 June 2008
Kitsepile Nyathi
Harare
June 27 was the final
straw that broke the camel's back for Mr Phibeon
Shereni, a 45 year old
secondary teacher in Zimbabwe's capital Harare.
In the past 10 years, he
has seen young teachers' desert his school as soon
as they got their first
pay to try their luck in neighbouring countries,
leaving him and those still
left behind, added responsibilities seldom
matched by financial
rewards.
"I hoped this time around change was coming," he said as he
waited patiently
for a South African bound bus in Harare's down Roadport
international bus
terminus.
"Time is not on my side because I have
toiled for all these years and yet I
still do not have a house that I can
call my own. "My children's future is
doomed if I stay and continue to hope
things will be okay in my country."
He joined hordes of locals who were
at the weekend battling to reach the
neighbouring country before it could
tighten the screws on visitors amid an
expected of refugees caused by
another failure to put to an end to
Zimbabwe's long running political
crisis.
Mr Shiri confesses that he is nervous about what the future holds
for him in
South Africa where the growing hostility towards the influx of
Zimbabwean
immigrants fleeing the deteriorating economic and political
situation into
their country boiled into xenophobic attacks that shook the
world last
month. But like many Zimbabweans, hopeful for an economic miracle
that
seemed imminent in March when the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change
(MDC) appeared certain to end long serving President Robert Mugabe's
ruinous
leadership, he feels all hope is now lost.
Zimbabwe is
cursed
"Zimbabwe is cursed," said Ms Thenjiwe Ncube, an MDC supporter
from the
second city of Bulawayo. "There is not going to be any serious
investment
and the currency will continue to collapse, inflation will
escalate even
further as long Mugabe is still in power. To most opposition
supporters, the
state of Zimbabwe's economy has gone out of hand, and Mr
Mugabe's government
has clearly run out of ideas to contain its meltdown.
Therefore, Mr
Tsvangirai had remained as the only hope to salvage it from
the total
collapse.
"Prices will be rising daily by next week," said
Mr John Robertson, an
independent economic commentator. "It's going to be
very unstable in
Zimbabwe and threatening.
"The dollar has already
started falling by 50 percent daily."
From being a breadbasket of
southern Africa before 2000, Zimbabwe has turned
into a net importer of food
and supermarket shelves are empty.
There are serious fears of a major
meltdown, with an isolated regime in
Harare and more biting economic
sanctions from Western countries.
And it is Zimbabwe's more prosperous
neighbours who have been reluctant to
condemn, Mr Mugabe's questionable
policies that are set to bear the brunt of
the meltdown at their door steps.
On the eve of the election, 300 residents
from a poor Harare neighbourhood
running away from ruling party militants
who rode roughshod over opposition
supporters in the run to the one man
election, had sought refugee at the
South African embassy.
Thousands more were trooping to South African
through undesignated entry
points undaunted by the hostile reception that
awaits them in the
neighbouring country.
"I know that it is never
going to be easy in South Africa but I am certain
that it is going to be
better than the suffering here at home," said Mr
Dumezweni Ndlovu who has
been twice deported from South Africa in the last
nine months.
http://www.thepost.ie/ezineSBP/story.asp?storyid=34049
Sunday, June 29, 2008 By Tom McGurk
The
political and social crisis engulfing Zimbabwe represents the awful
reality
of a continent left behind by the rest of the world.
It was certainly not
the sort of 90th birthday present Nelson Mandela wanted
last Friday; the
elephant at the party was clearly Robert Mugabe's
re-election in
Zimbabwe.
Indeed, given that the world was contemplating the changed
political
landscape over Mandela's nine decades, could the contrast be
greater between
the legacies of the two figures central to the end of white
colonial rule in
southern Africa at the end of the 20th century -Mandela and
Mugabe?
Seemingly only after widespread international criticism, given
his
international status, was Mandela finally moved last Wednesday to say
something about the growing Zimbabwean political and humanitarian crisis.
For months now, his silence has been deafening, if not puzzling.
In
the end, while he eventually criticised the killing of Africans, he didn't
even name Mugabe. Nor, in the face of international impatience, have either
South African president Thabo Mbeki or the country's main political party,
the ANC, condemned Mugabe. But there are reasons for this, to which I will
return later.
It is easy to forget now, but when Mugabe first strode
out of the final
settlement agreed at the Lancaster House conference in
London in 1980, he
was seen as the 'great black hope' for Africa. Educated
(mostly by Irish
Jesuits), sophisticated, intelligent and powerfully
articulate, Mugabe
impressed all who came across him.
As Zimbabwe,
against so many expectations, moved with an almost faultless
democratic
process from white minority to black majority rule, South Africa
was
constantly reminded to look northwards to its neighbours to see how it
could
be done.
It is hard to imagine now that, in the first years of the Zanu
(Zimbabwe
African National Union) government, large numbers of whites - who
had fled
to South Africa after the unilateral declaration of independence by
Rhodesia - returned to live.
I met some of them in the Zimbabwean
capital of Harare in the late 1980s,
and it was remarkable to hear them
talking about how they preferred Zimbabwe's
black majority rule to apartheid
South Africa.
They were proud of what they then affectionately called
'Zim', and were
determined to make the new state work. Their greatest fear
at the time was
for their children, and what sort of future they would have
in the new
society.
In retrospect, it was a heady political moment
for millions across the world
who passionately believed in the creation of a
new African democracy out of
the relics of the old colonial continent.
There, we thought, in that land
between the Zambezi and Limpopo rivers, a
remarkable postcolonial experiment
was succeeding.
Zimbabwe was
important, not just because of its wider political
significance, but also
because of the many links between Ireland and that
part of
Africa.
The missionary link, particularly in the fields of education and
health
care, was a century old, and many families from Ireland had settled
there
down the centuries.
In an act not unlike what happened when
Zimbabwe itself emerged from history
after independence, large numbers of
Anglo-Irish people left Ireland in the
1920s to settle in what was then
known as Southern Rhodesia.
Of course, historically and culturally for us
- as an English-speaking white
race which experienced colonisation - there
was always an instinctive
understanding of the African
experience.
Indeed, just like Irish history across the centuries, land
ownership has
precipitated Zimbabwe's current crisis. Creating
European-style democracies
in Africa is one thing, but attempting, within
the judicial limitations
imposed by that society, to change the inevitable
economic consequences of
generations of colonisation is quite
another.
In fact, the crisis of land ownership has plagued civilisation
ever since
the French Revolution - ask the native Americans or Russia's
collective
farmers.
By the late 1990s, in the face of the economic
failures of the black
majority government to make a radical difference to
the lives of the
millions of the poor, Mugabe began to use the land issue as
a political
weapon. Blaming former colonisers and white land-owning farmers
became the
panacea for his failures.
The parallel crisis brought
about by AIDS and hyperinflation did not help,
and Mugabe began to use the
land question as a method of buying the
allegiance of his most powerful
followers and switching the political
spotlight onto his former colonial
enemies. What was once the breadbasket of
southern Africa quickly began to
experience famine.
One statistic perhaps says everything about the extent
of Mugabe's political
failure; male life expectancy in Zimbabwe has declined
from60 to 37 years
since 1960. It's now the lowest in the world.
As
this crisis deepens, it is important to remember that the ANC's failure
publicly to condemn Mugabe is, in itself, a measure of its prescience at how
quickly it senses its own political honeymoon in South Africa
ending.
Already, the ANC is facing allegations of political corruption.
Critics
claim black majority rule has merely produced a new black
middle-class, and
that the economic lives of millions in South Africa remain
largely unchanged
since minority rule.
Even more critically, what
better than the fate of Mugabe to remind the ANC
of how seminal the
historical subtexts are, given that land ownerships
patterns in both South
Africa and Zimbabwe are analogous. They might well be
thinking of Mugabe,
that 'there but for the grace of God (or even Mandela)
go we'. South
Africa's next president after Mbeki will almost certainly be
Jacob Zuma -
already a controversial figure. Could he become a Mugabe in his
time?
Long gone are the days of high expectation for European-style
democracies as
the simple solution to the crisis of colonial rule in Africa.
As one African
state after another plunges into economic, social and
political disaster,
the history of post-colonisation is clearly still being
written.
The reality is that living standards and life expectancy in
Africa today are
lower than in colonial times. Mugabe's vicious civil war is
only the latest
chapter in a post-colonial African history that comprises of
one depressing
chapter after another.
One wonders whether it was
another manifestation of our colonial mentalities
when we thought the
creation of democratic societies - which took three
painful and bloody
centuries in Europe - could be achieved in Africa almost
overnight.
Now, with the ending of the Cold War, the entire African
continent has
slipped from the super-power strategic radar. Africa has been
left to the
tender mercies of its failed political leaderships and
international
charity.
In the meantime, at least you can sign a
petition to Mbeki and other African
leaders to move against Mugabe, by
logging on toAvaaz.org. Currently,145,000
have signed. Please join them.
The Zimbabwean
Monday, 30 June 2008 14:24
IMPORTANT INFORMATION FOR
ZIMBABWEANS IN UK
from the Zimbabwe Association, 30 June 2008
Last week several important cases were heard in the House of Lords.
The
ruling on the Chikwamba case (25 June 2008) may affect many people
in the
Zimbabwean community who are in stable relationships and have kids.
In
the past, couples where the wife/husband has had refugee status (or
British
citizenship) and the other partner has been refused asylum, the
refused
partner has been told to go back to Zimbabwe and apply for entry
clearance
from there.
The Chikwamba ruling may mean that it is now possible to
sort out the
problem of entry clearance from within the UK.
People
in this situation MUST seek legal advice about their position
as soon as
they can.
Business Daily
(Nairobi)
OPINION
29 June 2008
Posted to the web 30 June
2008
Norman Mudibo
It is baffling how people bury their heads
in the sand whenever there is an
issue that needs to be urgently addressed,
only to act when it is too late.
Unfortunately, at times we let things
get out of hand and still do nothing
for fear that our actions might cast us
in bad light.
It came as no surprise that when Prime Minister Raila
Odinga fired the first
salvo at President Robert Mugabe, while at the World
Economic Forum in South
Africa, his remarks elicited varied
reactions.
Whereas, he maintained, his views were personal and not of the
government,
that admission spoke volumes of the polarising nature of the
Zimbabwe issue.
Indeed, the continued deafening silence among some
African leaders - who
tout themselves as democrats - regarding the Zimbabwe
crisis is unfortunate.
Worse, millions of Zimbabweans are starving to
death. This is a continental
shame and shows the indecisiveness of a part of
the African leadership on a
matter that deserves action rather than softness
and fence sitting.
Incorrigible despot
Any last vestiges of
confidence in Mr Mugabe's leadership have been
destroyed as he degenerates
into an incorrigible despot.
He has plunged this once celebrated country
into an embarrassing basket
case, while maintaining a tight grip on power.
He is a disgrace to his
country, the continent and the world.
From a
breadbasket, Zimbabwe is now a net importer of food as it struggles
with an
unsustainable food deficit and hyperinflation amid a myriad of other
economic setbacks.
The rule of law has been ignored, voters
disenfranchised, terror reigns,
purging of media is rampant, dictatorship
thrives as political tension
mounts. All these sum up a man who is only too
willing to destroy a country
he fought so hard to liberate. He cuts a figure
of a despicable tyrant, so
incorrigible that he should be forcibly removed
from power to give
Zimbabweans a break.
Even as it becomes apparent
that Zimbabwe is on a free fall, some African
leaders led by President Thabo
Mbeki continue to either keep mum, ostensibly
not wanting to be seen as
interfering in another state's affairs, or just
too soft not to ruffle Mr
Mugabe's feathers.
As millions flee Zimbabwe, mostly to South Africa, the
African Union behaves
like a subdued elephant; looking the other way as if
it is okay for people
to be rendered homeless and become
refugees.
Continental and regional organisations led by the AU must cease
their
slumber and act now.
Mudibo is a media practitioner.