The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
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Zimbabweans Demonstrate in Dallas
By Tina Magee, reporting from Dallas,Texas

The MDC North American Branch in Dallas, Texas is making its voice heard. The members gathered for a Vigil outside the offices of the Dallas Morning News Saturday at 1 p.m. with banners and posters and information sheets for all who passed by.
A huge banner read: "Wake Up World! Zimbabwe is Dying!" Another poster showed Mugabe's face and read: "Wanted for the Murder of:" and a great list of names followed.

The MDC in Dallas is committed to holding Vigils, swelling the number of their supporters and telling the truth about Zimbabwe until freedom is achieved. Vigils are being planned in other major Texas towns as well.

There were tears, there were songs and there was also dancing. There were many speakers. Here are just a FEW of the words of some that we will be spreading to the American people.

"This is Rev. Walter Sithole. I am in Dallas, right now and we are going to have a demonstration in solidarity with the MDC in Zimbabwe for the demands we are asking from the Zimbabwe Regime before we can have an election in 2005.

Some of these demands are that we need the restoration of the Rule of Law and Mugabe we are asking you to end the political violence, completely disband the youth militia and demanding the restoration of the basic freedoms and rights of the people of Zimbabwe. We mean that the Zimbabwean Government should revoke all aspects of the Public Order Security Act and Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act that curtail the personal freedoms of the people of Zimbabwe.

We are also asking the Zimbabwean Government led by Robert Gabriel Mugabe to establish an independent electoral commission and we the people in the diaspora, we are deprived of our right to vote, and it is one of the things that we are demanding. It is a right that we have and we also should be allowed to choose who should govern our Country and the destiny of our lives. And we are also demanding the restoration of the secrecy of the ballot so that voting must take place in an atmosphere that ensures total secrecy.

We are also demonstrating today to bring awareness to the International Community of our demands in Zimbabwe."

Cornelius Musimbe, Vice-Chairman, Dallas Branch, MDC:
"I am sure we all know why we are here. It is because we would like the Community to know our plight at home. It is the MDC Dallas Branch that has organized this and nobody else so ladies and gentlemen we have a job to do. We can not get guns and go to fight but we have to use actions such as these. We all know why MDC was formed. It is because ZANU PF government failed and we could not come out to talk to them. It was because of the breakdown of the law that MDC decided to exist. It is going to continue to exist until such time as the law has been put back into place. We love our Country Zimbabwe. We want to go back to Zimbabwe. People should not think we ran away from home because of the beauty of America. NO! It is because of the suffering that we had at home and the suffering that our people are still enduring that we are here so I invite all of you to come together with joined hands to fight for justice. We cannot fight it at home only but what we are doing now is a better fight for Zimbabwe for liberation.

Some people ask us: "What liberation do you want?" Yes! We had liberation from the Colonial era but we now want the liberations of freedom and democracy where everyone can express himself or herself freely. This is why we unite here in a foreign country to gather all our people. Go back home and tell any who did not come today that next time they must come. We must present a united front. I do not personally fight Mugabe because even if he were to die today someone else would take over and continue with the system so it is the system we are fighting. Let us fight the system!" Many people have wanted us to go to court and testify. Invite them to our meetings. Make them members. Chinja! Maijero! Maijero! Chinja!

Finally from a MDC - North American Division member:
"We deserve to be led by people who will listen to us and hear our pleas and understand our needs. We demand and require that everyone has the right of access to all the necessary things for survival. We need to live and Zimbaweans need to take action and make sure that the current Government will see the light of day. The international community needs to stop speaking and to take action against the rogue government of Mugabe and his cronies. He is one of the worst dictators Africa has ever had."

Anna Tshekeche Vice-Chairperson for MDC North American Division:

"This is the first successful demonstration that we have held and I would like to thank you for it because others will follow. If we all speak with one voice the world is bound to hear us. Zimbabwe's situation demands that you and I stand up. and be heard. The time to be afraid for our lives is gone.

We have a situation that demands we lay down our own lives for our children. We have got children who are being trained to kill their own parents as long as they do not agree with Mugabe's policies and they must be killed by innocent young people who have no other way to keep themselves occupied due to the unemployment situation that has been created by Mugabe's rule.

Even if we live in a apartment with clean water and food we are not free. We must stand up and say the rest of our people cannot have these things. When Zimbabwe became independent there was a health system in place, there was an education system, our land, ok it was not equitably distributed but at the same time but when it was taken over how was it distributed if at all? Some people have just grabbed the land and done nothing with it. Because of greed our people are now hungry. There is disease, there is hunger, there are children out on the street because the government created a situation where the children ended up on the street with nowhere else to go.

We need an electoral system where people can go to the polls freely, where people can say what they want to say without being killed. Our own MDC leader is tossed around like a piece of meat. We want an educational system where people go to school not because they know the headmaster but it is a child's right to be in school. We want our old people taken care of. I can never say it all...."

A young man:

"We look to Zimbabwe our only dear one country. When we look to America they are so patriotic. We see cars on which are written: 'Proud to be an American" or 'United We Stand'. Therefore my brothers and sisters why can't we learn from the Americans how they are ready to die for their country. We can get political asylum or green cards but the fact remains that we are Zimbabweans. So I urge you one more time - Let's be a United Force of Change. Let's be committed to the struggle. The solution to the problem we have in Zimbabwe does not lie in the West or in South Africa from Mbeki. Yes! We need their support. Yes! We need their help but the solution is within us Zimbabweans. So, from today onward this is a new Chapter. A new Beginning. Let everyone here say: We are moving forward in support of Change in Zimbabwe. It is now time to let your voices be heard. Talk about Zimbabwe everywhere. Tell the story yourself how you are so proud to be Zimbabwean and you are working each day to restore Zimbabwe!"
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Enough is Enough



We have a fundamental right to freedom of expression!

Sokwanele reporter

18 July 2004

On April 18, 1980, as Zimbabweans of all walks of life celebrated the end of the liberation war and the lowering of the Union Jack, the dignitaries at Rufaro Stadium knew that Independence was not complete.  Lord Soames knew it, Lord Carrington knew it, Joshua Nkomo knew it and Robert Mugabe knew it.  At Lancaster House six months earlier, they had been forced to agree to postpone any wholesale expropriation of white-owned land for ten years.  A major objective of the struggle could not be achieved, and a bitter resentment against the British power-brokers remained hidden under the smiling face of reconciliation.


Having failed to gain immediate access to the land at Independence, one of the greatest challenges to Robert Mugabe’s government would be to resolve the unequal distribution at a later date, in such a way that land-hungry black Zimbabweans became productive commercial farmers without disrupting the economy. His challenge was to undertake an economic and social transformation which would lay the basis for increased production and a much wider distribution of disposable income, in turn fueling the manufacturing and services sectors.  Twenty-four years later, it is starkly evident that ZANU PF has failed, the armed struggle has not been vindicated, and the country is in a much worse condition than it was at the end of the liberation war.


In 1980, Mugabe nurtured relations with white farmers while concentrating his governing efforts on fulfilling the other promises of the struggle – education and health services.  In those early years, a revolution took place in the social sector as the majority of families sent their children to secondary schools and accessed health care never previously available.  A small land resettlement programme based on willing seller, willing buyer was introduced and models of land use were developed.  And then Mugabe took his eye off the development ball and lost the plot. 


In 1982 he found an excuse to turn on his ZAPU partners in government and, obsessed with eliminating any political loyalty outside ZANU PF, spent the next four years unleashing a terrifying punishment on the ordinary people and leaders of Matabeleland, who had solidly supported ZAPU.  At the same time, he allowed his ministers to focus their energies on developing businesses to amass private wealth, very frequently at the expense of the public purse.  He bought the loyalty of his own lieutenants by licensing them to engage in corrupt practices.


By the end of the 1980’s, the ZAPU opposition had been forced to surrender, the economy was in serious trouble, and interest in the struggling resettlements had faded. But the people who had waited 10 years to get land had not forgotten.  They were expecting, starting in 1990, a land revolution.  Surely in ten years, ZANU should have been able to prepare a comprehensive programme.  The resettlement undertaken should have provided a laboratory to select the most appropriate approach.  By 1990 it was clear that the Model A and Model B schemes were at best moderately successful but had major failings, which needed correction.  No new programmes were in place.  Government was far from prepared. 


Any programme for land redistribution requires two complementary aspects – the removal of land from the over-privileged possessors and its allocation to new people;  since these new people should be the dispossessed with no resources, a plan also needs to be in place to assist them to become productive.  The new Land Acquisition Act was only passed through Parliament in 1992; it dealt only with one side of the equation – getting the land from its owners.  It did not deal with how the land should be distributed and used.  To address this issue, a Land Commission was only appointed in 1991, reported in 1994, and then its recommendations were ignored.  In spite of the problems surrounding implementation of the 1992 Act, 400 farms were acquired in the early nineties.  But very little resettlement took place. Administrators and politicians blatantly abused their positions.  They took the opportunity to award themselves almost rent-free leases “while a policy for distribution was being worked out”.  Why had government slept for ten years, while they could have been preparing a programme?  An inspection of the national budgets for the early nineties reveals that the highest allocated for all aspects of resettlement in any one year was .4% of the total.  Certainly this does not show any seriousness of purpose.  It suited those in power to hang on to the land themselves and blame others for the problems, while policies and mechanisms for resettlement never saw the light of day.


By the beginning of the 1990’s, government was already embroiled in ESAP, which focussed on exports to earn foreign exchange.  It played havoc with the fortunes of small producers, both in the communal areas and in small-scale commercial and resettlement communities.  The large scale farmers were best positioned to take advantage of export promotion facilities.  Their fortunes soared as they made use of their vast resources to irrigate previously rain-fed crops, computerise their operations, and achieve international standards in quality, packaging and delivery systems. And the gap between them and the impoverished communal farmer, the resettled farmer, the small-scale commercial farmer and the urban youth, who were on the receiving end of ESAP’s reduction in social spending, grew and grew.


In 2000, the results of the constitutional referendum awakened government to the fact that their support was waning and the opposition’s star was rising.  They took a catastrophic decision to use the land issue to hang on to political power.  They decided to abandon any idea of a planned, gradual reform, and return to the violent practices of the war to redistribute land.  In this way they would eclipse the opposition and give the people what they wanted.


Land invasions did not begin in 2000.  There had already been many, and the problem of “squatters” was commonplace.  What began in 2000 was government initiated and supported occupations accompanied frequently by violence, unlawful evictions of farmers and their workers from their homes and farms, destruction of property, theft of produce and equipment.  The attempt to keep the activities “legal” was eventually abandoned, the judiciary subverted, and the law enforcement agencies compromised.  Both the acquisition and allocation of land degenerated into chaos, highly politicised with heavy racial overtones.  No sensible economic reform could take place in such an environment, and none did.


Four years later, while the process drags on, it is possible to assess the result and the damage that has been done.


In 2004, there are very few white commercial farmers left in position.  What is in their place?  A very wide variety of “solutions” exists around the country.  According to the A1 model, farms were to be subdivided according to the old Model A resettlement, with 6 hectares arable, and a residential plot allocated to each farmer, and communal grazing shared.  Variations occurred according to specific needs, with drier ranching areas having subdivisions up to 2,000 hectares.  It is worth noting that generally the amounts of land allocated in this way were sufficient for subsistence or very small scale commercial farming, but not enough to raise the standard of living of beneficiaries in any substantial way without very high levels of investment and expertise.


 According to the A2 model, individuals who were deemed to have their own resources for farming were allocated whole farms or large chunks of farms, allegedly suitable for large-scale farming; most of these recipients are top government or party officials or army officers, many of whom appropriated one or more farms themselves with the use of force or threat of force. 


Most of the land allocated to “new farmers” has been done on one of these two models.  However, there are places where there are other arrangements.  In the most promising of these, the original white farmer has been allowed to retain a portion of his land in exchange for sharing his expertise and often his equipment with the new settlers.  Some highly productive units have failed after having been taken over by government institutions or government-linked institutions such as Zimbabwe Defence Industries, ARDA or army units.


There seems to have been a variety of means of deciding who is to get what.  The attempt to designate land committees worked in some places, but these simply became tools of political patronage, and often were totally ignored by powerful individuals who used their muscle to grab whatever they wanted.


Through the chaos and confusion of the violence-driven process, it should not be surprising that only a percentage of those to whom land has been allocated have actually occupied it.  While 97% of A1 model land had been taken up, only 66% of A2 allocated land had been taken up. 


Those taking up A1 model land were generally rural peasants, unemployed war veterans, or unemployed urban people who had no resources with which to farm.  So the first problem was of inputs.  In the first years of occupation, government did supply seed, fertilizer and even living allowances.  However, with such a haphazard distribution, these often fell into the wrong hands, or were simply sold by the beneficiaries for cash, and in the absence any proper system of accountability, the “loan” was never repaid.  In subsequent years, as government’s coffers emptied and inputs were in any case hard to come by because of the economic collapse, the new farmers generally failed to access even this assistance.  There were no health services, in most places no schools, as these had been operated by the commercial farmers themselves.  Because the farms were broken up, individuals often found they were given an unproductive section, either with poor soil or without water or with poor access.  A large ranch would have one dam used for several paddocks, and perhaps only one dipping point.  Possibly several new farmers would have access to the dam, but many would not, and it would be necessary for them to co-operate both in regard to water and dipping facilities. 


Where former farmers were allowed to remain on a portion of the land and assist the new settlers, some of the problems of input supply, infrastructure and expertise have been resolved, but not all.  Where they were not allowed, what we have is rather an extension of communal area poverty, land far from its productive potential and people living in squalor.


Those taking up A2 model land were almost all employed people living in towns or cities.  Some have managed to take an interest in their land and make it productive, but many have simply reaped the standing crop and then left the land derelict.  Others have rented the land to a company such as FSI, which has carried out productive activities and at least kept some amount of agriculture going.  Those who have tried to manage their own farming operations have had a variety of difficulties, including securing labour.  Some have tried to force remaining farm workers to continue working, but for a fraction of very low gazetted wages.  There are reports of farm labour refusing to work even for gazetted wages, and other reports, confirmed in Parliament, of prisoners being allocated to farms to provide free or sub-economic labour.  The potential for abuse that this suggests harks back to the worst practises of apartheid South Africa


Former farm workers have perhaps been the most disadvantaged.  In very few cases have they been given land in their own right (less than 3% of the total land allocated went to farm workers and just over 3% of farm workers were given plots of land).  Some have moved back to crowded communal lands (27%), or remained on the resettled farm (47%).  Some of these have managed to survive on piece-work, while others have been forced to work for the new owners in return for the right to remain, with virtually no wage.  Others have been forced off the farms where they used to work, and have become the most pathetic of the dispossessed, camped by roadsides for periods while some charity or other came to their rescue.  Many drifted into towns to join the lumpenproletariat – the sub working class of urban scroungers.


Throughout the years 2000 to 2002 we were constantly reminded by ZBC radio that “the land is the economy; the economy is the land”.  How true.  But only if the land is productive will that economy flourish.  When it is not productive, the economy will collapse.  And the dislocation caused by the fast-track land redistribution has confirmed the aphorism beyond any doubt.  The effects of the “reform” has been disastrous for almost everyone.


Firstly, there has been a catastrophic collapse in production levels.  This meant food shortages, lack of inputs for industry, lack of exports, lack of disposable incomes for farmers, and the spin-offs from all of these.  Decline in business in all sectors of the economy from manufacturers of farm equipment, to leasing, insurance, advertising and manufacturers of tea and coffee reached over 50% in some sectors as early as June 2000.


Secondly, the lack of agricultural and other exports led to a serious shortage of foreign exchange, which further affected industry and commerce and brought these sectors to their knees.  This situation was aggravated by the artificial exchange rates and politically motivated price controls without compensating subsidies.


Thirdly, the inflation produced by government’s borrowing and deficit spending to finance the “reform” made it difficult for communal, small scale and large scale black commercial farmers to sustain viable profit levels, thus affecting production legels even further.


Fourthly, the lack of security of tenure on resettled land (only a few had secured 99 year leases) meant that none of the new farmers on A1 land had collateral for securing loans even for seasonal inputs, and this made it difficult for production levels to pick up after the initial dislocation.  Apparently government still has no plan in this regard, with a recent statement by one senior government official that all land would be nationalised being almost immediately denied by another.  Insecurity of tenure has also meant that an occupier has no means of defending his position except by resorting to violence.  Many have been forcibly removed from their allocations by individuals with more powerful muscle.


Fifthly, because the whole was accomplished by subverting legal processes and the use of violence, the law became irrelevant on resettled land.  Control of issues such as boundary disputes, proper conservation of the environment, damage to crops, theft of animals etc fell to whatever process of negotiation or conflict was developed by the individuals concerned.  The potential for settling of disputes between new farmers by violence has become alarmingly high.  We could end up with a situation of warlordism where might becomes right and armed conflicts flare up all over the country.


Sixthly, with the police and army used to aid and abet the violent seizure of land, and the courts no longer applying the law without fear or favour, the rule of law broke down and no one could feel secure of protection by the law, not just on farms, but in any situation of conflict in the country.  The effect has been felt especially in the collapse of tourism and the flight of foreign investment.


Seventhly, the environment has been negatively affected in a wide variety of ways.  Former farm workers, unemployed factory workers, and communal youths unable to find work in the collapsing economy, scrounged a living however they could.  Many tens if not hundreds of thousands turned to gold panning and gold digging.  The police ignored the illegality of it all, and joined in the bonanza, along with rural teachers and other poorly paid employees of various sorts.  The effect on the environment has been predictably devastating.  Furthermore, those settled on A1 land, and even some on A2 land either had no interest in farming or had no means to secure inputs.  They survived by denuding the land of its resources – cutting down trees to sell firewood, snaring animals wherever they could for meat for eating and for sale.  Some of these activities were carried out by land occupiers before land was allocated to them.  Previously flourishing conservancies have had their wildlife populations decimated.


Eighthly, the fast-track resettlement has deprived the government of important sources of revenue.  Farmers paid taxes.  Manufacturers of agricultural goods paid taxes, purchasers of goods paid taxes.  All of these sources of income for government have been decimated, forcing it to borrow, and driving inflation higher and higher.  ZIMRA officials now go around the markets trying to identify new farmers selling produce so that they can be added to the tax roll.


Ninth, the spin-off from lack of production, lack of foreign exchange, lack of purchasing power and spiralling inflation has undermined all sorts of legitimate businesses, including in the commercial and services sector. 


In 2004, we find ourselves with an economy in free-fall and still falling, a collapse of agricultural production, high unemployment, hyper inflation, collapse of social services, both public and private, and huge numbers of Zimbabweans pouring out of the country to seek a means of surviving elsewhere.  The attempts by some “realists” in ZANU PF to work co-operatively with a few remaining white farmers, and to reduce the levels of blatant corruption and violence, seem so far to be eclipsed by the radicals who continue with their campaign to target every last farm associated with white ownership, including farms protected by international agreements, farms designated as export processing zones and highly successful conservancies.  The combination of the downward spiral of economic depression with violence and lawlessness continue to make Zimbabwean lives miserable.


And all so unnecessary -  but inevitable once ZANU PF decided to try to solve an economic, political and social problem by using violence.    The art of the politician is to achieve positive results by persuasion, negotiation and balancing of interests of various groups in conflict.  This could have been done, and a rational land reform could have been implemented in Zimbabwe if government had been single-minded in their efforts to solve the problem from April 1980.  But they failed to educate the white farmers as to their need to compromise, they failed to work out a comprehensive plan for dispossession of land for resettlement in a gradual way, to establish clear criteria for the beneficiaries of redistribution, or to develop a programme for support of the resettled.  They failed to adopt a rational land tenure system and failed to retain the support of donors and international institutions without whom resettlement would be an economic disaster.  Instead they reverted to the irrational, choosing to blame others for their own policy failures.  And worst of all, they failed to admit they failed and have clung greedily and brutally to power to prevent any other Zimbabweans from trying a different route.


And so what we have today is not a prosperous nation where the wealth is more evenly distributed and the economy is developing.  What we have is a people living in destitution and despair in the ruin of an economy and in fear of repressive tyranny, while a small group of political favourites plunder the land of the little wealth it still retains.




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From The Sunday Mirror, 18 July

Multiple farm owner's defiance deep-seated

Innocent Chofamba Sithole/Kuda Chikwanda

There is deep-seated defiance within government and the ruling Zanu PF party
to President Robert Mugabe's renewed clampdown on multiple farm owners,
recent developments have shown. The president has grappled with the issue of
multiple farm ownership, a land reform plague prevalent among the country's
top leadership, for exactly a year now, but with limited success. Observers
have noted that it is perhaps out of this frustration that an "emotional Cde
Mugabe", as captured in last week's edition of the Sunday Mail, vowed to
ensure that the one-man-one-farm policy was implemented. "We are going to
have one-man-one-farm. Even if you have two wives, you are entitled to only
one farm. I will personally work with Cde John Nkomo to see to it that we
all get a fair share of the land. Those with more than one farm must
surrender the rest and remain with one farm," President Mugabe said.
According to figures just released by Nkomo's ministry, a mere12 943
families were resettled under the A2 or commercial scheme, against a
projected estimate of 56 000 while111 084 beneficiaries have been resettled
under the A1 or villagisation farming scheme. The total figure more or less
corresponds to that established by the Utete Committee's land audit. The
latest audit shows that almost 100 000 are on the waiting list for the A2
scheme. Evidence at hand shows that most of the fingered elite have simply
secured technical immunity from charges of multiple farm ownership by having
'eligible' relatives assume occupation of the extra properties. President
Mugabe, addressing the Zanu PF national youth conference last weekend, said
he had received many complaints concerning political heavyweights who
continued to own many farms through proxies. Nkomo's brief is to sniff out
such cases and effect corrective action. And this past week he did sniff out
quite a handful. Following President Mugabe's pledge to work with Nkomo, a
bundle of letters to multiple farm owners that had been pending at the
latter's offices was expeditiously sent out to identified errant recipients.
However, some of the fingered violators of the standing policy responded by
trashing the actions of Nkomo's ministry in a manner that raised questions
about whether there is lack of consensus within government about Nkomo's
mandate. They charged that the manner in which Nkomo was pursuing the
resolution of the multiple farm ownership contradiction had thrown land
reform rationalisation into disarray as it was not informed by facts on the
ground. And these facts relate, in some cases, to how ownership of certain
farms had changed from the named officials to either their extended family,
or their own children.

Last Thursday's Herald quoted some of the annoyed recipients of Nkomo's
letters as saying: "It is incredible to think that after the Utete Report
and Minister Nkomo's task force the relevant authority does not know which
land was allocated to who." But Nkomo had this to say: "That is precisely
why there is this exercise, to establish who has what; I am here to clean
up." And one of his ministry's officials is on record as saying the letters
were meant to "give the recipients an opportunity to correct the facts so
that the matter is solved once and for all." But some of the recipients have
not quite corrected the 'facts' in a manner that steers them clear of
President Mugabe's statement that he has continued to receive complaints of
'chefs' owning many farms by proxy. Information minister Jonathan Moyo
explained that one of the farms Nkomo's officials had associated with him
was actually occupied by his cousin, while transport and communication
minister Chris Mushowe claimed another farm said to be in his possession was
actually allocated to his son Prince, 'a grown-up man with his own family,"
The Herald reported on Thursday. Confidential sources have revealed to the
Sunday Mirror how some senior government officials and politicians actually
led the ouster of previous white farmers from choice properties they had
interest in, and moved their own relatives onto the same properties. In
response to the reports to his ministry's action last week, Nkomo said: "We
are acting on information that we gathered and are updating the facts
through this exercise. Justice minister, Patrick Chinamasa said his wife
gave up the farm, Moyo says his cousin is now occupying the Hwange farm . .
. the point is they had more than one farm." The practice of owning more
than one farm through proxy is said to be prevalent even among the senior
echelons of both ruling party and government hence the open recalcitrance of
some junior officials who are reluctant to surrender extra farms. Even the
government's anti-corruption probe has not ventured to treat land policy
violations as corruption.

Minister in charge of Anti-corruption and Anti-monopolies programme, Didymus
Mutasa has said that his ministry cannot start investigating the issue of
multiple farm ownership without a formal request from Nkomo's ministry.
Speaking in response to the issue of farms allegedly owned by government
officials, Mutasa said that he could not proceed to launch a formal
investigation, unless Nkomo approached his ministry with the matter. "It is
always nice, polite and proper to pursue issues of graft and corruption and
tackle them, working with the relevant ministry. I cannot do it alone, I
have to work with the ministries concerned." Mutasa's comments came after
several withdrawal letters are purported to have been issued to several
government ministers who include Moyo, local government minister, Ignatius
Chombo, minister of agriculture, Joseph Made, Chinamasa and Mushohwe. The
mentioned ministers said that they each had one farm, and the accusations
against them were not justified, with Moyo saying that Lot 2 Dete Valley had
been allocated to his cousin, one Jackie Mayers, while Mushohwe said that
Nyamazura farm attributed to him, had been allocated to his son.

Made, likewise denied the allegations, saying that the other plot had been
allocated to his brother, Ambrose Made. "You can't say that the reasons
given by the minister are false, if your son is a grown man and wants to
farm, then the prerogative is his. There is nothing corrupt about a minister
's relative being allocated a farm," said Mutasa in defence to allegations
that corruption in land allocation is rife. There were allegations last year
that a former provincial governor in the greater Mashonaland region had
amassed more than five farms for himself, his spouse and children. At the
time, there was an outcry that it was not fair for one household to have
more than one farm when other families were languishing on the waiting list.
Mutasa did not explain how such a scenario could morally justified in the
face of 100 000 families, the majority of whom may not even have a single
relative among the roughly 13 000 who benefitted from the A2 scheme.
Observers have pointed out that because land allocation was done at a time
when the atmosphere in the country was highly politically charged,
politicians had the opportunity to take advantage of the situation to
further their own interests through personal identification of the
properties they intended to occupy, an opportunity which was not open to
ordinary beneficiaries. Also, politicians some politicians had the
opportunity to commandeer both war veterans and party supporters to occupy
farms which they were interested in taking over. Some ruling zanu PF MPs
have revealed that the reason why the one-man-one-farm rule is proving
difficult to effect is because the practice is so prevalent in senior party
and government structures that there lacked a resolute moral authority to
pursue the issue to its conclusion. They said it was easy for many errant
officials to evade Nkomo's probe by simply registering the extra farms in
the names of family and friends.
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Kwashiorkor On the Increase

UN Integrated Regional Information Networks

July 19, 2004
Posted to the web July 19, 2004


Further evidence of urban vulnerability in Zimbabwe has emerged with the
release of a report indicating that the capital, Harare, has seen an
increase in the number of kwashiorkor cases.

In his health report for 2003, the city's director of health services, Dr
Lovemore Mbengeranwa, noted that instances of diagnosed kwashiorkor had
risen by 11.1 percent. A total of 621 cases were treated at council-run
clinics, of which 97 percent were children under the age of five.

The symptoms of kwashiorkor, a nutritional disease caused by inadequate
protein consumption, include a bloated stomach and spindly arms and legs,
and can result in death if not treated.

"Food vulnerability in urban areas is increasing at an alarming level due to
economic instability in the country," Mbengeranwa told IRIN.

Once patients have been diagnosed they are treated and rehabilitated, while
affected children are added to a supplementary feeding scheme run in urban


"Supplementary feeding interventions have, in the past, been targeted at
rural populations, as they were viewed as the most food-insecure and
vulnerable. However, it has been found that the level of food vulnerability
in urban areas of Zimbabwe is increasing at an alarming rate," Mbengeranwa

Rising unemployment, a declining economy, poor harvests and the scarcity of
some basic commodities have been blamed for the poor nutritional status of
children. Inflation has also eroded the purchasing power of households in
urban areas.

Mbengeranwa said a 2003 assessment of the nutritional status of children
under six years had established that, in some instances, children in Harare
were worse off than their rural counterparts.

This had led to the establishment of a feeding scheme in partnership with
the NGO, Help From Germany.

The malnutrition affecting children was also affecting their parents,
Mbengeranwa told IRIN. "Preliminary results of an urban vulnerability survey
have demonstrated that in Harare most high-density areas had food-vulnerable
people. The extent of vulnerability is worse in informal settlements like
squatter camps."

Most families in Harare had adopted mechanisms to cope with their limited
access to food, said Mbengeranwa. These mechanisms included reducing food
quantities, combining meals and removing meat from their diets.
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Odzi Farmer's Bail Appeal Dismissed

The Herald (Harare)

July 19, 2004
Posted to the web July 19, 2004


THE Supreme Court has dismissed an appeal for bail by Odzi white commercial
farmer Peter Spero Landos, implicated in the shooting and killing of a
resettled farmer and injury of another in May this year.

Landos allegedly killed Mr Micah Mufambisi and seriously injured Mr Tichaona
Mafuruse in a farm boundary dispute at Riverside Farm in Odzi.

Justice Wilson Sandura, who heard the appeal by Landos in his chambers last
week, dismissed the request, saying the reasons given by the defence for the
appeal were unsatisfactory.

Mr Jonathan Samkange of Byron Venturas and Partners, who is representing
Landos, had appealed against the refusal by the High Court to grant his
client bail pending trial.

Mr Samkange had argued that the lower court erred when it denied Landos

In the papers filed with the superior court, Mr Samkange argued that the
lower court had not considered the fact that Landos was acting in
self-defence and did not personally fire the fatal shots at the time of the
alleged crime.

"The shots were fired during the scuffle that took place when the war
veterans were trying to disarm him," said Mr Samkange.

He further argued that his client would not abscond because the State's case
was unsubstantiated and very weak.

Law officer Mr Rodrick Tokwe had opposed the appeal, arguing: "The incentive
to abscond was found in the gravity of the offence." Mr Tokwe said if
convicted, Landos was likely to get a lengthy custodial term of

According to the indictment, Landos allegedly shot dead Mr Mufambisi, a war
veteran, and seriously injured Mr Mafuruse on the right arm.

It is alleged the offence was committed after Landos and the newly resettled
farmers failed to agree on boundaries at Riverside Farm.

Mufambisi was hit on the chest with shots fired from a P1 pistol and died on
the spot.

The State further alleges that Landos was seen committing the offence by
settlers he had invited to a meeting over land dispute. The pistol was
recovered from Landos.
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Gaza Police Seize Five Tones of Smuggled Sugar

Agencia de Informacao de Mocambique (Maputo)

July 19, 2004
Posted to the web July 19, 2004


The Mozambican police in the southern province of Gaza have seized five
tones of sugar, smuggled from neighbouring Zimbabwe, reports Monday's issue
of the daily paper "Noticias".

One Mozambican citizen was arrested in connection with the case, while his
accomplice, a Zimbabwean, managed to flee, but in the process he dropped his
personal identification documents, including his passport. Their identities
were not revealed, and the Zimbabwean is still on the run.

The seized sugar is to be handed over to the customs service.

Gaza police spokesperson Benedito Ndeve said that the smugglers entered
Mozambique through the border between Gaza and the Zimbabwean province of
Masvingo, and the two were neutralised thanks to the cooperation between the
police forces in the two countries.

Commenting on the results of strengthened cooperation between the police
forces in those two provinces, Ndeve said that contraband through the border
has declined significantly.

Strengthened joint patrolling of the border was the agenda of a recent
meeting between the police commanders in the two provinces.
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Zim Observer

      Zimbabwe develops farm management software
      by STAFF EDITORS (7/19/2004)

ZIMBABWEAN software concern, Jawbone Enterprizes has become the first
Zimbabwean company to develop a software solution tailor-made to cater for
the agrarian reform programme underway in the country. The software
programme, entitled the Electronic Farm Manager, is a user-friendly solution
that is designed to make the farming process "easier, faster and more
productive" according to Jawbone Director in charge of Marketing, George

The software, which is also known as Ihurudza in Shona, and Umtshayi Wenala
in Ndebele, targets not only the farmer, but also institutions supporting
agriculture, such as financial institutions and suppliers of essential
inputs. "It possesses a knowledge base, which is in all three languages, to
enhance its user-friendly capabilities, and it is very practical. In short,
it's a very valuable tool to the farming environment.

Chikupo also pointed out that their product enables farmers to plan before
deciding on what product to farm, as it offered various models on products,
and farming styles that would enable a prospective farmer to be aware of
products offering the highest yield per dollar of investment.

"Besides planning, the Electronic Farm Manager allows farmers to monitor
crop production. You can analyse sales, get production and yield models from
reputable organisations such as Agriculture Research and Extension and also
from reputable commercial farmers. The software guides you through."

The Electronic Farm Manager is also credited with the ability to prepare
financial reports such as a Profit and Loss statement, but Chikupo stressed
that "this is not an accounting software, but merely uses input data to come
up with financial statements." In addition, it allows institutions assisting
farmers to monitor farmers' progress, other than having the farmers state
their progress orally.

"This enables institutions to witness for themselves whether a farmer is
doing well or merely claiming to be doing well, and allowing for the same
institutions to advance any assistance required and within the capacity of
the farmer, as far as repayments and other issues are concerned," said

Another plus for the local product relates to business executives who are
into commercial farming. As a result of work constraints, forcing farmers to
be at work and not at the farm, the software accords them the opportunity to
access feedback from the comfort of their offices and homes, either through
the internet or through the use of back-up compact disks.

The software industry in Zimbabwe has suffered a major drawback in the form
of the Zimbabwean corporate industry opting for international software
products and shunning Zimbabwean-generated software. Chikupo added that his
firm was one of the casualties, but noted his pleasure at the response
accorded to his firm's achievements by the local agricultural industry.

"They have realised the salience of having tailor-made solutions work for
you. As we speak, the government has snapped up 58 copies of the programme
for each of the country's 58 districts, and these copies will be used in
info-kiosks by the youth for day to day farm management.
"It seems the government wants to make the youth aware of the benefits of
such a programme, and in the process allow more youths to enter farming."

Jawbone Enterprises, which came into being in July last year, is also
credited with having developed the billing system for the Zimbabwe
Electricity Supply Authority.

Source: Daily News By Kuda Chikwanda issue date :2004-Jul-19
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Zimbabwe: NGOs Slam Moves to Introduce Tighter Controls

UN Integrated Regional Information Networks

July 19, 2004
Posted to the web July 19, 2004


Civil rights groups in Zimbabwe on Monday slammed moves to introduce a new
bill that will give the government greater control over the operations of
NGOs and churches.

The Non-Governmental Organisations (NGO) and Churches Bill is expected to be
tabled in the coming parliamentary session.

"Some NGOs and churches are causing confusion in the country because they
are converting their humanitarian programmes into politics," Public Service,
Labour and Social Welfare Minister, Paul Mangwana, told the Zimbabwe
Independent newspaper earlier.

"The government cannot allow that to happen, so we are saying they should
come under scrutiny, where we revise all the modalities of their operations
in the country. [Failing] that, we are going to simply close all the doors
and not allow them in this country any more, because the bill will set out a
code of conduct which they will be expected to stick to," he was quoted as

According to Brian Kagoro, chief executive of the Crisis in Zimbabwe
Coalition, a group of pro-democracy NGOs, the proposed law will make it
illegal for hundreds of human rights groups and community organisations to
continue to operate as trusts, answerable only to boards of trustees and

"The bill is part of a total strategy to close the last crevices of
democratic opinion. This is an assault on NGOs under the guise of protecting
national sovereignty. All these additional constraints will make it nearly
impossible for NGOs to operate in Zimbabwe," he told IRIN.

Over the past three years NGOs have come under increasing fire, with the
authorities accusing them of promoting foreign interests and supporting the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

In September 2002 the government ordered NGOs to register under the Private
Voluntary Organisations Act, a law that was lambasted by rights activists.

General secretary of the Zimbabwe Council of Churches, Densen Mafinyani,
commented: "There are many NGOs in Zimbabwe who have concentrated their
efforts solely within the humanitarian field. However, there are some NGOs
who have gone and mixed humanitarian work with politics - it is because of
this that the government reacts in such a harsh manner."

Mafinyani said it was still unclear how the proposed law would affect the
operations of church organisations in Zimbabwe.
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Business Day

Zambia gains big time as Zimbabwe loses out


By Ray Faure
LIVINGSTONE - As one gapes in awe from the Zambian side as the mighty
Zambezi river cascades over the Victoria Falls with a mighty roar and at a
rate of some 900 cubic metres per second it is not difficult to understand
why the locals believe that the falls - regarded as one of the seven natural
wonders of the world - embody the soul of a powerful deity whom they refer
to as Nyaminyami.

And as one glances around at the growing number of foreign tourists - a
veritable mini league of nations - also taking in this magnificent sight,
one cannot help but wonder whether this great river god is perhaps not
favouring the Zambians over their troubled Zimbabwean neighbours.

While the Zambian hotels and resorts fronting the river and falls - which
form the border between the two countries once known as the Rhodesias - are
teeming with tourists, it is relatively quiet on the other side of the

"Zimbabwe's political and economic woes have benefited us tremendously,"
explains one of the locals, adding that tourism has probably been the
biggest benefactor.

"Because of all the problems there, people are just too scared to go to
Zimbabwe these days, so they're coming here to Zambia instead.

"Not that it's really so bad in the tourist areas there. In fact, they're
relatively safe. But the perception exists that it's not a safe place to go
to, so the tourists are coming here instead. As a result, tourism and the
economy are really beginning to pick up here in Zambia," he says.

Evidence of this is reflected in the ubiquitous foreign exchange bureaux
that dot the main streets of Livingstone and the growing number of tourist
resorts springing up in and around the former capital, which is just a
stone's throw from the almost two-kilometre-wide falls the locals refer to
as 'Mosi-oa-Tunya' - "the mighty smoke that thunders" - a reference to the
smoke-like spray rising hundreds of metres above the falls which can be seen
from several kilometres away.

Not surprising, many of the tourist operators are Zimbabwean, many of whom
still live on the Zimbabwean side of the river in the town of Victoria
Falls, traversing the border back and forth at the start and end of each

"It's ironic. A few years ago, Zambians were pouring into Zimbabwe to look
for work. Now it's the other way around," my self-appointed guide points

"And agriculturally, we have also benefited. We have opened our doors to
many of the white Zimbabwean farmers who have been booted off their land and
have even allowed them to bring their Zimbabwean work forces with them
because we know that they will help boost our economy and create more jobs
in the long run," he adds.

Zambia's tobacco production is expected to reach some 18 million kilograms
this year compared with just 7 million kilograms last year and only 3
million kilograms in 2002 - thanks chiefly, analysts say, to the efforts of
just 75 former Zimbabwean tobacco farmers, who were apparently given farms
by the Zambian government as well as 10-year loans by a locally- based
foreign bank to buy farming equipment.

Zambia is also targeting a massive expansion in maize and wheat production.

The pick up in tourism and the growth in agriculture after a severe drought
in 2002 which resulted in food shortages is good news for an economy that
has long been overly-dependent on mining.

While the country remains heavily dependent on copper and cobalt mining -
boosted by the recent surge in the copper price - and its efforts to
diversify its production base towards a bigger manufacturing sector have not
proved very successful, its economic growth is encouraging.

In 2002 Zambia's economy grew by 3.3% and in 2003 by 4.2%. This year, it is
expected to grow by 3.5% and next year by 4.5%.

Historically, Zambia has suffered from high inflation, which reached
hyper-inflationary levels in the early 1990s.

But, in recent years, it has fallen to more manageable levels, albeit - as
one analyst points our - just
above 20%.

Encouragingly, the International Monetary Fund expects consumer inflation to
average 18.5% in 2004 and 17.5% in 2005. The Bank of Zambia - the country's
central banker - has set an ambitious target year-end target of 15%.

On the negative side, the country has suffered a persistent deficit on the
current account of the balance of payments.

In 2003, the current account deficit exceeded US$600 million, according to
the central bank.

Despite a booming copper price, the country registered a negative trade
balance of US$242 million in 2003 - essentially because of imports of
machinery and capital equipment for the mining industry and high oil prices.

Zambian copper exports rose by 25.7% to US$269.9m in the second quarter from
the first quarter of this year. Despite the increase, Zambia's foreign trade
deficit rose to US$86.8m from US$71.4m as the 11.4% rise in non-copper
exports to US$152.6m failed to keep pace with the 20.4% increase in imports
to US$509.3m.

On the positive front, non-traditional exports, such as horticulture and
floriculture products, have risen over the last decade and now represent an
increasing share of the country's merchandise exports.

And earnings from tourism, which received a boost from the solar eclipse in
2001, are expected to contribute strongly to future income - thanks in large
measure to Zimbabwe and its economic woes.
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New Zimbabwe

Daily News judge offered farm to shut down paper

Former Daily News legal secretary Gugulethu Moyo with a copy of the banned Daily News

Zim judge quits, goes into exile

Zim jail threat for Daily News journos

ANZ sues Moyo, Herald

Moyo 'to fill jails with lying journalists'

High Court orders police to quit Daily News

Mugabe undermining judiciary

Strive Masiyiwa, building of empire

Police storm Daily News Press

Judge gives Daily News green light

Daily News publishes in Nigeria

Masiyiwa vows to fight to 'last drop'

By Staff Reporter
Last updated: 07/20/2004 07:41:50 Last updated: 07/20/2004 00:53:05

EXILED Zimbabwe judge Michael Majuru was offered a farm to shut down Zimbabwe's only daily independent paper, it was claimed Monday.

Majuru, a former Judge President of the Administrative Court told the Daily News Online that Enock Kamushinda, a local businessman with strong links to the government and a CIO operative offered him a farm if he upheld a government decision to close down the Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe (ANZ), publishers of the Daily News and the Daily News on Sunday.

Majuru who fled last year talked of how the government used a carrot and stick approach to force him to rule in favour of the government.

In an interview with the Daily News Online, the former judge opened up and narrated how justice minister Patrick Chinamasa directly and indirectly exerted pressure on him to delay the ANZ case and subsequently throw the case out.

The former judge also talked about how the members of the dreaded spy agency, CIO, became part of his convoy wherever he went.

Majuru presided over the case in which the ANZ sought to have the Media and Information Commission (MIC)’s decision to deny the newspaper a licence nullified.

But the former judge was later forced to recuse himself in November after government-controlled media alleged that he had told a member of the public that he would rule in favour of ANZ.

A month before that, on October 24, 2003, Majuru had ruled that the MIC should issue a licence to the Daily News by November 30, failing which the paper would be deemed to have been registered.

Majuru had been presiding over one of the numerous cases involving the ANZ which has appealed several times against government orders that it be shut down.

That decision was set aside when the commission appealed against the ruling, but the Daily News went back to the administrative court to have it enforced.

It was that anticipated ruling, seeking the enforcement of the earlier order, which saw the judge accused of unprofessional conduct.

He recused himself from the case and another judge, Selo Nare, took over, who also ruled in favour of the Daily News.

“Three days before the judgment, Kamushinda called me to his office through a CIO operative saying he had some business to discuss with me. But when I got there he started talking about the Daily News. He asked me whether I had a farm and when I responded in the negative he said he could organise a farm for me and that the government had promised to provide me with inputs and money to finance the venture.

“But this would be on condition that I ruled in favour of the MIC. I told him that I could not discuss the issue of the Daily News with him as this would be unethical.

“But he persisted, saying that he had a lot of influence and that the government had already identified a farm that was complete with a farm house and equipment for me. I refused his offer,” said Majuru.

Majuru said it was after he had refused Kamushinda’s offer that Chinamasa stepped in and asked him to delay the ANZ case by three months.

“On 23 October, Chinamasa called me from Bulawayo where he was attending a pre-budget seminar and asked me what the judgment on the ANZ case would be.

“He said he was concerned that my judgment could land him in trouble and added that it was not yet appropriate for the Daily News to publish. He said the government wanted the newspaper to resume operations in January 2004, time which he thought ZANU PF would have reached an agreement with the MDC.

“I received another call from Chinamasa on Friday 24 October after I had delivered judgment and he was shouting at me and accusing me of basing my judgment on other reasons that had nothing to do with the law.

“I switched off the phone after it became apparent that he was being abusive,” added Majuru.

Both Chinamasa and Kamushinda were unreachable for comment on Friday.

Kamushinda was the chairman of the Grain Marketing Board and Zimbabwe Newspapers, both state-owned entities.

A recent report by the African Union’s executive committee accused the Zimbabwean government of undermining the independence of the judiciary through interference.

Several international bodies have also lambasted the Harare regime of meddling in judicial matters.

Close to 10 judges, including former chief justice Anthony Gubbay, have left the bench over the last four years because of harassment by government ministers and officials.

Majuru said real trouble started when the ANZ came back to the Administrative Court to have his earlier judgment enforced.

He said Chinamasa started calling him again and also used another judge at the same court to tell Majuru that the government expected a favourable ruling from him.

“This was when I noticed that I was under surveillance. CIOs were trailing me all over I went and I was feeling very uncomfortable.”

“Chinamasa called me one Monday night, a day before hearing the second application and demanded to know the judgment. I told him that it was not normal for judges to pass judgments before hearing the arguments and as a lawyer himself he ought to know that.

“He then said that he had received information that I was working with British agents to bring back the Daily News and destabilise the country and warned me to be careful,” said Majuru.

But Chinamasa was not done: “Immediately after I spoke to him, a fellow judge called me and said she had been told by the minister to instruct me that he wanted a favourable judgment.

“In fact he wanted to know the judgment before attending a cabinet meeting at 9am where he had to brief his colleagues on the matter.

“Fifteen minutes after talking to my fellow judge, Chinamasa called again and said he wanted to meet me in his office at 8.30 am on Tuesday before he attended a Cabinet meeting. This was the same day I was going to hear the ANZ case as well.”

Majuru said it was in Chinamasa’s office that he offered to recuse himself after the minister showed him newspaper reports alleging that he had told members of the public that he would rule in favour of ANZ.

“I knew it was all cooked up to tarnish my name but then I also thought that the harassment would stop once I recused myself from the case.

“What worried me was that even after dropping from the case I continued to see CIO agents trailing me on my way home. I was no longer clear of their intentions and I was worried that they could harm me or my family, especially with those guys’ track record.

“I thought the best thing would be for me to just leave the country,” said the former judge.
Additional reporting Daily News Online

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      Zimbabwe athlete sings own anthem

      There was a moment of pure farce at the African Athletics
Championships in Congo, when a Zimbabwean gold-medal winner had to sing his
national anthem.
      Zimbabwe's men won the 4X400 relay but when they went to collect their
medals, the band played the old song.

      After a similar incident in this year's football African Nations' Cup,
the athletes insisted that the correct anthem be played.

      After several minutes' delay, Lloyd Zvasiya took the microphone

      The BBC's Steve Vickers in the Congo capital, Brazzaville, says the
40,000 crowd gave Zvasiya a huge cheer.

      Zimbabwe's new national anthem, Blessed be the Land of Zimbabwe, was
adopted in 1994, replacing Ishe Komborera Africa, which is used in several

      But 10 years on, many Zimbabweans - and African bands - still know the
old song better.

      When Ishe Komborera Africa was played at the Nations' Cup in Tunisia,
Information Minister Jonathan Moyo said: "It was a cheap attempt by the
organisers to demoralise our boys."

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Prices skyrocket in Zimbabwe
Monday, July 19, 2004 Posted: 7:24 AM EDT (1124 GMT)

HARARE, Zimbabwe (AP) -- Just seven years ago, Zimbabweans could have bought
10 new cars for what they pay today to have an oil change and service on
their 1997 model sedan. They could have bought 18 cars for the cost now of
insuring that same car.

Runaway prices are changing, perhaps for generations, the way people live
and die in Zimbabwe, a once relatively prosperous nation now ravaged by the
world's highest inflation rate.

Economists and international donors say mismanagement by President Robert
Mugabe's authoritarian regime -- especially economic disruption related to
his controversial policy of seizing white-owned farms -- is behind an annual
inflation rate now close to 400 percent.

The government points the finger elsewhere, at culprits including falling
commodity prices.

Whatever the reason for the crisis, its human cost continues to rise.

Zimbabwe once boasted one of the best education systems in Africa. But
enrollment is down 30 percent since 2000, according to the United Nations
Children's Fund, because increasing numbers of children are forced to work,
beg or become prostitutes.

Mildred Chizema, a secretary, said she and her two children live on what she
calls the "zero, zero, one diet" -- no breakfast, no lunch, and one evening
meal. She dreads staying home on weekends.

"The kids just gaze at me hoping for something more to eat," she said.

She earns the equivalent of about $75 a month. The Consumer Council of
Zimbabwe estimates an average family of four needs at least twice that to
provide for an adequate diet, basic shelter, clothing and food.

Salaries and pensions are being left behind by galloping prices.

Zimbabwe's official inflation rate was 394.6 percent in June. That's down
from a peak of 600 percent earlier this year but remains the highest in the
world, with Turkey a distant second at 60 percent, said Harare economist
John Robertson.

As recently as 1997, inflation in Zimbabwe was 18 percent.

With the help of white-owned commercial farms, Zimbabwe prospered and
developed into a regional breadbasket after Mugabe led the country to
independence from Britain in 1980. But the economy began to falter in the
late 1990s and has teetered near collapse since 2000, when political
violence and often-violent farm seizures disrupted agriculture and tourism.

The land seizures, coupled with erratic rains, have crippled Zimbabwe's
agricultural sector, which once accounted for a third of its
foreign-currency earnings. Unemployment is estimated at 70 percent.

The government blames declines in commodity prices, corruption in the
private sector and negative reporting by the international media, which it
says has led to the destruction of tourism.

Authorities say they are fighting hyperinflation by cracking down on
corruption and black-market currency sales. But analysts predict things will
get worse unless the government can reduce spending and reassure spooked

"We cannot expect price increases to decline," Robinson said. "With
continuing foreign currency shortages, there will also be scarcities of
goods to drive up prices."

The very young and the very old are suffering the worst in Zimbabwe.

Doctors report increasing numbers of retirees are suffering from vitamin
deficiency because they can't afford fruit, a basket of which can cost more
than a monthly pension.

Those who retired a decade ago -- when $1 bought seven Zimbabwe dollars
instead of 5,300 today -- have seen the value of their pensions decline at
least twentyfold. For those who cannot afford a whole carton, food stores
will sell single egg -- but even that costs about 1,000 Zimbabwe dollars, or
20 cents, one-fifth of the average daily income.

A women's tennis club in Harare has begun delivering free meals to
impoverished pensioners.

One of the beneficiaries of the project, a widower, shot himself earlier
this year. He had worked for the government for 40 years planning public
works projects.

"After a long working life, he couldn't go on. His pride was hurt," said a
family friend who asked not to identified.

Other countries such as Argentina that have experienced hyperinflation
brought prices down through fiscal discipline and devaluation, said
Robinson, the economist.

But Zimbabwe remains deep in the hole. It has been $290 million in arrears
to the International Monetary Fund since 2001 and risks being expelled next
year. The government has offered to pay $1.5 million a month.
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