Reuters
Sat 21 Jul
2007, 9:02 GMT
By Cris Chinaka
HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's
government has set up a state company to seize
control of private local and
foreign firms that President Robert Mugabe's
administration says are
engaging in "economic sabotage" in a bid to end his
rule.
Mugabe
threatened last month to seize private companies for "dirty tricks",
including hiking prices and cutting output, which he says are part of a
Western-backed "regime-change" agenda led by Zimbabwe's former colonial
master Britain.
On Saturday, the official Herald newspaper said
the government had revived
the Zimbabwe State Trading Corporation (ZSTC) to
work alongside the state
Zimbabwe Development Corporation (ZDC) "as vehicles
for acquiring companies
that it might want to take over for engaging in
economic sabotage".
The government had also set up a Z$30 billion fund to
help private
distressed companies battling to remain viable under Zimbabwe's
economic
crisis, the Herald quoted Industry and Trade Minister Obert Mpofu
as saying.
But Mpofu said while the government was willing to assist, it
would not
hesitate to seize firms owned by industrialists suspected of
deliberate
sabotage and refusing to cooperate with authorities.
"I
will hate to reach a stage where I will be forced to take over the
companies
from you, but if you do not co-operate, that is what is going to
happen and
that is the position of the government," it quoted him as telling
a business
meeting.
"Once we take over a company, we retain all the staff and bring
in a
manager. All we get rid of is the owner."
Critics accuse Mugabe
of plunging Zimbabwe into a severe economic crisis
that has left it
struggling with chronic shortages of food, fuel and foreign
currency, and
the world's highest inflation rate of over 4,500 percent.
Mugabe followed
his June 27 threats to nationalise companies -- including
some that are
mines vital to the southern African nation's economy -- by
ordering a slash
in consumer prices after the cost of some basic foods rose
three-fold in a
week.
Analysts say this latest drive, including his price-cutting blitz,
can only
worsen Zimbabwe's economic problems but say he is likely to press
on in a
desperate bid to retain power in general elections due next
March.
Mugabe, 83, and in power since independence in 1980, says Western
powers are
trying to drive him out of power for seizing commercial farms
from whites
and redistributing them to landless blacks, and pursuing radical
nationalist
policies.
Pretoria News
July 21, 2007 Edition
1
MICHAEL SCHMIDT
President Robert Mugabe has made it a crime for
his citizens to import
foodstuffs purchased in neighbouring countries such
as South Africa from
August 1. This comes as 4 million Zimbabweans are in
desperate need of food
aid and the shelves of the country's shops stand
empty.
Yet his wife Grace Mugabe is known to go on shopping sprees in
South Africa
and in Europe, and spending hundreds of thousands of cash on
household
goods - including food and drink.
The "Control of Goods
(Import and Export)" agriculture regulations outlawing
the transshipment to
the starving nation of a wide range of live and
processed food and animal
products - plus animal feed, fertiliser,
industrial equipment, timber and
timber products, and tyres - was gazetted
by Mugabe on July 6 and come into
effect in just over a week's time.
On the same day, according to a
printed warning on Z$1 000 notes (now worth
about R27.50), these notes will
expire - further evidence of Zimbabwe's
meltdown that has seen South Africa
deporting close to 4 000 Zimbabweans
weekly.
Mugabe is said to have
issued the regulation in order to prevent imported
food being resold. Yet
critics say many expatriate Zimbabweans merely send
food to their families,
who depend on it to feed themselves and their
families.
Elinor
Sisulu, advocacy manager at the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, a
Harare-based
NGO, said she feared the motive was to starve Zimbabweans into
submission.
"Perhaps they (the government) think this will stimulate
food production,
but with the enforced price cuts it is not viable anymore
to grow food for
resale.
"A parallel is Cambodia under Pol Pot. The
only consequence will be the
intensification of hunger . This is quite
terrifying."
Increasingly food was becoming politicised and hunger could
be seen as a
pre-election weapon in Mugabe's hands, she said.
In
2003, Grace Mugabe forked out R99 604 in a five-day spending spree in
South
Africa, including a R51 860 dinner set imported from Britain,
purchased at
Sandton City. Her splurge - exposed in VAT refund documents and
till-slips
lodged by her entourage at the then-Johannesburg International
Airport -
included R2 613 spent on fashion items.
It is not known if Grace still
shops in South Africa, but in a fortnight's
time, purchases such as the R16
159 she spent in 2003 at Buchels Hardware in
Pretoria and the R3 443 at Pick
'n Pay - including orange juice, snacks and
toilet rolls - could well become
contraband.
And in 2004 reports revealed that in 2002, Gideon Gono, then
Zimbabwe's
reserve bank governor, ordered a leather briefcase stuffed with
US$100 000
in cash, raised by the bank on the black market, on behalf of
Grace. A bank
employee said she used the money to finance a trip to London a
month later
that included a buying frenzy at Harrods.
The Examiner
Jul
20, 2007 3:00 AM (1 day ago)
by James Kirchick, The
Examiner
WASHINGTON - On Tuesday, former President Jimmy Carter, retired
Anglican
Archbishop Desmond Tutu, retired U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan,
former
President of Ireland Mary Robinson and Nelson Mandela, South Africa's
first
democratically elected president, announced the launching of a
promising new
initiative. Calling itself "The Elders," the group plans to
tackle a host of
seemingly intractable global problems. Funding comes from
Richard Branson,
the billionaire founder of Virgin Atlantic.
This
posse of aging statesmen has yet to specify what will be on its agenda.
There is certainly no shortage of misery in the world for its to address,
but let humble me offer a modest proposal.
Over the past seven years,
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has turned his
once prosperous country
into a wasteland. Having stolen productive,
white-owned farms to award his
political cronies, Mugabe now rules over a
country that depends on massive
amounts of food aid, even though not long
ago Zimbabwe used to export grain
and other staples. Millions are starving,
and it is estimated that a quarter
of the population - over 3 million
people - have fled for neighboring
countries, namely Mandela's homeland of
South Africa.
Is this not a
worthy cause for The Elders, led by Mandela, to help
alleviate? After all,
if this "diplomatic league of superheroes," as The New
York Times referred
to them, cannot fix the problem, who can?
According to The Times, the
initiative is Branson's idea, and its genesis
arose when he tried to arrange
a meeting among Saddam Hussein, Mandela and
Annan in early 2003, in hopes
that the latter two men might be able to
persuade the Butcher of Baghdad to
relinquish power so as to forestall the
American-led invasion. This was a
marvelous idea; had it proven successful,
it might have averted a war and
its bloody aftermath.
A similar scenario would prove even more fitting
for Zimbabwe. Mandela is
universally respected in Africa, more so than any
statesman before him or
any in the future is ever likely to be. If Mandela
were to use his fame and
popularity to call on his fellow African leaders
and demand that Mugabe
resign, there is every reason to believe that the
Zimbabwean dictator's
reign would be closer to an end.
To be fair,
Mandela has criticized Mugabe before, but it was an isolated
incident. Seven
years ago, as Mugabe's intimidation of political opposition
began to make
headlines, Mandela said of African dictators generally, "The
public must
bring these tyrants down themselves" and "pick up rifles." But
Mandela did
not finger the Zimbabwean tyrant by name; when asked
specifically if he was
referring to Mugabe, he replied, "Everybody here
knows who I am talking
about. The situation exists in many parts of the
world, especially in
Africa."
It seems that there are two entities one is best advised not to
criticize:
God and Nelson Mandela. But Mandela's silence on the crimes being
perpetrated in the country next door do not just mar his legacy as one of
the 20th century's great historical figures, it betrays the values of human
rights and political freedom he embodies.
Speaking out on Mugabe's
politically induced starvation, torture, harassment
of journalists and
political opponents and other myriad offenses would cost
Mandela nothing.
And there's no telling what sort of on-the-ground political
impact his
castigation of a fellow liberation hero might have.
After retiring, Mandela
apologized for his inaction on the AIDS crisis while
he was president. He
still has time to avoid an apology over Zimbabwe.
Examiner columnist
James Kirchick is assistant to the editor in chief of The
New Republic and
reported from Zimbabwe last year. He can be reached at
jkirchick@tnr.com
IOL
July 21 2007
at 11:46AM
By Michael Schmidt
Robert Mugabe has made
it a crime for his citizens to import
foodstuffs bought in neighbouring
countries such as South Africa from August
1 - as four-million Zimbabweans
are in desperate need of food aid and the
shelves of the country's shops
stand empty.
Yet his wife Grace is known to go on shopping sprees
to South Africa
and Europe, spending hundreds of thousands of rands on
household goods -
including food and drink.
The "Control of
Goods (Import and Export)" agriculture regulations
outlawing the
trans-shipment to the starving nation of a wide range of live
and processed
food and animal products was gazetted by Mugabe on July 6 and
comes into
effect in just over a week.
In 2003, it was
reported how Grace forked out R99 604 in a five-day
spending-spree in South
Africa, including a R51 860 dinner set imported from
Britain, bought at the
Sandton City store, David Daniel.
Her splurge - revealed in VAT
refund documents and till-slips lodged
by her entourage at the
then-Johannesburg International Airport - included
R26 613 spent on fashion
items.
It is not known if Grace still shops in South Africa, but in
a
fortnight's time purchases such as the R16 159 she spent in 2003 on
equipment from Buchel Hardware in Pretoria and the R3 443 she spent at Pick
'n Pay - including orange juice, biscuits, snacks and toilet rolls - could
well become contraband.
Elinor Sisulu, the media and advocacy
manager at the Harare-based NGO
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, said she
feared the motive was to starve
Zimbabweans into submission.
"Perhaps they (the government) think this will stimulate food
production,
but with the enforced price-cuts, it is simply not viable to
grow food for
resale. This is quite terrifying."
She said increasingly food was
becoming politicised and hunger could
be seen as a pre-election weapon in
Mugabe's hands.
This article was originally published on
page 3 of The Independent on
Saturday on July 21, 2007
The economic crisis in Zimbabwe is having a severe impact on
its neighbour, South Africa. An estimated three million Zimbabweans are thought
to have fled to South Africa to escape the chaos and they continue to flood
across the border at Beit Bridge.
Zimbabwe is on its knees. Its people are starving and desperate.
South Africa is seen as the land of opportunity. And the bright
lights of this economic giant beckon. Old barriers It is winter here now and this is the dry season. That is good
news for the thousands of mainly young Zimbabwean men prepared to take the risk
of crossing the Limpopo.
They are able to wade across, but they need to keep a look-out
for crocodiles in the shallow water. When they reach the South African side, they dry themselves down
and edge nervously towards South Africa's triple-layer border fence. This is a barrier that was put up in the days of apartheid -
when the country's white rulers tried to stop the guerrillas of Umkhonto we
Sizwe, the armed wing of the ANC, from infiltrating from Zimbabwe. Border jumpers But these days, the security is not as formidable as it looks.
Then, using their bolt-cutters, they make their way through
rolls of razor wire. And finally, they penetrate another layer of fencing.
By this stage, one of the Zimbabweans is probably leading the
way as a scout. But the "border jumpers" are rarely deterred. In daylight, with my car parked on a quiet narrow road that runs
along the border, a man suddenly appears. He leaps over the nearest fence with
unexpected agility and vanishes into the South African bush. All this happens within a few hundred metres of the Beit Bridge
border post, the only official crossing point between Zimbabwe and South Africa.
Under the noses of the South African police and soldiers, this
is as brazen as it gets. I carry on watching with fascination.
A few minutes later, a group of six men come surging over the
security fence. They look left and right to see if there is any approaching
traffic, cross the road and dart out of sight. A little further along the border, I meet a workman in red
overalls. Donald's job is to repair the holes cut in the fence by the
Zimbabweans. "Sometimes, I have to fix 100 a day," he says. "The situation is
getting worse and worse. Our army isn't patrolling enough." "Perhaps what we need," suggests Donald, "is for Robert Mugabe
to put up a fence on his side of the border." Looking for work
There is precious little fuel in Zimbabwe these days.
But in the car park, it is not long before I run across some of
those who have come across the border by less orthodox means. "Yes," says 23 year old Tony, "I swam the Limpopo. We have no
food, no money and no jobs in Zimbabwe." Promise is also 23. He is from Harare and has come to South
Africa to look for a job in an attempt to support his family. He thinks he might find some work on a local farm, but many have
made the same journey ahead of him and a record number of Zimbabweans are now
being picked up by the South African police and deported. Determined young men It is thought that about 1,000 Zimbabweans are being arrested in
South Africa every day and sent home, but as many as 3,000 a day may be coming
into the country. So that means plenty appear to be slipping through the net.
Some of the more circumspect Zimbabwean migrants enter South
Africa under the cover of darkness. Most want to head south to the big cities of Johannesburg and
Pretoria.
As the early morning mist begins to burn off, a teenager
approaches me and asks for a lift. Others are hitching on the main road, the N1 highway.
The local farmers are getting more than a little jittery about
this influx. They are hardly enamoured with large groups of poor, hungry and
determined young men, traipsing across their land. Game farmer Gideon Meiring sees himself living on a frontline.
He says the police can not cope, so with military precision,
Gideon now runs his own patrols and tells me he comes across Zimbabweans on his
property almost every day. All this is the consequence of what is happening in Robert
Mugabe's Zimbabwe, a country that was once a jewel of Africa. And from all the Zimbabweans I meet at the border, there is just
one simple refrain: "We are suffering." From Our Own Correspondent was broadcast on Saturday, 21
July, 2007 at 1130 BST on BBC Radio 4. Please check the programme
schedules for World Service transmission times.
BBC
News, South Africa
The Limpopo River,
famously described by Kipling as "great, grey-green and greasy", forms the
border between Zimbabwe and South Africa - two close neighbours, but now a world
apart.
They come
down to the river bank on the Zimbabwean side, sometimes in large groups. Then
they disperse.
The illegal migrants from
Zimbabwe approach the first fence and cut the wire mesh or burrow in the sandy
soil to open a gap underneath.
I make my way back to
the petrol station at Beit Bridge. This is the first stop for Zimbabwean
motorists who have crossed the border legally and need to fill up their empty
tanks.
The Scotsman
A CITY MP has
called on the Government to step up pressure to oust
Zimbabwean dictator
Robert Mugabe.
Edinburgh West Liberal Democrat MP John Barrett told the
House of Commons
yesterday that Mugabe had presided over the biggest
economic collapse since
the pre-Nazi German Weimar Republic.
He
blamed the country's decline, repression and state sponsored violence on
Mugabe, who was recently stripped of his honorary degree from Edinburgh
University.
Mr Barrett said: "In Zimbabwe, with the 2008 elections
looming, the prospect
of free and fair elections and the establishment of
real representative
democracy looks an ever more distant and unlikely
proposition."
He added: "I would seek fresh assurances that the
Government is doing all it
can to bring pressure to bear on president
Mugabe."
Last updated: 21-Jul-07 12:03 BST
Dear Family and Friends,
The big luxury
cars and their nouveau riche occupants have gone from our
town
now. The
men in big jackets whose multiple pockets were overflowing with
bank
notes
have also disappeared from view this week. These vultures who came
hot
on
the heels of the price cutting army and youth brigade have picked
the
carcass
clean and now just the bare bones are left : our shops are as
good as empty.
Most supermarkets have given up all pretence of trying to make
it look as if
they've got things left to sell and there are just line after
line of empty
shelves. Bottled water, however, is still abundant - surely a
relief to the
participants of the endless government workshops who seem to
use so much of
it.
Our streets have grown dramatically quieter this
week as fuel supplies have
dried up and yesterday came another nail in the
price control coffin. The
all
powerful 'Task Force' on price cuts
announced that fuel paid for in foreign
currency and issued by a coupon
system has now been banned. Holders of
coupons
have 2 weeks to redeem
their fuel from private importers and that's the end
of
another life line.
It wasn't one that many ordinary people could access but
still it kept some
individuals, church organizations, donor agencies and
diplomats on the road.
Day by day the ways that people outside the country
can
help their
families left behind are being cut off and so the reality of
aloneness and
oppression grows.
It's taken three weeks of madness but at last people
are beginning to ask
questions about the price cuts. The first one is why the
maximum amount of
money
people can withdraw from their own bank accounts
suddenly and dramatically
increased from one and a half to ten million
dollars just a few days after
price
cuts began. Coincidental? You have to
wonder, as most ordinary Zimbabweans
lucky
enough to have jobs don't earn
anywhere near ten million dollars a month.
The
government stipulated wage
for a domestic house worker, for example is less
than
a hundred thousand
dollars a month - for sure none of them benefited from
price
cuts or from
being able to withdraw ten million dollars a day.
People are openly
asking where the resupplies of food and fuel are going to
come from now that
the cupboard is bare. Everyone is asking where, when and
how
this is going
to end. And everyone is asking why it happened. Many say its
been
done to
win voter support but 8 months before elections are due and
with
empty
shelves already, it makes little sense.
Perhaps answers
will come in the next week as Parliament re-opens for the
7th
session but
we are not holding our breath. The statistics just released
about
the 6th
session of parliament leave much to be desired. In the year long 6th
session
the House of Assembly sat for business for just 54 days. Imagine 311
days of
paid annual leave at the expense of tax payers! The mind
boggles.
Until
next week, thanks for reading, love cathy. Copyright cathy
buckle 21st July
2007.
www.cathybuckle.com
http://www.cathybuckle.com/indexph.shtml
Friday 20th July 2007
Dear
Friends.
In 1966 the great African writer Chinua Achebe published his
superb comic
novel A Man of the People. I'm re-reading it at the moment and
I'm struck by
the similarities between Nigeria then and Zimbabwe today,
twenty seven years
after independence. Achebe is of course writing about his
own country,
Nigeria, which gained its independence in 1960.
In
Achebe's novel there is an election in the offing and suddenly the
country
is faced with an economic crisis, world coffee prices have
collapsed. The
coffee farmers are the backbone of the economy and are
predominantly ruling
party supporters. The Minister of Finance who has a
Ph.D in economics gives
the leader a detailed plan on exactly how to deal
with the problem and his
solution includes lowering the price paid to
producers. Of course, that
advice is rejected and the next day the Minister
along with all those who
supported him are sacked as 'conspirators and
traitors who had teamed up
with foreign saboteurs to destroy the new nation'
Instead of following an
economically sound and sensible policy the leader
orders the national Bank
to print millions of new notes.
The message surely is that politics and
economics don't mix; once you start
mixing in populist electoral gimmicks
then sound economic principles go out
the window. Zimbabwe has seen that
fatal combination at work for years and
particularly over the last three
weeks. Looking at the situation from the
outside what I see is Murambatsvina
by another name. Once again it is the
poorest members of Zimbabwean society
who suffer. The real beneficiaries of
Operation Dzikisa Mitengo are the
people who have money, the middle classes
and the Zanu PF heavyweights, the
businessman and the wheeler-dealers who
snap up goods at half price only to
sell them on to the black market which
is controlled by the Big Boys in the
army and ruling party.
With elections just eight months away this
Operation is yet another
shameless attempt to bribe the voters back to the
ruling party. The
combination of bribery and violence once again
demonstrates Mugabe's cynical
contempt for his own people. He is so sure
they will fall for this ploy and
give him and the ruling party the mandate
to rule for another five years. He
has 'tamed' inflation he can claim; (it
was surely no coincidence, by the
way that the inflation figures had not
been published for two months) he has
seen off the foreigners who want to
bring about regime change via the
economy and he has shown himself once
again, he believes, as A Man of the
People whose only concern is his
people's welfare.
Are the people fooled? On the face of it, the answer
seems to be Yes! It
looks as if the entire population has been taken in by
this electoral con as
the whole country goes on one gigantic shopping spree.
But a phonecall last
Sunday from my old hometown, right out on the edge of
the rural areas in
Mash East, gave me hope that perhaps there's more
resistance than we hear
about. My friend told me how the price enforcers
were in action there too.
It's a small place, no more than a 'growth point'
really, but it has two or
three supermarkets and the usual collection of
small trading stores. It also
boasts a Bata shoe shop and last week the
slip-slops and 'ma tennis' were
all half price after the Gezi Boys and cops
beat the hell out of everyone in
sight and the shop's entire stock sold for
half the price it cost to
produce! Result: One rural Bata shop closed
perhaps never to reopen. And
having finished there the Price Police moved on
to the musika and the banana
sellers. They didn't have quite such an easy
job there; these banana ladies
are tough cookies! They spend their every
cent travelling to buy the bananas
to sell at the musika; it's their only
means of earning cash. Apparently the
ladies gave as good as they got! One
small step. It was the same in a little
local butchery. The proprietor had
used his own money, his own transport to
travel out to the rurals to buy a
beast. He had slaughtered it, jointed it
and was selling it in his little
shop when the Price Police arrived and
ordered him to reduce the selling
price by half. My informant, who was there
in the shop at the time, tells me
there was one very angry butcher telling
the cops and Gezi boys to go to
hell. ' Ah, so you're political' they
replied with that strange Zanu PF
logic which reckons that anyone who
doesn't blindly agree with them must be
the 'enemy', ' You must belong to
the opposition' The butcher, absolutely
enraged by this time snatched up an
axe and threatened the lot of them.
'Politics be damned,' he said - or words
to that effect - 'I'm a
businessman. I bought the beast with my own money. I
butchered the beast and
I'm selling the beast at the price I determine and
no one is going to stop
me.so - off'! And they did, they left.
In the middle of all this buying
frenzy came the 'News' of the good
Archbishop's alleged adultery. Double
page spreads in all the government
owned papers and so-called pictorial
evidence of his adultery with a
secretary. Since when does African culture
resort to such vulgarity? It was
the presence of the TV cameras at the
Archbishop's church that gave the game
away for me. Their slogan is 'When it
happens we'll be there' and when they
are there you can be sure the
government is behind it. I was reminded of the
so-called 'discovery' of the
murdered war vet's body. Zimbabweans will
remember the story. The ruling
party claimed the war vet had been murdered
by the MDC and we were shown the
body being disinterred by the police while
the TV cameras whirred. That case
ended two years later with an acquittal
and some very harsh remarks from an
honest judge - there are still a few of
them left - about the disgraceful
behaviour of the police.
Perhaps we will never know the truth about the
good Archbishop's case but
speaking for myself, his innocence or guilt makes
not the slightest
difference. To me, a sexual misdemeanour is a very trivial
offence compared
to the crimes committed by Robert Mugabe and his government
which the good
Archbishop so bravely brings to the world's
attention.
Ndini shamwari yenyu. PH
Comment from The Mail & Guardian (SA), 21 July
Jean-Jacques Cornish
The mad arithmetic
of a country on the brink of collapse is illustrated in
two figures making
the news in Zimbabwe. The first is a Z$20-billion suit
against Pius Ncube,
the outspoken Catholic bishop of Bulawayo, and the
second the Z$15-million
dowry demanded by desperate parents for a
15-year-old schoolgirl sold off
into polygamy. It is clear from the
government mouthpiece in Harare that
Ncube's embarrassment is delighting
President Robert Mugabe and his
henchmen. The Herald alleges the cleric, who
argues there is a case for
foreign intervention to topple Mugabe and offers
to "go in front of blazing
guns" to do the job himself, has had an
adulterous affair with one of his
aides. Grainy pictures the newspaper says
are of the bishop have graced its
front page. The allegedly cuckolded
husband, Onesimus Sibanda, is reportedly
suing Ncube for Z$20-billion. The
15-year-old bride sold into the harem of a
man 30 years her senior is
another victim of an economy with inflation
roaring at 4 500% and heading -
according to the departed US ambassador
Chris Dell - towards more than a
million by year's end.
Operation
Dzikiza, the cost-slashing exercise undertaken by Mugabe in his
desperate
bid to survive, is to be extended, says Zanu PF secretary for
information
Nathan Shamyarira. More than 3 000 shopkeepers have been
arrested for
failing to heed the government directive to halve prices. The
White House
has lashed this as "reckless and irresponsible", adding that "it
will only
add to inflation unemployment, food shortages and poverty". The US
then
tempered its anger by pouring another 47 400 tons of food into the
country,
bringing to 1,2-million the number of Zimbabweans it is feeding.
Zimbabwe
analyst at the Institute for Security Studies Chris Moroleng argues
that by
taking this into his rural heartland Mugabe has created a rod for
his own
back. "This is very, very dangerous. It is having the critical
effect of
speeding up dissent within the party," says Moroleng. "The knives
are out.
Mugabe has to watch his back. I'm seeing memos from senior
government
officials in Harare putting on record their opposition to the
exercise. They
are getting ready to jump ship. This could happen at the
extraordinary
conference of Zanu PF in December. People are lining up to
perform regime
change. They are saying that Mugabe should not run again in
next year's
election or, at very least, that if he runs and wins, he should
stand down
very soon afterwards."
Mugabe's previous excesses, like operation
Gukurahundi - the massacre of 20
000 civilians in Matabeleland in his first
years in power - and operation
Murambatsvina - the urban clean-up in 2005
that left 750 000 people
homeless - were directed against his opposition.
Police and government
inspectors have poured into his rural heartland - the
source of his
political power - ensuring that businesses comply with the
Dzikiza
directive. Their victims include Zanu PF senator Siriro Majuro, who
was
found hoarding orange juice, toilet rolls and sugar in his loo. The
effect
of Dzikiza has been to provide consumers who beat the rush with goods
at cut
prices. But now they have to join their compatriots in dealing with
empty
shelves because retailers cannot afford to replenish supplies, as long
as
other fixed costs - such as wages and interest rates - are not cut.
"Mugabe
pretends he is protecting the people, but what he is doing is buying
just a
little more time, without regard for the long-term effects," says
Moroleng.
"It is like his ranting against colonialism and imperialism,
trying to put
an international dimension on what is essentially a domestic
problem. It is
all about buying time. It is about survival."
The
South African mediation lifted the heavy veil of secrecy over its
efforts to
broker a deal between Mugabe and his main opposition - only to
deny angrily
reports that the octogenarian leader is snubbing the process.
Foreign
affairs spokesperson Ronnie Mamoepa insists that the members of the
Zanu PF
team, Patrick Chinamasa and Nicholas Goche, indicated in advance
that they
could not attend the talks in Pretoria earlier this month. This
requires the
question of why the Movement for Democratic Change delegation
of Welshman
Ncube and Tendai Biti was allowed to sit around for two days.
The talks are
on a knife edge, with Zanu PF demanding that the opposition
cease to
question the legitimacy of the government after two elections that
were
regarded by international observers as stolen. The MDC, in turn, is
demanding the creation of an independent electoral commission before the
next poll, replacing the election-steering team of Mugabe's henchmen. It
also wants the voters' roll scrapped because the existing system
disenfranchises tens of thousands of voters. It is calling for voters to be
able to cast their ballot on production of their identity cards.
The Zimbabwean
(21-07-07)
JOHANNESBURG:
THE World Bank has once again snubbed the
economically collapsed Zimbabwe in
its rescuing package under the
International Development Association (IDA)
credits aimed at increasing the
availability and reliability of low cost
electricity in the Southern
African Development Community (SADC) region, a
senior World Bank official
told CAJ News on Friday.
According to Wendy Hughes, World Bank Senior
Energy Specialist and Project
Team Leader, the Bretton Woods financial
institution opted for Mozambique
and Malawi, whom it gave a whopping US$93
million to boost their electricity
transmission interconnection
network.
Hughes said from the total of US$93 million Mozambique would
receive the sum
of US$45 million whilst Malawi takes home a whopping US$48
million
respectively.
The World Bank mantained that the US93 million
would help the new project
code-named "Boost Electricity Trade New
Transmission Interconnection" to
allow a two-way trade in affordable
electricity for both countries.
The snubbing of Zimbabwe comes at a time
the southern African nation is
experiencing daily power outtages due to
acute shortage of foreign currency
and soaring debts with other regional
member states such as Eskom power
utility of South Africa, Democratic
Republic of Congo (DRC) and Mozambique's
Cabora Bassa.
Zimbabwe has a
world record inflation of above 5 000 percent with
unemployment rate
hovering around 80 percent as food shortages on another
hand takes some
centre stage.
Whilst Zimbabwe needed badly the World Bank financial
assistance for
distressed economy, the Brettonwoods financial institutions
opted for Malawi
and Mozambique which are being administered democratically
instead of
countries run like private properties.
Under the
leadership of President Robert Mugabe of Zanu PF, Zimbabwe has
been known
for not respecting the rule of law, farm invasions, nationalising
private
companies, lawlessness and torture of its own citizens believed to
be
anti-Mugabe regime, a sad development that drew the international
scrutiny.
The latest grant to Malawi and Mozambique were also aimed
at benefitting
Zimbabwe, but the World Bank board of directors saw it fit to
assist
Zimbabwe's two neighbours, who are responding to people's grievances
positively while implementing good governance.
"This will ensure
much-needed diversification in Malawi's electricity supply
and allow the
export of any off-peak power surpluses. It will also provide
Mozambique's
energy sector with a new revenue source.
"The interconnection will allow
Malawi to reap the full benefits of
membership of the Southern African Power
Pool, both to import electricity
when necessary, particularly if there is a
drought and also to export any
surplus electricity Malawi doesn't use at
night-time," said Hughes.
Hughes said for Mozambique, the funds would
assist in the construction of a
135 km of 220 kV transmission line and
extend the existing Matambo
substation whilst on the Malawi side, an
approximate of 75 km of 220 kV
transmission line would be constructed with a
new 220 kV substation being
installed- CAJ News.
The Sunday Times
July 22, 2007
Former cricketer ducks out of deportation row
Ben Laurance
THE
document in Billy Rautenbach's hands was uncompromising. He was accused
of
fraud, theft, corruption and violating commercial law, it said. He was
persona non grata. He would have to leave.
It was last Wednesday
evening. Rautenbach was in his hotel at Lubumbashi,
the capital of the
Katanga province in the southeastern corner of the
Democratic Republic of
the Congo.
The meaning of the document he held, from the DRC's ministry
of the
interior, was clear: he wouldn't be returning in a
hurry.
Rautenbach spent the night at his hotel, and the following morning
was
driven under armed escort to Lubumbashi airport.
There, under the
watchful eyes of a team of Congolese immigration officers,
Rautenbach walked
across the asphalt in front of the low, single-storey
airport buildings and
climbed into his private King Air plane for the
90-minute flight to his home
in Zimbabwe.
The aircraft took off at 9am and headed south. In his
briefcase was
Rautenbach's Zimbabwean passport. Across one of the pages for
visas, a DRC
official had scrawled "Entrée nonauthorisée".
The
expulsion of Rautenbach marked an extraordinary climax to a bizarre and
tangled tale that takes in South Africa, the British Virgin Islands and some
of the richest mineral deposits on the planet. And it is a tale that could
have a crucial impact on an £800m bid battle involving one of Britain's most
controversial entrepreneurs.
Rautenbach has long been known as a
kingpin in the mining world in southern
Africa. In the late 1990s, with the
support of Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwean
regime, he was given access to the
DRC's rich mining deposits in the south
of the country. Lau-rent Kabila,
then president of the DRC, installed
Rautenbach as head of the state mining
company, Gécamines.
The men fell out in 2000. Kabila accused Rautenbach
of underreporting
exports and sales of huge quantities of cobalt - with the
gains being
diverted to a Rautenbach company, Ridge-pointe, based in the
British Virgin
Islands. Rautenbach denied any wrongdoing.
Kabila was
assassinated in 2001 and his son Joseph took over as president.
For a
time, Rautenbach seemed to be rehabilitated. But since the elections
last
year, the new DRC regime has been trying to clean up its mining
industry and
last week the government issued its declaration that Rautenbach
was persona
non grata.
The papers ejecting Rautenbach from the country did not
mention his
activities in the DRC itself. They said only that the
authorities were
ejecting him because he was sought in South Africa in
connection with a
string of fraud and theft charges.
These relate to
his time spent in control of the South African arm of
Hyundai. Rautenbach
has always denied the accusations, but he has not
returned to South Africa
since the charges were filed in 2000.
There is no extradition treaty
between the DRC and South Africa. As a
result, Rautenbach could not be sent
to South Africa specifically. He could
only be ejected from the
DRC.
But the DRC authorities are nevertheless investigating Rautenbach's
conduct
in their own country. A government source in the capital, Kinshasa,
said:
"We are very interested in how some of the assets of Gécamines were
apparently moved out of the Congo."
The whole affair might be
dismissed as a small, if colourful drama in a
country more than 4,000 miles
from London.
But Rautenbach has played a pivotal, if determinedly
low-profile, role in
the building of Camec - short for Central African
Mining & Exploration
Company - the latest corporate vehicle of Phil
Edmonds, a man known not only
for his eventful business career, but also for
his prowess as a spin-bowler
until he retired from the cricket field two
decades ago.
With Edmonds at the helm, Camec last year acquired a bundle
of DRC cobalt
and copper mining assets from Rautenbach. In return,
Rautenbach became a
shareholder in the enlarged Camec.
The exact size
of his current shareholding is not clear, but it is thought
to be about
18%.
Camec itself has tried to play down the significance of Rautenbach's
involvement in the company.
When it emerged last week that the DRC
was going to try to deport
Rautenbach, Camec issued a statement. It disputed
the authenticity of the
document ordering his removal.
But the
statement then went on: "Even if it were authentic, it would not
affect any
of Camec's operations in the Congo; Mr Rautenbach is not involved
in the
operational management of the company's projects." The essence of
Camec's
stance was clear: one of our shareholders may find himself kicked
out of the
DRC, but so what?
Others are more willing to acknowledge the importance
of having Rautenbach
on board - particularly if the company succeeds in
clinching a huge takeover
deal that would create, in its own words, "one of
Africa's largest copper
and cobalt producers".
Earlier this month,
Camec signalled that it wanted to take over Katanga
Mining, a company quoted
in Canada but run from London. The company's main
asset is a huge copper and
cobalt mine in the south of the DRC that should
start production towards the
end of this year. It is the third-largest known
copper resource in
Africa.
Camec is in a strong position. It bought 22% of Katanga earlier
this year.
And Camec claims that it has "lockup" deals with holders of a
further 32% of
Katanga under which they have pledged their support for the
bid.
Crucially, George Forrest, deputy chairman of Katanga and its
biggest
shareholder with a 24% stake, has indicated that he is prepared to
accept
the Camec offer: this accounts for most of the 32% covered by
lockups.
But Camec's takeover is not yet a done deal. The company cannot
formally
make an offer until the middle of next month. And the so-called
lockups are
not completely watertight: if a rival bidder comes along with an
offer 7% or
more higher than Camec's bid, then it will be free to accept the
better
deal.
Nevertheless, Katanga's chairman, Art Ditto, conceded
this weekend that he
now had to "explore alternatives" - code for seeing if
there was another
company out there that might be prepared to top Camec's
offer.
One suggestion - although not one being advanced by Ditto - is
that RP
Explorer Master Fund, which has a stake in Katanga, may try to
engineer a
merger with another DRC copper miner, Nikanor, where it also has
a
significant holding.
Camec might want to play down Rautenbach's
role. But in a recent research
note - written before the drama at Lubumbashi
airport - Credit Suisse
analyst Jeremy Gray suggested Rautenbach would
indeed have a significant
part to play.
Gray said: "Having George
[Forrest] on the ground in DR Congo alongside
Billy Rautenbach makes for a
powerful combination."
For Edmonds, the Rautenbach affair is unfortunate.
In particular, the DRC
government's clear unease about what Rautenbach has
done in its country, let
alone in South Africa, will revive memories of
controversy surrounding White
Nile, the exploration company floated on
London's lightly regulated AIM
market by Edmonds in February
2005.
White Nile's shares listed just a month after the signing of a
peace
agreement to end two decades of civil war in Sudan. Then, days after
their
market debut, the shares were suspended. Edmonds said that the company
had
secured the rights to a 60% stake in a promising oil exploration block
in
southern Sudan.
But there was a problem. White Nile had been
granted its rights by the
government of southern Sudan. Meanwhile, Total,
the French oil company, said
that it had been given the rights to explore as
long ago as 1980: in other
words, the authorities in southern Sudan did not
have the right to award the
block to someone else.
Authorities at the
London Stock Exchange looked into the matter to satisfy
themselves that
White Nile could substantiate its claims to the exploration
acreage, but
allowed share trading to resume.
White Nile insisted then and continues
to insist to this day that it has a
legal right to the Sudanese exploration
territory. But the company was
forced to announce two weeks ago that White
Nile's position was less than
rock solid. Indeed, the company had been asked
to leave.
The announcement - from the southern Sudan authorities who had
granted the
concession to Edmonds' company two-and-a-half years ago - came
as a shock.
White Nile's operations manager pointed out that the company had
already
spent $18m (£9m) on seismic testing alone. The company said it was
"seeking
urgent meetings" with the government of southern Sudan to "clarify
the
situation". Nothing further has since been said publicly.
White
Nile's share price is now little more than half its level early last
month,
but the company is still worth nearly £250m - although it has few
significant assets outside Sudan.
Total certainly has grounds to
claim control over the disputed block. Sudan's
peace treaty between the
north and south was signed in January 2005, a month
before White Nile
announced its move into the country.
And the agreement could hardly have
been more explicit. A section of the
240-page peace accord was devoted to
"Existing Oil Contracts".
It said: "Contracts shall not be the subject of
renegotiation . . . the
Parties agree that 'existing oil contracts' mean
contracts signed before the
date of signature of the Comprehensive Peace
Agreement."
On the face of it, that would seem to cover the Total
concession: the French
firm secured its rights decades earlier. Naturally,
lawyers are continuing
to argue over the exact interpretation of the
agreement - hardly surprising,
given the importance of the block to White
Nile's future.
Against this background, the murmurings from Kinshasa
about Billy Rautenbach's
past activities in the DRC are striking
uncomfortable chords for Edmonds and
the investors who have backed
him.
The whole controversy about White Nile has turned on a dispute about
its
legal rights to ownership of oil-exploration assets. Edmonds cannot
afford
any controversy in another of his companies. Neither he nor
Rautenbach was
available for comment this weekend.
Last month, the
new DRC administration embarked upon an exercise to review
60 mining
concessions, most of which were negotiated during a six-year war
in the
country and the three-year transitional period that followed.
The
exercise is more far-reaching than most observers had expected. The DRC
government has enlisted help from Rothschild in Paris and from the Carter
Center in an attempt to pin down exactly who owns what - and, more
importantly, who should own what.
The DRC clearly has Rautenbach in
its sights. He has always denied
wrongdoing. But when the Kinshasa
authorities announced his expulsion, they
said: "Mr Rautenbach has amassed a
large number of mineral and other assets
in the DRC during the civil war and
subsequently. The government of the DRC
is making strenuous efforts to clean
up the mining sector."
For Camec, Rautenbach is looking like a
liability.