International Herald Tribune
ReutersPublished: July 24,
2008
JOHANNESBURG: Senior negotiators from Zimbabwe's main
opposition Movement
for Democratic Change and the governing ZANU-PF party
began talks Thursday
and a report indicated they were close to reaching a
deal on forming a unity
government.
The talks were under way
Thursday, said Mukoni Ratshitanga, a spokesman for
President Thabo Mbeki of
South Africa. Senior officials of Movement for
Democratic Change and two
Zimbabwean cabinet ministers were leading the
rival negotiating teams
meeting at an undisclosed location near Pretoria,
the South African
capital.
Preliminary talks began Tuesday after Mbeki secured a framework
deal Monday
between President Robert Mugabe and the leader of Movement for
Democratic
Change, Morgan Tsvangirai, for talks to end the deadlock over
Mugabe's
re-election June 27. The election was boycotted by the opposition
because of
violence.
Ratshitanga said that even if negotiators missed
a two-week deadline set
under the framework agreement, that would not mean
the end of talks.
"It does not mean if the talks are not done in two
weeks, that the talks
will collapse," he said.
The main aim of the
Pretoria talks will be the creation of a government of
national unity, but
the two sides differ on who should lead it and how long
it should stay in
power.
The South African financial daily Business Day reported Thursday that
the
two sides were close to reaching a deal but still needed to resolve the
final details.
Business Day, citing sources in both parties and
people familiar with the
talks, said a final settlement could be reached
soon, as the parties had
already agreed on many issues.
"They have
agreed on most of the issues, except mainly the framework for a
new
government," Business Day quoted a source as saying. "The deal is
basically
done, but what remains are a few issues of detail, implementation
and
logistics."
Eldred Masunungure, a Zimbabwean political analyst, said a
breakthrough in
talks was possible as the rival parties had been talking
under mediation led
by Mbeki since March of last year.
"A
breakthrough is a reasonable possibility, even in two weeks," Masunungure
said.
Mbeki was appointed by a regional grouping, the Southern
African Development
Community, to mediate between the Zimbabwean parties. He
had been
increasingly criticized, especially by the Movement for Democratic
Change,
which accused him of taking too soft a line with Mugabe.
As
part of the framework deal, the rival parties agreed to a media blackout,
but Zimbabwe's state-owned Herald newspaper reported Thursday that the
Movement for Democratic Change and ZANU-PF negotiators flew to South Africa
on the same flight on Wednesday.
Masunungure, a political science
lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe,
said a major issue for the
negotiators would be the form of a unity
government with a number of options
mooted, including splitting the
executive to create a titular presidency for
Mugabe and executive
premiership for Tsvangirai.
"The titular
presidency for Mugabe does appear the more likely route,"
Masunungure said.
"Given his age, Mugabe might be agreeable to easing out of
power, rather
than being kicked out. He will not lose anything except
executive
power."
The Movement for Democratic Change says 120 of its supporters
have been
killed since a first round of elections on March 29, in which
Tsvangirai
beat Mugabe but without the majority to avoid a run-off. Mugabe
blames the
opposition for the bloodshed.
Jul 24th 2008
From The Economist print
edition
Morgan Tsvangirai is right to talk to Robert Mugabe-about the
dictator's
exit
IT STICKS in the gullet of the large majority of
Zimbabwe's people yearning
to see the back of Robert Mugabe that the man who
should have displaced him
four months ago by virtue of the ballot box has
now been persuaded to engage
in talks with him, seemingly more as supplicant
than rightful successor. But
Morgan Tsvangirai, the opposition leader who
won the first round of the
presidential election in March but was savagely
intimidated into abandoning
the second round at the end of June, is right to
agree to talks with the
usurper. The alternative, if Mr Tsvangirai were to
dig his toes in and
refuse to parley until the incumbent simply bowed out,
would be more
bloodshed and misery for the aggrieved majority and a still
more ferocious
clinging to power by Mr Mugabe and his clique. By agreeing to
talk, Mr
Tsvangirai is at least offering Mr Mugabe a gracious if necessarily
gradual
exit. And if Mr Mugabe fails to negotiate in good faith, Mr
Tsvangirai may
be forced to walk away, as Zimbabwe falls ever more deeply
into lawlessness,
poverty and despair. So he must at least try (see
article).
Mr Mugabe will, of course, seek to bamboozle Mr Tsvangirai, a
brave man who
in the past has not been the cleverest of negotiators when
tussling either
with Mr Mugabe's canny villains or with his own disputatious
colleagues in
the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Mr Mugabe, abetted
by South Africa's
bafflingly complaisant president, Thabo Mbeki, will try to
engineer a
government of national unity, with his own people in the driving
seat, while
co-opting and confusing as many of Mr Tsvangirai's party as
possible. Mr
Mugabe's team take as its model Kenya, where, in an election
late last year,
the incumbent president almost certainly lost at the polls
but managed,
after weeks of bloodshed, to stay in power by giving the
apparent winner the
post of prime minister and a bunch of other less
powerful ministries.
Mr Tsvangirai will be right to resist such a
compromise. Instead, he must
insist on a strictly transitional arrangement,
with ministries allotted in
keeping with the results of the parliamentary
poll, which even Mr Mugabe's
election officials agree was won by Mr
Tsvangirai's party. A clutch of other
key conditions must also be met before
the talks can seriously get under
way. For a start, the state-sponsored
violence, in which more than 100 of Mr
Tsvangirai's people have been
murdered and thousands beaten and tortured,
must stop; thousands more must
be freed from prison; and scores of bogus
charges against newly elected
members of parliament, MDC officials, and the
leader of an MDC splinter
party must be dropped. A further host of
conditions, repeatedly laid down
but wilfully ignored in the run-up to
elections by the southern African
Development Community, an influential
regional group of countries, must be
met. Among many other things, the press
should be freed. Foreign reporters,
including from the BBC, should be let
back in. Just as important, foreign
aid organisations, banned by Mr Mugabe
during the election campaign, should
also again be able freely and directly
to disburse help. Most crucially, a
transitional administration should
prepare for a fresh election, monitored
by the UN, the EU and the African
Union, within a year or so of taking
office.
All too starry-eyed?
Why should Mr Mugabe even consider
meeting this array of conditions, when he
has so blatantly flouted or
rejected them in the past? The answer is that
behind the defiance he appears
to be under greater pressure than ever
before. His economy is reaching a new
level of disaster, with inflation now
running at a rate of millions per cent
a year. The latest harvest has been
dismal, bread may soon run out and
famine is a real threat. African
governments, though many are still
pusillanimous, are turning against him.
Mr Mbeki still waffles and wobbles,
but opinion in his ruling African
National Congress is hardening against Mr
Mugabe. Just as promisingly, the
UN and the African Union are now formally
engaged in the negotiations too.
The world's financial institutions are
poised to take remedial action, if a
decent settlement takes shape. Once Mr
Mugabe is locked into proper talks,
it may no longer be so easy for him to
have his way. And if he cheats and
filibusters, Mr Tsvangirai should simply
walk out.
Times Online
July 24, 2008
Jonathan Clayton, Africa Correspondent
Senior members of
Robert Mugabe's ruling party today sat down for face to
face talks with
Zimbabwe's bruised and battered opposition at a secret
location outside
Pretoria, the capital of South Africa.
The negotiations Mr Mugabe once
vowed would never take place finally kicked
off around midday after
high-level delegations travelled separately to the
country.
Such is
the sensitivity around the talks that the host and main mediator
imposed a
complete news blackout on the event, but local media reports
quoted
well-informed sources as saying a deal could well be reached before
the end
of a two-week deadline.
Mukoni Ratshitanga, President Thabo Mbeki's
official spokesman, told
reporters: "Full on talks are underway." He said
that the agenda and the
venue were secret, but expressed confidence they
would be swiftly concluded.
He admitted they may run over the allotted time
schedule agreed in a
Memorandum of Understanding signed on Monday in
Harare.
Related Links
a.. EU hits Zimbabwe with new sanctions
package
a.. Will the West ever learn from past mistakes?
a.. Shock and
suspicion greet talks breakthrough
Multimedia
a.. Pictures:
Zimbabwe
"It does not mean if the talks are not done in two weeks, that the
talks
will collapse," he added.
Preliminary talks began on Tuesday
after President Mbeki secured a framework
deal between Mr Mugabe and Morgan
Tsvangirai, the leader of the main
opposition the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) and a smaller breakaway
faction led by Arthur
Mutumbara.
The MDC and much of the rest of the world does not recognise
Mr Mugabe's
re-election in a June 27 presidential run-off poll, which was
boycotted by
the opposition after Mr Mugabe's Zanu (PF) unleashed a campaign
of
intimidation against opposition supporters. The MDC says 120 of its
supporters have been killed since the first round.
The main aim of
the talks is the creation of a government of national unity
and an end to
violence. The main sticking points are who should lead it.
Mr Tsvangirai
wants his undisputed victory in the first round on March 29 to
be recognised
as the true reflection of the will of the Zimbabwean people.
He opposes any
moves to allow Mr Mugabe to stay on for two years ahead of
fresh
elections.
Sources close to the talks, however, say that since Britain
and the United
States failed 10 days ago to obtain Security Council backing
for much
tougher sanctions against Mr Mugabe's regime, Mr Tsvangirai has
moderated
his tone, and looks set to accept the position of executive Prime
Minister.
Mr Mbeki called in favours from China and Russia, which
recently signed a
massive platinum mining deal with South Africa, to veto
the proposal for
sanctions, which he argued would scupper his attempt to
hold the current
talks. The issue is now who receives other key
ministries.
"Mugabe wants to keep the Foreign Ministry, Internal Affairs
and Security -
that is unacceptable to the MDC which sees itself as the real
winner," said
a diplomatic source close to the talks.
Eldred
Masunungure, a Zimbabwean political analyst, said a breakthrough in
talks is
possible. Mr Mbeki, the official mediator of the Southern Africa
Development
Community (SADC), wants to conclude a deal before his country
takes over the
presidency of the regional grouping at a summit on August 16.
Mr
Masunungure said: "A breakthrough is a reasonable possibility, even in
two
weeks."
Zimbabwe's state-run newspaper, The Herald, reported today that
ZANU-pf's
decision-making politburo met yesterday and gave party negotiators
approval
to continue with the talks.
The Herald quoted the party's
deputy information and publicity secretary,
Ephraim Masawi, as saying the
politburo expressed satisfaction with the
framework deal.
Patrick
Chinamasa, the Justice Minister, and Public Services Minister
Nicholas Goche
are representing Zanu (PF) at the negotiations, while MDC
Secretary General
Tendai Biti and Elton Mangoma, the Deputy Treasurer, are
heading the
opposition delegation.
Comments
Peolpe have already forgotten Zapu PF
headed by Joshua Nkomo .Any government
formed with Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF
will only seek to undermine a
competitive multi-party democracy in Zimababwe
.I am shocked that The MDC or
Morgan Tsvangirai can even contemplate Power
Sharing with Zanu PF.
marc, Birmingham, UK
If the MDC goes ahead
with this Power Sharing they have signed their own
death warrants .Have they
forgotten the Puma accidents of the 1980's that
clearly wiped out the Zapu
Pf members of the Unity Government between Zanu
and Zapu.They are treading
on thin ice .They should know their history.
marc, Birmingham,
UK
The continent and the dates are different, but it's not much different
than
when Neville Chamberlain met with Hitler at Munich.
Ed Ryder,
greenlawn, usa
Charan. London.
I agree. Any government with Mugabe
in charge, or still pulling strings
behind the scenes, will lack any
credibility and face further isolation on
the world stage. This man is now
way beyond any proper respect.
Colin , Carmarthen, United
Kingdom
If the MDC capitulate and Mugabe stays as leader, they would be
real fools.
What world leader wants to do business with Mugabe? He can't
organise
anything. He thinks running a government means denouncing and bad
mouthing
other world leaders. The absolute minimum outcome must be departure
of
Mugabe.
Charan Muzaya, London, UK
http://www.economist.com/
Jul 24th 2008 |
JOHANNESBURG
Zimbabwe's ruling party and opposition are ready to
negotiate. But does
Robert Mugabe have any intention of losing
power?
FOUR months after the elections on March 29th, which were
followed by a
campaign of ferocious violence meted out by pro-government
militias,
President Robert Mugabe and the opposition leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai, have
agreed to start talking. That is a big breakthrough. For
the past 11 years,
Mr Mugabe has not deigned to meet Mr Tsvangirai, and has
sworn never to let
him take over. Little wonder that there are still serious
doubts whether Mr
Mugabe or the men around him have any intention of losing
power.
On July 21st both sides, together with a small opposition splinter
group led
by Arthur Mutambara, signed an agreement paving the way for
negotiations
over the country's future. Messrs Mugabe and Tsvangirai, bitter
rivals since
the former trade unionist started challenging the veteran
liberator's rule
in the late 1990s, actually shook hands. Mr Tsvangirai
pointed out that it
was quite an occasion "for the leader of the ruling
party and the leader of
the winning party" to be sitting down together in an
effort to end the
impasse.
Mr Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF lost its
majority in the legislative assembly for
the first time since he came to
power in 1980, and it was officially
acknowledged that Mr Tsvangirai, as the
candidate of the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), won the first round
of the presidential poll. But,
after thousands of his supporters had been
beaten up and tortured during the
second round of the presidential campaign,
Mr Tsvangirai withdrew his
candidacy a few days before the run-off, held on
June 27th. So Mr Mugabe was
re-elected in a one-man race which most African
election observers were
forced to admit was a sham.
One reason for
the negotiations is that the UN, the African Union (AU) and
the Southern
African Development Community (SADC), a regional group of 14
countries, have
become more involved-and seem less willing to give Mr Mugabe
a free ride.
South Africa's president, Thabo Mbeki, remains the chief
mediator under a
previous SADC mandate, but the appointment of a "reference
group" of
representatives from the three organisations is another
breakthrough. It
meets a pressing demand of the MDC, which has accused Mr
Mbeki of bias in
favour of Mr Mugabe and has called for broader mediation.
The MDC says
that the talks will get nowhere unless a bunch of other
conditions is met:
political violence must stop; detained MDC people must be
freed; those
displaced by the violence must be able to return home; and all
humanitarian
help must resume. During the run-off campaign, Mr Mugabe barred
most foreign
organisations from distributing aid.
The new agreement sets out a broad
political and economic agenda, with a
deadline for reaching agreement of two
weeks. A comprehensive power-sharing
agreement is most unlikely to be sealed
in so short a time, but the talks
may be extended if progress is made and
both sides participate in good
faith. Substantive negotiations, to be held
in South Africa, were due to
start on July 24th. Meanwhile, no new
government is to be appointed and the
parliament that was elected in March
may not be convened.
Both sides will have to stomach unpalatable
compromises if an agreement is
to be reached. Mr Mugabe insists he has won
the election and must be
recognised as president. The security chiefs, who
now run Zimbabwe but are
not formally on the negotiating team, are unlikely
to bow out unless they
get a guarantee that they will not be
prosecuted.
The MDC, for its part, says it does not want a government of
national unity
like the one in Kenya, where the president, Mwai Kibaki, who
is widely
thought to have lost an election last December until it was rigged
back in
his favour, kept his job and the aggrieved probable winner, Raila
Odinga,
became prime minister. Mr Tsvangirai has called for a transitional
authority
to be formed, based on the results of the March elections. This
authority
would then lead the country to a fresh vote.
"We sit here
in order for us to chart a new way, a new way of political
interaction,"
said Mr Mugabe at the signing ceremony. But years of
repression, culminating
in the last few months' atrocities, will not be easy
to forget. According to
the MDC, more than 120 of its people have been
killed and thousands arrested
since March and some 200,000 people have fled
the violence. The lead
negotiator for Mr Tsvangirai's side, Tendai Biti, who
is the MDC's
secretary-general, is on bail, still facing treason charges. Mr
Tsvangirai
himself was detained repeatedly during the campaign; the
authorities have
failed so far to replace his passport, which is full, so he
cannot travel
abroad. Mr Mutambara, leader of the small MDC splinter group,
is also on
bail. He is facing charges for writing "falsehoods" in a
newspaper editorial
criticising Mr Mugabe.
Building trust will be hard. Previous attempts at
negotiations, including
months of sessions that were meant to ensure a fair
election, failed after
the ruling ZANU-PF reneged on a slew of commitments.
Those talks collapsed
earlier this year when Mr Mugabe decided unilaterally
to set a date for the
poll before a new constitution was in place and before
changes in repressive
security and media laws were implemented. In the
1980s, a rival liberation
movement, ZAPU, was lured into a unity government
after a ruthless campaign
of violence that left many thousands dead in
Matabeleland; it was eventually
neutered by absorption into
ZANU-PF.
Is the ruling party now genuinely interested in sharing power
and finding a
lasting solution? Or is it buying time in a bid to outwit its
rivals yet
again? The circumstances have changed in Mr Mugabe's disfavour.
For the
first time, several African leaders condemned the violence and
rejected the
results of the run-off. Regional observers said Mr Mugabe's
re-election was
illegitimate. Kenya's Mr Odinga this week said the talks
should lead to Mr
Mugabe's "safe exit". The European Union is to expand its
targeted sanctions
against Mr Mugabe and his ruling circle, where
in-fighting is getting more
bitter.
Trick or treat?
Regional
leaders sound keener to find a solution. The disruptive exodus of
Zimbabweans, mainly to South Africa but also to other neighbouring
countries, is unabated. Indeed, Zimbabwe's economy is now reaching a new
stage in its meltdown, with inflation officially running at 2.2m% a year but
in reality at least four times higher. The harvest has been bad; even bread
may start to run out.
Still, it is South Africa's government that has
the most influence from
outside, and for reasons of his own Mr Mbeki
continues to appear reluctant
to pull the plug on Mr Mugabe. The pressure is
undoubtedly beginning to
hurt. But it is unlikely that the Zimbabwean leader
intends to bow out soon,
or that his neighbours are determined enough yet to
force him out.
VOA
By Joe DeCapua
Washington
24 July
2008
While powering sharing talks between the ruling and
opposition parties
continue in Zimbabwe, an effort is underway to bring
President Mugabe before
the International Criminal Court. The ENOUGH Project
has issued a report
outlining the legal options that could be taken against
Mr. Mugabe.
One of the authors of the report is Syracuse University law
professor David
Crane, who is the former chief prosecutor for the UN-backed
Special Court
for Sierra Leone. He spoke to VOA English to Africa Service
reporter Joe De
Capua, who asked whether it's feasible to take legal action
against
President Mugabe while political talks continue.
"Yes,
absolutely. President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe can and should be
prosecuted
for the crimes against humanity perpetrated against his people
since 1981.
And we're looking at over tens of thousands of his own citizens,
which he
has allegedly murdered. This is a very important time for Africa.
We see
(Sudanese President) Bashir possibly indicted and we see the example
of
(former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan) Karadzic being found after well over
10
years being on the run. Robert Mugabe is seeing all this.. He sees former
president Taylor of Liberia sitting in the dock for being tried for war
crimes and crimes against humanity and he's beginning to hear footsteps," he
says.
Crane says the Zimbabwean leader realizes he needs to take
action to avoid
being on trial himself. "So, not surprisingly, he's willing
to sit down with
the very opposition that he was trying to kill just five
weeks ago," he
says.
The law professor says there are a number of
charges that could be filed
against Mr. Mugabe: "Certainly, Article 7 of the
Rome Statute, related to
crimes against humanity, is illustrative of the
types of crimes that he has
perpetrated against his own people. And these
are the areas that we would
certainly be considering when we were
investigating and possibly drafting
charges against him. Things like
persecution, imprisonment and other severe
deprivation of personal liberty,
as well as inhumane acts that intentionally
cause great suffering, all
pursuant to a state policy," he says.
The legal case against President
Mugabe is laid out in a paper from the
ENOUGH Project and Impunity Watch
called Justice for Zimbabwe, which Crane
co-authored. It's available at www.enoughproject.org or
www.impunitywatch.net.
Asked
whether he thinks the international community could unite to take such
strong action against the Zimbabwean leader, he says, "It boils down to a
political decision. The justice part, the legal part is manifest and can be
done. But it all boils down to that bright red threat in all of this called
politics. It'll be a political decision, particularly by the African Union,
particularly by regional leaders, such as Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, to
realize that African leaders who destroy their own citizens have to be held
accountable."
The white paper says, "It is realistic to consider an
amnesty or a type of
immunity arrangement (under threat of indictment) is
Mugabe agrees to step
aside and leave Zimbabwe for good." Crane explains,
"You have to be
realistic related to his age. He is well into his 80s. The
probability of
him living to be not only indicted and prosecuted, you know,
there's an
actuarial issue there.. Realistically, I'm not sure if President
Mugabe
would live long enough to actually see the end of his
trial."
He says one the issue of how to deal with Mr. Mugabe is
addressed, new
elections could be held. After that, it would be time to look
into
prosecuting those he calls Mugabe's "henchmen."
Amnesty International (AI)
Date: 24 Jul 2008
Climate of fear
persists despite deal; violence must not be pardoned
As the Zimbabwean
government and the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) prepare
to enter power-sharing talks, Amnesty International
called on both parties
to ensure there are no pardons for those who
committed human rights
violations in the post-election period.
'There can be no lasting
political solution to the crisis in Zimbabwe
without addressing past human
rights violations. While human rights
violations must end immediately,
investigations must be carried out and
alleged perpetrators brought to
justice,' said Amnesty International.
Amnesty International continues to
receive reports of ongoing political
violence and harassment, particularly
in rural areas. Even since the signing
of Monday's 'memorandum of
understanding' by the ruling party and
opposition, victims of political
violence have had to seek medical treatment
for injuries sustained in
attacks.
On 22 July, an MDC official from a rural constituency south of
Harare who
had been in hiding was allegedly attacked while he walked to work
with a
youth in the early hours of the morning. They were both abducted by
suspected supporters of the ruling party and thoroughly beaten on the
buttocks, arms, legs and feet. According to reports, their abductors said
they had been looking for the MDC official, and that nowhere was safe. Both
the MDC official and the youth had to seek medical treatment as a result of
injuries sustained.
Though some bases from which 'war veterans' and
other ZANU-PF supporters
launched attacks against opposition supporters have
been dismantled, some in
rural areas including in Mashonaland West, Central
and East provinces, still
remain.
'The attacks that have killed as
many as 150, injured thousands and
displaced tens of thousands over the last
several months -- and which
continue to take place - must not be swept under
the carpet in the interest
of finding a short-term political solution,' said
Amnesty International.
'This would store up problems for further down the
road.'
While attempts are being made by all Zimbabwean political parties
-- and the
Southern African Development Community, African Union and United
Nations --
to address the political and economic crisis, Amnesty
International said
that important questions of justice and impunity were not
explicitly tackled
in the 'memorandum of understanding' signed on
Monday.
'Any future deal between the parties should not include
amnesties, pardons
or any other measures that would prevent the emergence of
the truth, a final
judicial determination of guilt or non-guilt, and full
reparations to
victims and their families.'
In signing the
memorandum, the ruling party and opposition committed
themselves to
condemning the promotion and use of violence and to taking all
measures
necessary to ensure that the structures and institutions it
controls are not
engaged in acts of violence.
Despite the latest political developments,
Amnesty International remains
concerned that Zimbabwe is still blanketed in
a climate of fear. The
government must put an immediate end to all acts of
intimidation, arbitrary
arrest and torture perpetrated state and non-state
actors against human
rights defenders and political activists, particularly
in rural areas. All
bases from which torture and ill-treatment is being
carried out must be
closed immediately and alleged perpetrators of human
rights violations must
be brought to justice.
Note to
editors:
Protection of freedom expression, as well as freedom association
and
assembly is provided for under section 20 and 21 of the Constitution of
Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe as state a party to the African Charter on Human
and Peoples'
Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights has an
obligation to respect and protect these rights.
SW
Radio Africa (London)
24 July 2008
Posted to the web 24 July
2008
Tichaona Sibanda
Soldiers and Zanu-PF militia in
Chiweshe, Mashonaland Central province,
forced MDC activists to drink
Paraquat, a highly toxic herbicide used for
weed control.
One of
those forced to drink the poison was Hilton Chironga, from Howard in
Chiweshe. On 20th June he suffered horrific facial injuries, described as
corrosive burns, caused by the Chinese made herbicide when he, together with
his mother, his sister and a neighbour were forced to drink it at a militia
base at Tetra farm in the area.
Shingi Nyoni, an investigator
into human rights abuses, told us Hilton's
brother Gibson was shot dead by
the militia the same day he was forced to
consume poison. Two other people
died in the same attack.
'Hilton and his mother are currently admitted at
a hospital in Harare. One
other person identified as Madamombe died from the
poison. To date he only
takes liquids, milk and soup and is in constant
pain,' Nyoni said.
Paraquat is one of the most widely used herbicides in
the world. It has had
a tarnished reputation because of its acute oral
toxicity and ill-health
associated with operators - particularly in the
plantation sectors of many
developing countries.
It is highly toxic
if swallowed and as little as one teaspoonful of the
active ingredient is
fatal. Death occurs up to 30 days after ingestion.
Apart from forcing people
to drink the herbicide, the militia and soldiers
inflicted serious injuries
on others by dipping their knobkerries and sticks
into paraquat, before
beating their victims. This has caused serious wounds
that will not
heal.
One of these victims is Patience Mapombere from Chaona, Chiweshe.
She was
assaulted on 5th May, in an attack in which 6 men died. Attempts to
apply
skin grafts to her serious open wounds have failed. Patience remains
hospitalised.
'To make matters worse, most of these victims are not
getting any help from
the government to deal with their injuries. They need
specialized medicines
and doses for their wounds and treatment,' Nyoni
added.
The injuries to his face are corrosive burns caused by a poison,
Chinese
made herbicide - paraquat, which he and his mother, and sister, and
a
neighbour were forced to drink by ZANU PF militia at a base at Tetra Farm,
in Chiweshe, on Friday, June 20. His brother was shot dead by the militia,
who also killed 2 other people.
http://www.journalism.co.za
Wednesday, 23 July
2008
Zimbabwe police is now editing and censoring all stories
related
to political violence that are published or broadcast by the
state-owned
media, writes Gugu Ziyaphapha.
Journalists
and editors from the public media told
www.journalism.co.za that since the
controversial June 27 one man
presidential run-off, stories concerning
political violence are only
published once they have been vetted and
approved by the police
spokesperson, Senior Assistant Commissioner Wayne
Bvudzijena.
The Herald news editor, Isdore Guvamombe, told
journalists
meeting in the country's oldest city, Masvingo, that stories are
sent from
newsrooms to Bvudzijena who then "edits" them and gives clearance
for their
publication.
Guvamombe, an 80s liberation war
veteran, said the Zimbabwe
Republic Police (ZRP) instructed public media
houses to hand over material
to them on the grounds of "national security
".
He said although Bvudzijena, a trained journalist, could
not
write good copy, they have had to publish the version he
approved.
The move to censor and edit stories and give them a
"politically
correct" make-over is viewed by media analysts as Zanu PF's way
of trying to
persuade the public to believe that biggest perpetrators of
violence are not
Zanu PF but the MDC.
Meanwhile, the
publishers and distributors of the UK-based The
Zimbabwean and other
publications are demanding the release of the
publications and a refund of
the foreign currency they paid as luxury goods
customs
tax.
The publishers and the National Association of
Independent
Newspaper Distributors argue that the confiscated publications
are now stale
as they have stayed more than a month in government warehouses
despite the
prohibitive duty being paid for them in hard
forex.
The Zimbabwean's 19 June 2008 issue and other foreign
publications were seized by government just before the June 27 run-off
election when it imposed customs duty on foreign publications, which is only
payable in hard forex.
On July 10, three weeks after The
Zimbabwean publishers paid R42
000 as duty for the June 19 issue, government
says it still will not release
the newspaper until storage charges amounting
to Z$10 trillion (R1000) are
fully paid to the National Handling Services,
the state's warehouse.
A statement from the distributors
said: "After stealing our
money, depriving our readers of the information
and depriving us of any
revenue from the sale of our newspapers, they now
want to further cripple us
with the type of storage charges meant to push us
out of business."
Munn Marketing is also demanding their
forex back because only
The Economist magazines have been released but two
issues of the British
Weekly Telegraph and Sunday Times are still being held
by customs.
"Our vendors were routinely harassed during the
run up to the
election run-off of June 27. A number of them were subjected
to beatings and
intimidation. Those newspapers which managed to come through
were not
allowed to be freely distributed and sold. This is illegal, cruel,
vindictive and a desperate measure as well as being blatant daylight
robbery" said the statement from the distributors.
Meanwhile, SA-based Globecast Satellite, whose two employees
were arrested
in March for practicing journalism without accreditation, is
now being
charged with the illegal importation of broadcasting
equipment.
The company has pleaded not guilty on the basis
that it was
invited to provide a satellite uplink during the controversial
March 29
elections. The acting CEO of the government-owned signal carrier,
Transmedia
Corporation, Cloud Nyamundanda confirmed to the court that
Transmedia
invited Globecast to provide satellite uplink services during the
elections.
Nyamundanda conceded that in terms of the contract
signed
between Transmedia and Globecast, it was Transmedia's duty to apply
for the
two-day operating licence.
Two days before the
March 29 poll, Globecast's two engineers
Sipho Maseko and Abdulla Gaibee who
were not accredited as journalist
interviewed Information Minister, Dr
Sikhanyiso Ndlovu and the interview was
also used by CNN without
Transmedia's knowledge, which the state says was
also a violation the
contract between Globecast and Transmedia.
Maseko and Gaibee
were acquitted by a Harare magistrate,
immediately and dramatically
rearrested outside the court because government
thought that the ruling was
not "proper".
The pair was later released in April and
immediately fled to
seek refugee at the South African embassy fearing they
might be re arrested
again.
Last Updated ( Wednesday, 23
July 2008 )
SW
Radio Africa (London)
24 July 2008
Posted to the web 24 July
2008
Tererai Karimakwenda
The government is reported to have
run out of paper to print money and is
believed to be panicking over how to
pay salaries for civil servants,
especially soldiers and police who are the
backbone of the Mugabe
dictatorship.
Giesecke & Devrient, the
European company that was providing the paper, was
last month pressured to
cut supplies by the German government, after
protests were threatened. In
addition, a company that provides the software
licences for the design and
printing of the banknotes, is reported to be
considering withdrawing their
contract.
The military has helped run the country for some years now
and the Mugabe
regime needs to sustain military and police operations in
order to maintain
political control. There is much consensus among observers
that Mugabe's
recent decision to sign the Memorandum of Agreement with the
two MDC
formations was clearly based on increased economic pressure. One
English
pound this week is trading at Z$1.3 trillion.
The software
for the notes, which is supplied by a Hungarian-Austrian
company called Jura
JSP, is reportedly very technical. The UK Guardian
newspaper quoted a
'knowledgeable source' at the Zimbabwe government's
Fidelity Printers, who
said the software issue was a major problem and had
created an air of panic.
"They are in a panic because without the software
they can't print
anything," the source added.
Helmoed-Romer Heitman, the South Africa
correspondent for Jane's Defence
Weekly (a global military security
publication) said the situation faced by
the regime is quite typical of many
African countries that are falling
apart. He said the result tends to be at
least violent demonstrations, if
not a mutiny by the military.
"Given
the current situation in Zimbabwe, I am inclined to think that a lot
of the
military, certainly middle ranking officers and some seniors, are not
all
that enamoured of the party that is running the show", said Heitman.
He
said that for a long time now their income has not been keeping pace with
the cost of living. They are also watching soldiers being misused
politically, and a failure to pay them would seriously undermine the ability
of the government to use the military to keep itself in place.
With
experts estimating that the inflation rate is currently at 15 million
per
cent, and pressure on those doing business with the Mugabe regime
increasing, the economy has proved to be the straw that finally broke the
camel's back.
Reuters
Thu 24 Jul
2008, 14:17 GMT
By Nelson Banya
HARARE, July 24 (Reuters) -
Zimbabwe's central bank on Thursday said it
would soon implement reforms to
ease the effects of hyperinflation as
consumers, retailers and banks
struggle to make even simple transactions
with a virtually worthless
currency.
Once the beacon of southern Africa, Zimbabwe now has the
world's highest
inflation rate -- officially above two million percent but
widely seen much
higher.
Critics blame this and other economic woes
-- including chronic shortages of
food and other basic commodities -- on
mismanagement by President Robert
Mugabe's government.
The country's
largest bank note, a 100 billion Zimbabwe dollar bill
introduced on Monday,
cannot buy a loaf of bread and retailers and banks
have said it has become
difficult to deal with an ever-increasing string of
zeros on the
currency.
"The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe wishes to advise ... that
appropriate measures
are being put in place to address the current setbacks
being faced on the
currency front, as well as on financial and accounting
systems," said
central bank Governor Gideon Gono.
"Accordingly,
therefore, the next few days will see the Reserve Bank
unveiling measures
that would address concerns on the current minimum cash
withdrawal limits,
as well as with the IT systems digit handling
constraints."
Zimbabwe
lopped off three zeros from its currency in August 2006, and
financial
accounts and prices were adjusted according, but hyperinflation
has since
forced the central bank to keep issuing higher-denomination notes,
piling
back the zeros.
At the beginning of the year, the largest bank note was
worth Z$10 million,
but it has now lost its value and is commonly found
strewn on the capital
Harare's streets, rejected by both street vendors and
beggars alike.
On Thursday, one U.S. dollar fetched 45 billion Zimbabwe
dollars on the
official market, but was worth as much as 100 billion
Zimbabwe dollars on a
thriving black market fuelled by acute foreign
currency shortages.
On Wednesday, Zimbabwe's trade union federation ZCTU
wrote a letter to Gono,
asking him to relax limits on cash withdrawals from
bank accounts.
The ZCTU said the existing maximum cash withdrawal limit
of 100 billion
Zimbabwe dollars was not enough for urban workers whose daily
public
transport costs alone amount to about 150 billion Zimbabwe dollars.
(Editing
by Malcolm Whittaker)
Jura JSP have released a statement on their website that reads: Official Press Statement on media reports concerning the business
relations of JURA JSP with the Republic of Zimbabwe 1. JURA JSP Entwicklung und Vertrieb von Wertpapierdrucksystemen GmbH
(„JURA JSP“), a part of the Jura Group, sells software applications for
high-security printing (e.g. banknotes, passports) worldwide. 2. In 2001, JURA JSP concluded a contract with Fidelity Printers and
Refiners (PVT) Ltd. for the delivery of software for the graphical design of
banknotes. 3. The software delivered in 2001 in accordance with the contract allows
only for the graphic design of banknotes, and serves in particular for applying
forgery-proof security features on banknotes. It is stressed here that the
production of banknotes using the software of JURA JSP can be ruled out for
technical reasons. Therefore, the Mugabe regime can produce banknotes anytime
without the software by JURA JSP – by loosing the high security features. 4. It is de facto impossible to prevent Fidelity Printers and Refiners
(PVT) Ltd. from using the software, since the software was installed locally and
cannot be removed by JURA JSP. 5. As in the past, JURA JSP shall by no means violate any national or
international sanctions introduced against the Mugabe regime. Vienna, on July 24, 200 Original action text continues
below An article that appeared in The Guardian yesterday pointed to
serious concerns within the Zanu PF government that Jura JSP, a
Hungarian-Austrian company, might withdraw a special licence to use software
critical to security printing: … the government feared that the licence for the specialist software supplied
by another European firm would be withdrawn as part of the boycott of Robert
Mugabe’s regime. The software is supplied by Jura JSP, a Hungarian-Austrian company that
specialises in security printing. A knowledgeable source inside Fidelity
Printers said the software issue had created an air of panic. “It’s a major problem. They are very concerned that the licence will be
withdrawn or not renewed. They are trying to find ways around it, looking at the
software, but it’s very technical. They are in a panic because without the
software they can’t print anything,” he said. An article in The Independent today has further information: Jura JSP, an Austro-Hungarian firm with just 50 employees,
has been dealing with the pariah government in Harare, enabling it to keep ahead
of its hyperinflation crisis. Officials at the company confirmed yesterday that
it supplied the licences and software used to design and print the Zimbabwe
dollar, but would review this position if required to do so by the EU. Fresh EU sanctions announced yesterday do not cover all companies dealing
with the Mugabe regime, but other firms named and shamed for profiting from the
Zimbabwe crisis have cut all links. The software company enables the regime to
print the money it uses to pay the army, police and security agents which keep
Zanu PF in power. Without access to paper money, Mr Mugabe would face an
immediate crisis. Last month we asked you to support a campaign calling on Giesecke
& Devrient to stop supplying the Zanu PF regime with banknotes. We
argued that the steady flow of money to Zimbabwe was funding the Zanu PF terror
regime who were relying on it to pay the militia and soldiers to intimidate,
torture, and murder civilians. Gieseck & Devrient have stopped supplying
banknotes and soldiers are now waiting to be paid. Yesterday we published a letter sent by the ZCTU to
Gideon Gono, asking that ordinary people in Zimbabwe were given increased
access to their own money. The
letter highlighted the fact that the military get preferential treatment when it
comes to withdrawing cash: soldiers are allowed to withdraw Z$1.5 trillion and
above per day, while ordinary civilians were only allowed to withdraw Z$100
billion. ACTION: We are calling on all our supporters and subscribers
today to phone, email and write to Jura JSP and ask them to
withdraw the software licence from the Zimbabwean government on the grounds that
the cash they print has been used to primarily support a campaign of terror, and
on the grounds that preferential treatment is given to the armed forces when it
comes to accessing cash. Both these facts show that the Zanu PF regime is using
money to buy the loyality and support of the armed forces. It clearly shows that
this is a government that prioritises power and control over the people, more
than it is concerned with the fact that ordinary people are struggling to
survive. We need to keep up the pressure. Jura JSP is a small company so if we can accumulate as many contact details
as possible we can contact individuals directly. Please seek out details and
submit them via our form here and we will add them to our database. This post contains a variety of information which will be updated as the
campaign evolves. The recent updates section highlight information that has
changed. We have provided a set of jumplinks at the top to help you navigate to
the different sections. Please read through it and take action! As always, your
comments and suggestion are very welcome.
http://zimbabwemetro.com
By Gerald Harper ⋅ © zimbabwemetro.com ⋅ July 24, 2008
⋅
The MDC has beefed up its negotiating team to include two extra
observers of
the power-sharing talks between the ruling ZANU-PF and the two
formations of
the Movement for Democratic Change. A move Political analysts
say is meant
to facilitate quick decision making by the
representatives.
The MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai will be represented at the
talks by its
Secretary General Tendai Biti,MDC-Harare East., and Deputy
Treasurer Elton
Mangoma,MDC-Makoni East.,Its Women’s Assembly Chairwoman
Theresa
Makone,Harare North and Chairman Lovemore Moyo,MDC-Matobo South will
be on
hand as observers.All newly elected parliamentarians on March
29.
A smaller MDC faction which holds crucial 10 seats in parliament is
represented by its Secretary General Welshman Ncube and his deputy Priscilla
Mushonga both lost their seats on the March 29 parliamentary election to the
MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai.
South African President Thabo Mbeki,
appointed mediator for the SADC, had
pushed for talks to get going on
Tuesday immediately following the signing
Monday of a memorandum of
understanding setting the framework for the talks
but were delayed due to
last-minute ZANU PF consultations.
The Australian
David Coltart | July 25,
2008
WITH talks between the Movement for Democratic Change and ZANU-PF
set to
determine the future of Zimbabwe, it is incumbent on all to refer to
the
vision of Zimbabwe held by its most important stakeholders:
Zimbabweans.
That vision reaches out to gather in the desires and hopes
most ordinary
Zimbabweans carry for peace, freedom and justice in their
country. The
coming weeks are not a time for empty leadership, nor is it
time for a
process of arranging the chairs of power to comfort the padded
fundaments of
power-brokers. Zimbabwe has seen enough of this. We need
leaders who listen
to human-scale policies.
Such a process won South
Africa its much-deserved freedom. Then, the
towering figure of Nelson
Mandela constructed and maintained a process that
was politically sound and
broadly integrated. Mandela is the first to admit
that his leadership was
reliant upon the leadership of others, of people
such as F.W. de Klerk,
Cyril Ramaphosa and Roelf Meyer. It was a culture of
leadership that won
out.
Zimbabweans know too well the implications of a drastic and fatal
failure in
leadership. The agreement between the MDC and ZANU-PF to discuss
a
transitional arrangement is a step forward, but Zimbabweans have too often
seen the moral bankruptcy in our leaders to hold their hopes too
high.
The political leadership of Zimbabwe has been soaked in violence
and
recrimination for decades. The most concerted and avowed efforts have
been
in tight circles of self-interest, spinning enduringly in power's tiny
labyrinth.
These leadership dysfunctions have reached across all
Africa and indeed,
across the globe. World and regional leaders, along with
Zimbabwe's, have
rarely failed in one area: to disappoint.
While
leaders talk, we might cast our minds back to the 1987 Unity Accord
between
Robert Mugabe's ZANU PF and Joshua Nkomo's ZAPU, to fully appreciate
the
moment we are in. Then, political comforts were top of the agenda.
Policy
reforms and economic development were relegated.
The cause of democracy
in Zimbabwe is still struggling to recover from this
self-satisfying
arrangement which created a personal vehicle of rampant
power that Mugabe
still drives to
this day.
This is the historical context for the
talks between the MDC and ZANU-PF.
You can see why there is many a jaundiced
eye being cast on it from the
direction of Zimbabwe.
However, if
politics is an art, then compromise is surely one of its
instruments. As a
lawyer myself, compromise on certain issues is hard to
accept. But, short of
a willingness to countenance an even higher body
count, today there are no
alternatives.
This being so, how might our leaders fulfil the destiny of
a nation and
seize this vital moment in the lives and futures of not only
all
Zimbabweans, but of all those with hope and a will for
freedom?
For one, there should be no consideration of a permanent
government of
national unity. Such a joint arrangement, possibly with Mugabe
retaining the
presidency indefinitely and with Morgan Tsvangirai becoming
the prime
minister, would simply make a mockery of the decision of
Zimbabwe's voters,
which has already been recorded following the March 29
poll.
There can be no other consideration beyond the establishment of a
transitional authority.
A formal transitional body renders an
emphasis on something new, not on a
few shifted seats at the top in Harare.
Its composition will need to reflect
the will of the people expressed on
March 29 and will need to incorporate
the much-undervalued yet utterly vital
forces of civil society.
An authority so constructed will need to quickly
enter a period of
power-sharing, working to a finite mandate. A period of
18-24 months should
be sufficient during which to address the issues most
pressing in
post-Mugabe Zimbabwe. Broadly, these issues are: the economic
crisis, the
constitutional crisis, the need for fresh elections and the
humanitarian
crisis.
Like all Zimbabweans, I see the coming weeks as
a test for leadership. But,
all tests are opportunities. We are now looking
upon a rare, if not unique,
chance to arrest the plummeting decline of one
of Africa's brightest stars.
All Africa has a stake in what happens and
in the ability of our leaders to
lead with justice, peace and equality
uppermost. I prefer to side with the
optimists who see hope instead of
bitterness, a new future instead of a past
repeated and, a new dawn in
Zimbabwe, where the beauty, intelligence and
potential of our people is
fully realised.
This is my Zimbabwe. It is our Zimbabwe. It must be our
leaders' Zimbabwe
too. Failure is not an option.
David Coltart is a
member of the Movement for Democratic Change and was
re-elected as a senator
in elections held this year.
JOHANNESBURG , 23 July 2008 (IRIN)
- The expectation that the ban on humanitarian organisations operating in
Zimbabwe would be lifted after an agreement between rival political parties was
signed, was misplaced, the country director of the Office for the Coordination
of Humanitarian Affairs, George Tadonki, told IRIN.
Photo:
Waiting
for the politicians
President Robert
Mugabe's government suspended the work of all humanitarian organisations on 28
May, after accusing them of engaging in political activities.
The ban
remains in place, even after a Memorandum of Understanding providing a framework
for talks between rival political parties to establish a new constitution and a
government of national unity was signed on 21 July by Mugabe, Morgan Tsvangirai
and Arthur Mutambara, the leaders of both wings of the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC).
Talks are scheduled to begin in Pretoria, South
Africa, on 24 July.
Humanitarian operations were suspended in the window
period between the 29 March elections - in which the ruling ZANU-PF lost its
majority in parliament for the first time since independence from Britain in
1980, and Mugabe come second in the presidential poll - and the 27 June run-off
vote for the presidency, called after the challenger, Tsvangirai, narrowly
missed winning the first round by the required 50 percent plus one vote.
Tsvangirai withdrew from the second round of voting in protest against
widespread political violence that claimed more than 60 lives and caused the
displacement of tens of thousands of people.
"The hopes are that the
humanitarian restrictions will be lifted, but I fear that they will not be
lifted in full ... and we are worried about that," Tadonki said.
According to the memorandum, "The Parties agree that, in the interim,
they will work together to ensure the safety of any displaced persons and their
safe return home, and that humanitarian and social welfare organisations are
enabled to render such assistance as might be required."
Tadonki said humanitarian organisations
would be allowed to provide assistance to victims of violence, but the
memorandum did not suggest a complete lifting of the ban on humanitarian
organisations, or indicate when or whether humanitarian organisations could
resume their work.
A lot of our members say they
have placed their staff on leave until the situation becomes much
clearer
On 18 June the Food and Agricultural Organisation
(FAO) and World Food Programme (WFP) published its crop assessment, which
forecast that more than five million Zimbabweans would suffer food insecurity in
the next nine months, a million people more than the previous year.
"The
[crop assessment] Mission estimates that 2.04 million people in rural and urban
areas will be food insecure between July and September 2008, rising to 3.8
million people between October [and December], and peaking to about 5.1 million
at the height of the hungry season between January and March 2009," FAO/WFP Crop
and Food Supply Assessment Mission (CFSAM) to Zimbabwe said.
Tadonki
said some non-governmental organisations (NGOs) had resumed unofficial
operations, but were "negotiating at field level" for access. Such an approach
was not sustainable and was setting "a dangerous precedent".
He said
humanitarian organisations operated on the principles of being impartial and
neutral, and any actions that called those principles into question would be a
problem.
NGOs operate in confusion
Fambai
Ngirande, the policy and communications manager for the National Association of
Non-Governmental Organisations (NANGO), an umbrella body for more than 1,000
organisations, said there was a lot of uncertainty about the future of NGOs.
"A lot of our members say they have placed their staff on leave until
the situation becomes much clearer," he told IRIN.
Those NGOs operating
in the fields of HIV/AIDS and child feeding schemes had been excluded from the
ban, but the initial blanket ban had created confusion.
"The problem
with the lifting of that ban is that it was not effectively communicated to the
local structures, especially in rural areas, where the security of field workers
can no longer be guaranteed," Ngirande said.
"Our appeal now is that the
government should allow the United Nations to conduct a fresh audit of the
humanitarian situation in the country, to assess the impact that the
election-related political violence has had on the people."
Our appeal now is that the
government should allow the United Nations to conduct a fresh audit of the
humanitarian situation in the country, to assess the impact that the
election-related political violence has had on the people
Ngirande
told IRIN that the government food packs being distributed were not adequate to
address the humanitarian crisis.
"Activities conducted by NGOs are
designed to be sustainable, like empowering communities to improve their
livelihoods by producing their own food, and not the welfarist distribution of
food, which is just a stop-gap measure," he commented.
"Already,
Zimbabwe does not enjoy the status of a favourable operating environment: the
hyperinflationary environment and the high costs of fuel, goods and services,
together with the uncertain environment, could see donor organisations pulling
out and going to other countries within the region, which have similar
challenges such as ours."
[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United
Nations]
SABC
July 24, 2008, 14:45
President Thabo Mbeki is expected to urge the European
Union (EU) to drop
sanctions against Zimbabwe and allow settlement of the
political crisis
through negotiations. Mbeki will hold talks with the EU's
top leadership led
by French President Nicolas Sarkozy and EU Commission
President Jose Manuel
Barraso in Bordeaux, France, tomorrow.
South Africa's
Ambassador to Brussels Anil Sooklal says
the signing of the framework for
talks by President Robert Mugabe and the
Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) is an indication of progress towards
resolving the crisis in that
country.
Mbeki is also expected to discuss with the EU
leadership
the implication of the indictment of Sudanese President Omar
Al-Bashir by
the International Criminal Court
(ICC).
Bashir has been charged by the ICC for genocide
and war
crimes arising from the ongoing conflict in Darfur. Ambassador
Sooklal says
the Darfur crisis can only be resolved through a peaceful
political
settlement and cooperation with the African Union.
24 July 2008
Residents of
A survey recently carried out by CHRA
reveals that accommodation in most of the low to medium density suburbs is now
being charged in
Although the economic crisis is the immediate force behind the charging of rentals in forex, CHRA notes that Operation Murambatsvina/Restore order left more residents homeless, as most of their homes were demolished. The operation also destroyed backyard structures, which for long time had been accommodating thousands of residents who are now homeless. The Government is still failing to provide accommodation for the survivors of this notorious operation. The increased demand for accommodation, boosted by the state sponsored Operation Murambatsvina, has exacerbated the plight of the lodgers and low income earners. CHRA calls upon the state to come up with immediate measures that cushion the residents against the disastrous effects of Operation Murambatsvina. The Ministry of Local Government must provide direct loans to Local Authorities ear marked for housing development. CHRA demands that the state must be responsible for its irresponsible yet cruel actions like Operation Murambatsvina.
Chief Executive
Officer
Combined
Exploration House, Third Floor
Landline: 00263- 4-
705114
Contacts:
Monsters and Critics
Jul 24, 2008, 15:30 GMT
Harare - Output by Zimbabwe's
crippled manufacturing sector fell 27 per cent
last year as the country's
factories operated at less than 20 per cent of
capacity, according to
figures issued Wednesday by the Confederation of
Zimbabwe
Industries.
The dramatic slump occurred in a year in which President
Robert Mugabe's
regime introduced price controls that forced manufacturers
to sell goods at
roughly half the price it cost them to
produce.
Capacity utilization by the country's manufacturers, until
recently the most
productive in Africa outside South Africa fell to 19 per
cent last year,
against 34 per cent last year. Three out of four companies
were running at
below 50 per cent of capacity.
Besides price
controls, the survey found that shortages of hard currency,
electricity and
water cuts, the absence of external credit lines, skills
shortages, rampant
inflation and collapsed demand were contributing to the
output
shrinkage.
Zimbabwe is in the grips of a devastating economic crisis
inflation,
characterized by hyperinflation, officially put at 2.2 million
per cent but
estimated by independent economists to exceed 15 million per
cent.
The value of the Zimbabwe dollar has hurtled from 1 US to 5,300
Zimbabwean
at the beginning of the year to 120 billion Zimbabwean for a
single
greenback currently.
On Wednesday, bars were selling a single
quart of beer for 1.4 trillion
Zimbabwe dollars (12
zeroes).
Businesses are increasingly refusing to deal in the increasingly
worthless
local currency. The biggest available banknote, the 100-
billion-dollar note
launched at the weekend, does not even buy a loaf of
bread.
'We've stopped trading in Zim dollars,' said one businessman who
asked not
to be named. 'By the time you get your cash, it's worth half of
what it was
when you made delivery.'
'We have been operating on
crisis management, business level and labour
level,' said CZI president
Callisto Jokonya. 'We don't want to operate like
that any
more.'
Economists say the crash began in earnest in 2000 when Mugabe gave
the nod
for the illegal seizure of white-owned farms, precipitating the
collapse of
the all-important agricultural industry.
The decline has
been accelerated by the Reserve Bank's policy of reckless
printing of money
to cover uncontrolled government spending.
On Thursday South Africa's The
Star newspaper reported that an Austrian
company was supplying the bank with
materials used in the design and
printing of the near-worthless
banknotes.
Despite pressure on European companies to halt dealing with
the government
of controversial President Robert Mugabe, Vienna-based Jura
JSP is supplying
the Reserve Bank with licenses and software to print money,
the paper
reported.
Jura officials told the paper they would consider
revising the relationship
if required to do so by the European
Union.
The EU does not automatically ban companies from dealing with
Mugabe's
government but European companies are under growing pressure not to
be in
the pocket of the 84-year-old leader's regime.
Earlier this
month German company Giesecke & Devrient, after being leaned on
by the
German government, announced it would cease supplying the Reserve
Bank with
banknote paper.
Cape Argus
July 24,
2008 Edition 1
Hans Pienaar and Jean-Jacques Cornish
Still basking
in the success of mediating an official dialogue in the
Zimbabwe crisis,
President Thabo Mbeki is set to preside over another first
tomorrow, the
European Union and South Africa summit in Bordeaux, France.
Mbeki is
expected to report on the progress in the dialogue, which begins
today,
followed by the EU's explanation for expanding targeted sanctions
against
the Robert Mugabe regime this week.
Mbeki is expected to tell the
European leaders that tightening sanctions at
this delicate stage is
particularly unhelpful.
He has already expressed his displeasure at the
EU specifying that it wants
to see Tsvangirai play the senior role in a
government of national unity.
The EU delegation for tomorrow's summit in
France, which is chairing the EU
until December 31, will be led by French
President Nicolas Sar-kozy and will
include EU council secretary-general
Javier Solana and the president of the
European Commission, José Manuel
Barroso.
Another burning issue, the design of Economic Partnership
Agreements (EPAs)
to replace preferential deals between the EU and some
Af-rican countries,
will also be discussed but not be resolved, say
sources.
South Africa is acting on behalf of members of the Southern
African
Development Community (SADC), who are under pressure to turn interim
EPAs
signed last year into permanent arrangements.
The EU says the
EPAs will be designed to continue preferential trade
agreements between some
SADC members and Europe which have expired, while
critics say the EU is
using them to smuggle in measures that would be to the
poorer countries'
detriment in the future.
Food securit; the Doha Development Round in
World Trade Organisation
negotiations; and African and global security
issues are being listed as
topics to be discussed.
The summit is also
expected to consider developments in Sudan, Chad, the
Central African
Republic and the Middle East . Other topics include climate
change,
migration, developing a European defence policy and developing an
action
plan for the EU.
The summit will be preceded by the 7th SA-EU Ministerial
Troika meeting.The
SA delegation to the troika will be led by Foreign
Minister Dr Nkosazana
Dlamini-Zuma.
IOL
Basildon
Peta
July 24 2008 at 09:12AM
Talks to resolve the
Zimbabwean crisis were due to open near Pretoria
on Thursday after the
representatives of all three parties involved landed
in South Africa on
Wednesday.
But Zimbabwean civic groups were seething with anger
about their
exclusion from the dialogue mediated by President Thabo
Mbeki.
The civic groups said they would regard any outcome of the
talks as
illegitimate because it would not reflect the will of the people
but that of
the few representatives delegated by three political
parties.
Morgan Tsvangirai's main wing of the Movement for
Democratic Change
added its vice-president Thokozani Khupe and chairperson
Lovemore Moyo to
its chief representatives Tendai Biti and Elton
Mangoma.
Khupe and Moyo would not sit in during the talks but would
be
available for "consultations and back-up", said an authoritative
opposition
source.
The MDC had wanted to send its technical
team to help in the actual
dialogue too but this was rejected by the
mediator and his emissaries.
Mbeki was due to meet the participants
before flying off to France on
Thursday to attend the inaugural European
Union-SA summit.
Zanu-PF's representatives Justice Minister Patrick
Chinamasa and
Labour Minister Nicholas Goche as well as representatives of
the smaller
faction of the MDC, Welshman Ncube and Priscilla Misihairabwi,
also arrived
on Wednesday.
While many around the world have
pinned their hopes on the talks as
the only viable option to ending the
Zimbabwe crisis, civic groups in
Zimbabwe are not impressed.
National Constitutional Assembly chairperson Lovemore Madhuku, whose
body
represents a coalition of civic groups including churches, students'
organisations and trade unions, said the groups were disappointed with the
MDC and accused the two factions of the opposition party of not learning any
lessons from their past mistakes.
"This all signals what the
MDC is capable of doing as a governing
party. We will have the same
autocratic tendencies as we have seen under
Zanu-PF," said an angry Madhuku,
hitherto a key ally of Tsvangirai's.
He blasted the "continuing
arrogance" of the two factions of the MDC
in endorsing the exclusion of
civic society groups from the talks.
"We would have thought that
the MDC have learnt many lessons from
their mistakes but they have not,"
said Madhuku.
He was particularly scathing about Tsvangirai, who
most civic groups
endorsed for the presidency during the March 29 first
round of the
elections, which the MDC leader won.
Madhuku said
civic society had been excluded even from the signing
ceremony of a
memorandum of understanding to launch the formal talks on
Monday.
"None of us knew that the signing was on Monday. I am
speaking for
all, including trade unions. We only read about it in the
press.
"They should not expect us to support whatever they come up
with in
Pretoria. It will be rejected by the people. It's all
illegitimate.
The future of Zimbabwe cannot be determined by a few
people to the
exclusion of other key stakeholders," Madhuku
added.
This article was originally published on page 6 of The
Star on July
24, 2008
Thursday, 24 July 2008 09:05 UK
|
She describes how she had to leave her two-month-old son behind when she fled her homeland. That was eight years ago and Beverley has not seen him since. Her eyes well up as she talks about her heartbreak but Beverley told BBC East she cannot go home because of her membership of the Zimbabwean opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and her brother's position within the party. Adding to her problems is that she cannot officially work in the UK because she is a failed asylum seeker. "I do private jobs. I've got my mother here with me who is in the same predicament. "We are always living in fear that the UK Border Agency is going to come after us", she said. Beverley is in a church hall in Southend for a regular meeting of local MDC activists. Buy coffins They are part of a large community of Zimbabweans living in Essex and they gather once a month to share stories, catch up on news and continue their opposition 4,500 miles from home. The meeting begins with a prayer and everyone sings "Ishe Komborai Africa" - God Bless Africa. A collection is taken and the branch treasurer gathers the subs, explaining how the money will fund the party's activities and even buy coffins for members who have been killed in Zimbabwe. Stories of murder, torture and intimidation are told. One man describes how the families of exiled MDC activists are targeted back home. Another claims that the children of party supporters are being refused entry to schools. Margaret Chipandambira used to own a string of off-licenses: "I used to have my own place where I lived in Kadoma and two weeks ago my house was destroyed. They've taken everything from my shops."
According to latest Home Office figures, around 80% of Zimbabweans who come to the UK seeking asylum are refused, but deportations are on hold at the moment pending a test case going through the courts. They are also the third largest nationality group seeking refugee status in the UK. Only Iraq and Afghanistan provide more applicants. The people gathered speak of the hardship and poor living conditions they have to endure because of the restrictions on working. More than one person explains how those in work end up supporting friends and family in both countries. They also say the system in which failed asylum seekers have to report to the police can compound their misery. Stanford Biti is the local MDC branch chairman: "We have somebody staying in Southend but he's reporting in Birmingham... we have some people who stay here in Southend and they go as far as Edinburgh to go and report." Many of the exiles in the church hall are well educated professionals. Beverley had just completed her A-levels when she fled, Stanford is a school teacher, and they want to rebuild their country. According to Washington Ali, a former UK chairman of the MDC: "When things change in Zimbabwe believe you me, people would like to go back." |
iafrica.com
Article By:
Thu, 24 Jul 2008
16:09
The current dialogue between Zimbabwe's political parties should
include
labour, business and civil society in Zimbabwe, the National
Economic
Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) said on
Thursday.
"Nedlac has previously expressed its serious concern about the
political
crisis and violence in Zimbabwe and has urged that the political
and
socio-economic challenges facing that country be resolved through the
democratic process and political negotiation," Nedlac said in a
statement.
Stability, equity and growth should be restored in Zimbabwe as
soon as
possible in the interests of both that country and the Southern
African
region, it added.
The right decisions about Zimbabwe's
political and economic future could
only be taken if they were driven by
"democratic processes and legitimate
structures in that
country".
Sapa
Institute for Security Studies (ISS)
Date: 24 Jul 2008
The protagonists in the Zimbabwe
political crisis finally met this week and
signed a framework that outlines
the key issues that will drive the
negotiation process towards a possible
political settlement. The signing of
the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU)
by the leaders of the ruling ZANU-PF
and the two factions of the Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) marked an
important step towards negotiations
and progress in the long facilitation
process led by President Thabo Mbeki,
mediator of the Southern African
Development Community
(SADC).
Obviously, the signing of the MoU only signals the first step and
a
commitment by all the parties to resolve the crisis through dialogue. It
also reflects an agreement on key agenda issues that will form the basis for
the negotiations. Full-blown negotiations on substantive matters will now
follow. Meanwhile, how should we read and understand the issues contained in
the MoU? Most importantly, what does the signing of the MoU portend for the
possible resolution of the political crisis?
Firstly, some of the key
concerns and areas of contention between ZANU-PF
and the MDC-faction led by
Morgan Tsvangirai that had threatened to
undermine the prospects for a
peaceful settlement to the Zimbabwe crisis
have been addressed. ForZANU-PF,
the key issues relating to sanctions, the
land question and external
interference have been included as agenda points.
More importantly, the
issue of the current status of the head of state and
the outcome of the
recent run-off elections are currently not included in
the agenda points.
For the MDC, the issue of security of its members, the
prevention of
violence, calls for the stop of hate speech, as well as the
role of SADC and
the African Union (AU) as underwriters and guarantors of
the global
political agreement seem to have allayed their major concerns.
The second
issue relates to the recognition and acknowledgement of the need
by all
protagonists to engage in dialogue. Reference to dialogue as the
agency for
brokering a political settlement to the crisis clearly indicates
a
realisation that both parties need to work together. This signifies that
neither ZANU-PF nor the MDC can resolve the crisis on its
own.
Thirdly, the MoU does not specify the type or form the unity
government will
take. This will be determined by the substantive
negotiations and ultimately
by a global political agreement. The single most
important development
arising from the signing of the MoU, is the
recognition of a necessity to
form a 'new government' or 'an inclusive
government'. The reference to
'working together in an inclusive government'
further strengthens the
imperative to have some form of unity government
that will comprise both
ZANU-PF and the two MDC factions.
In view of
the above, what does the MoU deal portend for a possible peaceful
and
negotiated political settlement in Zimbabwe? The signing of the MoU
reflects
the first breakthrough towards achieving a negotiated political
settlement
since the crisis first broke out in 2000. The deal brokered
through the
facilitation of President Mbeki provides both the facilitator
and the
regional body SADC with breathing space after mounting international
criticism and pressure. The MoU could not come at a better time for SADC, as
South Africa is expected to take over chairmanship of the organization from
Zambia in August this year. This is important given the emerging divisions
within the regional body.
Challenges towards reaching a global
political agreement remain. One of the
possible stumbling blocks is the form
or type of government that will be
established through the negotiations.
Will both parties insist on their
conception of unity government, either a
transitional form or government of
national unity? There have been calls for
a government of national unity
such as the call made by the AU at its 11th
Ordinary Session in Sharm El
Sheik, Egypt recently. Others, including the
MDC, supported by Kenyan Prime
Minister Raila Odinga, have called for a
transitional government with a
limited time frame and with responsibilities
such as drafting a new
constitution, security reforms, and holding
elections.
Another potential stumbling block is who will lead the new
entity? Will the
MDC-Tsvangirai insist on their leader Morgan Tsvangirai
heading up the unity
government or will ZANU-PF insist that it should be led
by President Robert
Mugabe? These two issues are likely to be the most
contentious during the
dialogue and have the potential of stalling the
progress if the two leading
protagonists cannot find common ground or
compromise.
Other contentious issues relate to the role of external
parties - especially
those that continue to threaten pressure such as
imposition of sanctions or
make statements that may be interpreted as
undermining a compromise, e.g.
threatening not to recognize any deal that
includes President Mugabe.
Another issue is the ability of protagonists to
control their supporters,
especially the militants and alleged perpetrators
of political violence.
Incidents of violence have the potential of being
used by political players
in the crisis as a political tool or strategy if
things do not go their way.
A related point is whether the hardliners and
potential spoilers in both
parties are brought on board and whether they
will support an outcome that
does not address all their fears or demands. In
this regard, what is the
position of the security apparatus relating to any
deal struck by the
political leaders and what assurances are they likely to
be offered? The
latter point further speaks to a critical issue of amnesty,
impunity and
justice relating to abuses that have been perpetrated by the
actors in the
crisis, especially the security organs. Ultimately, the
signing of the MoU
and the dialogue that is under way in South Africa are
positive developments
but many issues and stumbling blocks
remain.
Saki Mpanyane, Senior Researcher, African Security Analysis
Programme, ISS
Tshwane (Pretoria)
http://www.radiovop.com
PRETORIA, 24 July 2008 - Sharp differences between Zanu PF and MDC are
reportedly threatening the talks aimed at establishing a government of
national unity in Zimbabwe.
The talks kicked off on
Thursday in Pretoria, South Africa.
Close sources say the
parties are clashing on the issues of land
redistribution, sanctions and the
security of Robert Mugabe's henchmen who
helped him to violently clinch
victory in the June 27 one man presidential
race.
Zanu PF
and MDC are also at loggerheads over the structure of the
unity government,
which is expected to be the finality of the talks.
The talks
followed the historic signing of Monday's Memorandum of
Understanding, (MoU)
between Mugabe and the leaders of the two MDC factions
Morgan Tsvangirai and
Arthur Mutambara.
The two parties had agreed on a raft of
issues that formed part of the
current agenda except on the land question
and sanctions, prior to the
signing of the MoU.
The sources
have warned that the talks could face a premature birth if
the issues are
not tackled in a satisfactory manner.
The current agenda for
negotiations includes talks on objectives and
priorities of a new
government, a new constitution, the restoration of
economic stability and
growth, sanctions and the land reform programme.
Mugabe is
reportedly pushing for an undertaking from the MDC that the
land reform
exercise is irreversible, while the MDC has dismissed
accusations from
Mugabe's government that it is bent on returning farms
forcibly acquired
under the land reform exercise in 2000 to former white
farmers.
Instead the MDC is insisting on carrying out a
land audit to identify
those who grabbed more than one farm and those not
fully utilising the land.
Mugabe is also pushing for the MDC to
ask the United States of America
and the European Union to lift sanctions
slapped on the regime.
Sources say that this week's decision by
the EU to widen sanctions,
adding 37 more people and companies to the list,
had infuriated Mugabe.
Mugabe is also interested in retaining
his executive powers while
offering Tsvangirai the post of prime minister or
vice president. However,
Tsvangirai has rebuffed such a move and wants to
become executive prime
minister with Mugabe as ceremonial president until
the lapse of 24 months,
when fresh elections are expected which will be
supervised by the SADC
community and the African Union.
The
major headache however has been the fate of members of the Joint
Operations
Command, state security agents and Zanu PF militia who unleashed
an orgy of
violence against the population after Mugabe lost the March
harmonised
elections.
JOC designed Mugabe's violent campaign, which saw
over 100 people lose
their lives while 10 000 were injured and an estimated
200 000 displaced.
The MDC is insisting that those behind the violent
campaign should be
brought to book and incarcerated with sentences
commensurate with the degree
of the crimes that they
committed.
Mugabe is said to have suggested through his
representatives that he
was interested in declaring an amnesty for them if
they are arrested.
However Tsvangirai's policy chief Eddie
Cross, has already said in a
statement that the fate of the alleged Zanu PF
perpetrators would loom
during the talks despite the matter not having been
mentioned in the MoU.
Cross said the perpetrators had no role
to play in the new
transitional government which is being discussed.
Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR)
Date: 24 Jul
2008
The general mood is
one of cautious optimism rather than expectation of
swift, radical
change.
By Joseph Nhlanhla in Bulawayo (ZCR No. 156,
24-Jul-08)
Not all Zimbabweans have greeted the signing of a deal between
the country's
rival political forces with unalloyed joy. While many welcome
the agreement
to engage in dialogue, they warn that real change will only
come if the
outcome is a system where they can choose their leaders through
a truly free
and fair electoral process.
After protracted efforts by
the chief mediator, South African president
Thabo Mbeki, to bring President
Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai, leader
of the main faction of the
Movement for Democratic Change, MDC, to the
negotiating table, the two men,
together with Arthur Mutambara, leader of
the smaller MDC faction, met and
shook hands for the first time in a decade.
The July 21 signing was
hailed by some as a landmark step that could lead to
the rebuilding of the
country's battered economy, the mood on the streets
was one of guarded
optimism. As one local resident put it, the people's
power to decide their
political future has long been usurped by Mugabe, and
must be restored in
any political settlement.
Typical of the view of many involved in
economic affairs was the statement
issued on July 22 by Imara Capital
Zimbabwe, an asset management firm. While
welcoming the development, the
statement said, Imara remained 'fairly
cautious'.
"The key issue
remains the economy and the recovery thereof. In pre-election
discussions,
our high-road scenario envisaged a government with a mandate
from the
electorate to tackle the hard decisions required to sort out the
economy,
and backed by this legitimacy able to quickly tap into investor
confidence
and donor sympathy,' it said. 'A government of national unity
does not, by
definition, have this legitimacy, which slows recovery
prospects."
The memorandum of understanding sets out a framework of
an agenda for
negotiations, expected to last two weeks, on an 'inclusive
government',
political rights, a new constitution and economic
recovery.
The dialogue is intended to overcome the tensions created by
the June 27
presidential run-off in which Mugabe ended up running alone, and
winning.
Despite winning more votes in the first round on March 29,
Tsvangirai
withdrew from the race a few days before the violence, citing the
mounting
violence targeting his supporters.
Alex Moyo, a Harare
businessman, dismissed the signing as a non-event,
saying it could only have
worked if the agenda had been mainly to set a date
for another election
through which the will of the people could be properly
expressed.
"What is important is that the inalienable right of the
people to elect who
should govern them must be restored before people can
talk about economic
recovery," he said. "The MoU [memorandum of
understanding] and the
subsequent talks do not guarantee that this
happens."
On the streets, many people said the very fact the political
opponents had
met and signed an agreement held out hope of a new
beginning.
"We will just wait and see how it goes,' said high school
teacher Thabani
Moyo. 'For now all we want is a return to normality. We
cannot continue like
this. We can only hope for the best."
Simon
Makanza, a 30-year-old unemployed man, was surprised that Mugabe had
agreed
to meet Tsvangirai at all.
"Mugabe has said some nasty things about the
MDC, but I hope that the very
fact that they met to sign the MoU could mean
better things ahead," he said.
"People are fed up with the political
bickering and want to get on with
their lives."
Mugabe, who blames
the West rather than his own policies for the country's
economic decline,
last week launched a programme intended to bring cheap
basic commodities to
the people in the form of subsidised food hampers. But
there are already
many complaints that the local officials and chiefs in
charge of
distribution ensure that only ZANU-PF supporters receive the
hampers.
Shop shelves are still empty a year after a controversial
government edict
that retailers must slash their prices, The bulk of basic
commodities are
now sold only on the thriving parallel market, where prices
are beyond the
reach of many Zimbabweans.
The latest statistics from
the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe show the
year-on-year inflation rate at more
than 2.2 million per cent, but
independent economists put the figure at
about five times that.
Fanuel Gama, an analyst with a local rights group,
says people are right to
be guarded in their optimism about the chances of
rapid economic recovery.
"It has already been said the country's woes
will not be solved overnight;
that the economy will spring to its feet only
with the exit of Mugabe.
Zimbabweans have lost faith in politics and they
can only sit and wait,"
Gama said. "But we should give it a chance and see
how it goes. The people
have no choice.'
Joseph Nhlanhla is the
pseudonym of a reporter in Zimbabwe.
http://www.hararetribune.com
24 July, 2008 10:03:00 Collen Madziva
There is nothing wrong with
unity, peace and stability but if the unjust are
the ones leading the way we
have a problem.
It seems Zimbabwe is heading to another unity accord
judging from the recent
events. There is nothing wrong with unity, peace and
stability but if the
unjust are the ones leading the way we have a problem.
National healing is
required for the country to move forward but this
band-aid solution is not a
solution.
The Zimbabwean situation
is not only affecting MDC and ZANU-PF, how come
they are the only two
players in resolving this issue? We watched them
signing the Ammendment 18
and nothing came out of it. Of course politics is
part of the problem but
not the entire problem. Zimbabwe got into this
situation with the so-called
elected officials in place. Where were those
politicians? How are they going
to figure out the solution to the problem
that they seem not to understand?
In Zimbabwean politics, politicians are
not held accountable for bad
policies they make so what will change this
time around? We might applaud
the signing of the so-called MOU but does that
really solve the problem? The
same political parties started talks more than
six years ago and nothing
came out of it. Their talks seem to be endless
because they are not getting
to the bottom of the problem. Right now there
are key issues missing in that
MOU.. Were those key issues overlooked or
they were deliberately ommitted?
Some might wonder what am I talking about,
let me give you examples. There
are known people who tortured and killed
during the campaign what is going
to happen to those people? Is that issue
on the list? Just persuading MDC
and ZANU-PFsupporters does not really solve
the problem because what we need
is protection. There are some people who do
not belong to either MDC or
ZANU-PF does that mean they can go ahead with
the killings? Just mentioning
tolerance without enforcing the law that is
already there leaves me to
wonder what are they really talking about? I am
110% positive that the some
independents involved because there are some
Makonis and Moyos somewhere are
they allowed to kill because their
independent leaders did not sign the MOU?
The evidence of those crimes is
there, is justice going to prevail? The MOU
was signed but the situation on
the ground is still the same no demand was
met. Opposition MPs are still on
the run.
Both parties
acknowledged that lives were lost but nothing was said about
those who lost
their lives during the political season. Is there any kind
of compensation
for those killed because these people were fathers, mothers
who left
children who needs care, what is the government going to do to
provide for
those children? How is the government going to ensure violence
is under
control? Look I did not say ZANU-PF or MDC but the Zimbabwean
government. Is
it not true that these political parties are fighting on
behalf of the
people?
This is not the first time Zimbabwe is heading in the
unity direction. We
had this kind of problem in the early 1980s. The unity
accord of 1987 was
trying to resolve a problem of this kind and nothing
changed. What is really
sad is expecting different results from an
experiment carried out under the
same conditions by the same people. The
difference this time would be the
size of the government I guess. Small as
Zimbabwe is, we are about to have
the biggest government. Right now we have
three presidents, which are the
first president and two vice presidents.
Each province has a governor; we
have MPs, Senators, councilors and chiefs
for what? With all these people in
place look where we are? Do you ever ask
yourself why? Now with the so
called talks the number is going to be much
bigger and guess what, all these
people are to be paid by your tax-dollars
but unfortunately you do not have
to even hear what they are saying during
their talks. If the talks are to
resolve Zimbabwean issues why are they a
secret? These politicians are
taking Zimbabweans for a spin yet again. The
bad part is we are riding down
the hill with a sleeping driver that lost
control of the bus about decade
ago.
Talk about unity and
inclusive government with inflation in millions what is
that? A government
cannot sustain itself by only taxing its government
employees so how does
the Zimbabwean government think they are going to do
it? Unemployment rate
is said to be above 80%, thank God this rate cannot
excede 100, so who is
really working? It is a known fact that a government
does not generate money
like businesses do so where does the money they are
pouring into the army
and payment of governtment officials come from?
No wonder why they don't
want people to be involved. The reason why they do
not need you the civic
society to be involved is simple, they know there
will be an uprising Once
people gets involved in the decision-making they
will lose control so
everybody in Zimbabwe is assumed to be either ZANU-PF
or MDC that way your
representation is not going to be questioned. Their
best line is they have
you (who they don't care about) at heart.
If people were ever
going to take part in something I think this is the
time. It is critical to
have this dialogue now. We cannot afford to let the
same people who failed
us all these years sit down and decide on our behalf.
Going to work in
Zimbabwe today is soon to be considered a luxury. Imagine
engineers,
teachers, nurses and doctors resorted to gold panning? They could
not afford
to do something they are trained to do because they have families
to feed.
The best an individual can be in Zimbabwe is a dealer. No one is
spared by
the situation; even politicians who have made the situation
miserable can't
afford to live off their salary. When it comes to shady
deals it is the same
politicians who are on the lead. They are the ones who
are dealing with
gold, diamonds, emerald you name it. What kind of a society
is
that?
Talented and ambitious people have been reduced to
beggars. Running the
street has been turned into a profession. Can we really
afford to be on the
sidelines while a few clueless individuals draw up the
rules of the game
they don't know how to play? When are we as a nation going
to be involved in
the process? Beatings during the political campaign season
is not being
involved; that is being abused, harassed and victimized.
Zimbabwe this is
the time that we have to restore our dignity and claim our
right to be free.
If one does not want to vote it is his or her right to
reserve that vote and
nobody has the right to force anybody to go to the
polls. If one feels like
they don't share the same values with any of the
candidates who might be
running for office, it is that individual's right to
stay home without the
fear of Operation Show me the Finger. This issue is
not going to be
addressed by neither ZANU-PF nor MDC during theirs talks
because to them it
does not exist. The ones who do not belong to their
groups are the ones to
bring up those issues not politicians because they
only see black or white
and nothing grey. The society is being left out of
the talks but
surprisingly these talks are about the members of the society.
Let
politicians have their talks but I would like to make it crystally clear
that without us (people) there would be no politics therefore leaving us out
creates another problem. After following politics, world events I think I
can safely say, politicians do not solve problems. What they do best is to
act like they are doing something. Is it not a shame that after the blood
bath politicians are now on the table? What happened to the power of the gun
over the pen? What role does a pen play now? We lost precious lives because
of political blunders and if we don't get involved we are about to make yet
another mistake. It is us who are going to suffer because of their different
political idiologies. Can you imagine people will be butchered again for
supporting or not supporting what they are talking about in secrecy? These
politicians do not know where the problem is so why do we have to let them
lead?
Zimbabwean solution lies within the Zimbabwean people
so leaving the
Zimbabwean people out is not resolving the Zimbabwean crisis,
right? Every
Zimbabwean should be involved in solving this problem.
Everybody should be
represented from students, teachers, headmen, chiefs,
community leaders,
church leaders, trade unionists, businessmen, economists,
engineers,
bankers, farmers, and civic organizations all the way to
politicians. I was
once taught analogies like this; if a farmer is to crops,
an engineer is to
machines. If a teacher is to education, a politician is to
know-it-all? I
think people in their respective profession know whats
missing and changes
that are required to make things work not ZANU-PFor MDC.
We all have to come
together and only and only then can we talk about a new
constitution.
Zimbabwe does not have a shortage of smart people. Zimbabwe
has a problem
with people who have a one solution fits all mentality. This
approach should
not be tolerated now and forever.
Collen
Madziva, Dzidzai Foundation
http://www.hararetribune.com
24 July, 2008 10:00:00 Farai
Maguwu
Tsvangirai signs the MoU paving way for an GNU
Whilst I salute
ZANU PF and the two MDC formations for their commitment to
enter talks to
resolve the national crisis that has rocked the
Whilst I salute ZANU PF
and the two MDC formations for their commitment to
enter talks to resolve
the national crisis that has rocked the nation for
close to a decade, I fear
that another false start could be on the horizon.
Zimbabwe has had two false
starts inside three decades. The first false
start was in 1979 when the
Patriotic Front negotiated the Lancaster House
peace deal that laid the
foundation for the current constitutional crises
and the on going third
chimurenga. The Lancaster House agreement was
shrouded in secrecy and
remained a mystery to the majority of Zimbabweans.
It was attended by
representatives of the Patriotic Front (ZAPU & ZANU) and
the Zimbabwe
Rhodesia government, led by Bishop Muzorewa and Ian Smith. The
agreement
covered up a lot of atrocities and war crimes that had been
committed by
both sides during the guerrilla warfare. A tight lid was put on
the
liberation war and thus denying Zimbabweans the chance to tell their
stories, grieve over their losses, forgive one another and triumph in true
national unity. Consequently Black and White Zimbabweans remained strangers
to each other because there was no effort on the part of Zimbabwe's
politicians to allow debate on crucial issues that had divided us. The deep
division between ZAPU and ZANU, swept under the carpet when signing the
political deal, resurfaced with horror and anguish barely two years after
independence. This led to the second false start.
The second false
start was the 1987 Unity Accord that imposed peace without
reconciliation.
As with the first false start, the Unity Accord covered up a
lot of things
that are still a major cause of disaffection among
Zimbabweans. The Unity
Accord was made under an illusion that once
politicians from Matebeleland
appeared on TV joining hands with ZANU PF
leaders, then the nation is
healed. Predictably, this did not change
anything despite many attemps to
pretend nothing ever happened. The accord
did not bring to the surface what
had gone wrong and how best to prevent it
from recurring. I am not sure if
the majority of Zimbabweans in Matebeleland
will demand that the
perpetrators of Gukurahundi be prosecuted. I can't
predict what the victims
will demand but I am convinced they have a more
positive solution to their
suffering than being forced to pretend that
everything is alright. Similarly
the continuous episodes of violence that we
have experienced since 2000 have
left our national conscience bleeding for a
cure. But why is healing so
difficult dispite many wounds calling for
healing in
Zimbabwe?
Governance in Zimbabwe is exclussive to politcians. There is
virtually no
room for citizens outside politics to play a significant role
in national
healing. This weakness of excluding citizens in national debate
is not
confined to ZANU PF alone; it is shared by the MDC as well. In the
very
recent past the MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai has consistently
threatened
never to get involved in talks with ZANU PF unless the mediation
team is
widened to include envoys from the AU and SADC. He never set as a
precondition the inclussion of Zimbabwean civil society in the mediation
process. The absence of civil society means the resultant political
agreement will go only as far as sharing power and will do little to
completely overhaul Zimbabwe's political infrastructure. The impending
agreement will mirror the Lancaster House agreement that gave our
politicians power without giving us freedom and the 1987 Unity Accord that
imposed unity without reconciliation. It is not addressing the causes of the
problems and doing nothing to ensure the crisis will not recur again. There
is no acknowledgement that something has gone terribly wrong with the manner
in which we handle our politics. Neither is there any determination towards
a major paradigm shift in politics and governance.
Whilst in Europe
recently, I had the chance to visit Mauthausen
Concentration Camp that was
set up in Austria by the Nazi regime in 1940.
The death toll in the
Mauthausen complex is estimated at somewhere between
123 000 and 320 000.
Touring Mauthausen is like reliving the horrors of the
Holocaust. Many
people are depressed when they tour Mauthausen and many
other similar
concentration camps dotted around Eastern Europe. What is
refreshng,
however, is the proclamation issued by Presidents Truman of the
USA,
Churchill of Britain and Stalin of Russia at the end of WW2. There is
an
inscription with the signatures of the three leaders at Mauthausen where
they declared that such despicable atrocities should never happen again
anywhere in the world. Following the war, European leaders sought practical
ways of avoiding another political tragedy. In 1951, the European Coal and
Steel Community was formed which became the European Economic Community in
1957. The EEC became the European Union in 1993 and it keeps growing from
strength to strength. The result is a united and peaceful Europe to where
many Africans are dying to go. It started with a conscious acknowledgement
by their leaders that there was an urgent need to break with the past and
build a new political and economic dispensation based on respecting human
dignity. They opened space for civil society and ensured that democratic
governance ought to be the pride of Europe.
As for Zimbabwe we are
moving in circles. The chief reason why Zimbabwe
moves in circles is the
fact that politicians in our country make deals for
political survival and
not for the good of the people. We have had short
term solutions with far
reaching consequences. Now is the time for Mugabe
and Tsvangirai to declare
that the violence that we have seen in Zimbabwe
shall never be allowed to
recur again. Now is the time for Zimbabwe's church
leaders to declare that
the 'Egyptians' that we see today we shall never see
them again. Now is the
time for Zimbabwe to hear God saying 'You have dwelt
on this mountain long
enough, turn, set your journey.'
There is a high likelihood of a return
to violence and polarization in the
near future. The talks should have
focused on building institutions that
safeguard democracy. Already there are
talks of further constitutional
ammendments to enhance the power-sharing
deal. Had the NCA been part of the
deal then we could be talking of a new
democratic and people driven
constitutional process within a set timeframe.
We have a repeat of the
Lancaster House agreement when the constituion was
written by politicians
for the people. These talks offer Zimbabweans with a
great opportunity to
start a process that will lead us to a very bright and
prosperous future. It
is however sad that the chance is being squandered by
denying Zimbabweans
room at the negotiating table to heal old wounds and
chat a way forward. The
inclusion of civil society in talks is the surest
sign that Zimbabwe is
heading towards a new democratic dispensation. In the
face of the continued
exclusson of civil society in crucial talks, we remain
skeptical of what is
being discussed and the possible outcome.
We
call upon Zimbabweans and friends of Zimbabwe to support the Center for
Research and Development in its civic education program that aims at taking
the message of human rights, democracy and good governance to rural
Zimbabwe. Through civic education, Zimbabweans are inspired to build a
democratic future together. Despite the political hurdles, the CRD has
consistently carried out civic education workshops in rural Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe is our country, let's build it together
Farai Maguwu works
with the Center for Research and Development in Mutare.
He can be contacted
at fmaguwu@yahoo.com.
http://www.christianitytoday.com
We're hungry, angry, and depending on a sovereign God.
By a
Zimbabwean pastor-scholar | posted 7/24/2008 08:24AM
How long,
O Lord, must I call for help, but you do not listen? Or cry out
to you,
"Violence!" but you do not save? Why do you make me look at
injustice? Why
do you tolerate wrong? Destruction and violence are before
me; there is
strife, and conflict abounds. Therefore the law is paralyzed,
and justice
never prevails. The wicked hem in the righteous, so that justice
is
perverted. (Hab. 1:2-4)
Over the last five years, I have preached often from
Habakkuk. I stress the
fallenness of our world and the need to be realistic
about human wickedness.
But Habakkuk also stresses that history demands a
judgment. If God is just,
there must be a judgment one day - maybe not in
this life but certainly in
the life to come. God's answer to our struggles
with evil and evil men and
women in this world is, "The righteous will live
by faith - our loyalty to
God in spite of the godlessness of others." We're
getting lots of practice.
Daily life in Zimbabwe is the painful reality
of starvation, AIDS, and
violence. Most families are fortunate if they can
have one solid meal a day.
There is no food on the shelves, there are no
medicines in hospitals, and no
one can afford to buy from the
drugstores.
The last few months have therefore been a total nightmare for
my family (me,
my wife, our two daughters, our parents, and my HIV-positive
brother's
family), especially as the shortage of basic and essential
commodities has
reached critical levels. When you can find such staples as
sugar, maize
meal, cooking oil, flour, rice, and salt, the price is
ridiculously
unaffordable. When we get financial assistance, we cross over
the border to
buy supplies and withdraw cash.
Zimbabwe has become a
nation of beggars who spend more time looking for food
than working. Most
employees' monthly stipends would not be enough to meet
their transportation
budget to get to and from work. The majority of people
who still work walk
long distances because public transportation is too
expensive.
State
schools have lost almost all qualified teachers. Most factories that
had
already scaled down operations at the beginning of the year have not
opened
since the March elections. Those that have opened, often under threat
from
the ruling party supporters, have kept a skeleton staff.
Since the spring
election, we have noticed a dramatic increase in the number
of elderly
destitutes and children living on the street. Retirees are the
most affected
because over the last 10 years they have lost all their
savings and pension
benefits.
According to the United Nations food survey conducted in April
and May by
the World Food Program, an estimated 2 million people in Zimbabwe
need food
assistance. This number is expected to rise to 3.1 million by
October and
will shoot up to 5.1 million between January and March 2009. But
the
government has banned NGOs from distributing critical food and medical
aid.
The few who seem able to survive this food crisis are mostly
receiving
financial assistance from the Zimbabwean diaspora. To date, there
are more
than 2 million Zimbabweans in South Africa, most of them illegal
immigrants.
People do not know where to turn. In the last few weeks, we have
seen a
dramatic increase in the number of Zimbabweans illegally crossing
borders
into neighboring countries in search of employment and food. If by
the end
of the year the situation does not change, we might see the final
exodus of
the remaining skilled and professional labor force in the
country.
But a lack of food isn't the only danger: More and more people
are getting
killed and beaten up in both rural and urban areas. The culprits
are members
of the ruling ZANU-PF party; the victims are mostly supporters
of the
Tsvangirai-led Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The general
population
has become hopelessly fearful. This terror campaign by ZANU-PF is
already
estimated to have claimed 500 lives. David Coltart, the opposition
senator
and a human-rights lawyer, has described this as a deliberate and
systematic
attempt to wipe out an entire political group in order to
permanently
cripple the MDC. This has prompted the international monitors
Genocide Watch
to give Zimbabwe a "Stage 6" listing - the final stage before
political mass
murder.
To say that most Zimbabweans are angry,
frustrated, and hopeless is an
understatement. People are tired of politics.
They feel betrayed, lied to,
and taken for granted. They have lost the
energy to fight. At the election,
they had painfully gathered all their
remaining energy to clearly signal
their rejection of a status quo
characterized by political repression and
economic decay, but once again all
their hopes were dashed. All they want is
genuine political change that will
give them back their dignity as a people.
In one sense, Christians are
just as hungry and angry as everybody else. In
another sense, churches have
risen up to the mission challenge and have
become feeding centers for the
poor and a refuge for victims of political
violence. In Bulawayo, the second
largest city, a number of churches have
pulled their resources together to
provide health care to thousands of
residents who otherwise would go without
medical assistance.
We have some church leaders who are known supporters
of Robert Mugabe and
ZANU-PF, his political party. Such leaders have
obviously been isolated from
other church leaders, but they don't seem to
care.
Their support of Mugabe is perhaps because they have also benefited
from the
crisis, especially from the fast-tracts land reform initiative of
2000. Many
of us agree that land reform was inevitable. There was an urgent
need to
correct colonial imbalances, where 95 percent of the arable land was
in the
hands of 5 percent of the population. Our economy is agrarian and for
that
reason, land reform had to be handled sensitively and decisively so
that the
majority of Zimbabweans would have received the maximum economic
and social
benefit. But Mugabe went about doing this for personal political
gain.
In the recent past, Mugabe targeted pastors and the organizations
of
pastors. He hosted "spiritual rallies" that endorsed his party and made
veiled threats. The rallies promoted a general spirituality in which Mugabe
is both a political and a spiritual figure - the kind of spirituality
promoted by a notorious, ousted Harare Anglican bishop who claimed Mugabe
was like Jesus Christ.
This has not continued, but there are some
pastors who continue to be used
to legitimize Mugabe's presidency. For as
long as Mugabe holds onto power he
will use any means possible to achieve
this objective.
Church leaders who support Mugabe and ZANU-PF have tended
to discourage
people from speaking against the president by referring to
Romans 13.
However, most Christians believe that Romans 13 is about
leadership that
upholds God's law or is at least sympathetic to it - not
leaders who murder,
starve, and steal from those they are meant to
serve.
Leaders who have gone bad need to be rebuked for abuse of power,
authority,
and the trust of the people, instead of being celebrated and
praised for
bringing peace when there is no peace. Christians are called to
fear God and
not man, to penetrate and expose darkness by allowing the light
of Christ to
shine. That is why Christians cannot be popular with unjust
governments.
Pastors are preaching a lot about the sovereignty of God as
they try to help
their members make sense of the economic and political
crisis. The failure
of the people's vote to bring about change has helped
the church to strongly
believe that the sovereign Lord is the only one who
can bring change. It's
our duty to, among other things, pray as he
works.
We are very hopeful that the mediation efforts of the African
Union and the
Southern African Development Community will yield a positive
result. The
church is praying for a process that will bring together all the
key
players, not only political parties but also the church and civic
society.
The Zimbabwean church needs to play the prophetic, priestly, and
kingly role
with both wisdom and gentleness. A divided church is no good
when it comes
to speaking against injustices and corruption. We need a
united voice that
upholds God's standard of peace and justice. The church in
Zimbabwe must
come out of this crisis with its faith intact, purified, and
reflecting the
glory of Christ Jesus. It will very unfortunate if the church
in Zimbabwe
comes out of this crisis not believing better, not deeper in
theological
reflection, and not sharpened for service in any way.
The
author is president of a private college in Zimbabwe and John Stott
Ministries-Langham scholar. To protect him, we have withheld his name.
SW
Radio Africa (London)
24 July 2008
Posted to the web 24 July
2008
Alex Bell
As members of Zimbabwe's political elite
finally sat down for talks in South
Africa on Thursday, many of their fellow
citizens who sought refuge in the
country are facing deportation back to the
homes they fled as a result of
political violence.
Hundreds of
immigrants, including a vast number of Zimbabweans were forcibly
removed
from the Glenada refugee centre in Johannesburg on Tuesday, after
failing to
meet Monday's deadline to register for temporary South African ID
cards. The
group was sheltering at the camp after a spate of xenophobic
violence swept
through the country earlier this year, leaving more than 60
foreign
nationals dead and tens of thousands displaced.
The temporary ID
cards were set up as a precautionary measure by South
Africa's Home Affairs
department to allow victims of the xenophobic violence
another 6 months stay
in the country - with warnings that deportations would
be the next measure
if people failed to register.
But the registration process at the Glenada
shelter was interrupted last
Wednesday by an outbreak of violence when four
men, believed to be security
guards, were held hostage by the camp's
residents. 23 foreigners were
injured after the police, called in to diffuse
the situation, fired rounds
of rubber bullets at protesting refugees. 700
foreigners were forcibly
removed from the shelter on Tuesday and taken to a
repatriation centre where
they are facing deportation.
Anna Moyo from
the Zimbabwe Exiles Forum told Newsreel on Thursday that many
refugees have
not registered because they feel "they cannot trust the South
African
government to deliver after 6 months in getting them permanent
status". She
added that some of the foreigners already hold asylum seeker
cards and
refugee status and were afraid "the ID cards would force them to
forfeit
that status".
Amnesty International has now accused the South African
Government of
violating its obligations under international law and has
called for a full
investigation into what it has called "excessive force" by
the police who
orchestrated Tuesday's mass removal. The organisation also
condemned the way
officials had "denied access to adequate food" to those
who failed to go
through the registration process at Glenada. It also called
on the
government to uphold its human rights obligations and not forcibly
return
asylum seekers, and others in need of international protection, to
the
countries they had fled.
The Zimbabwe Refugees Forum has also
condemned the removal of the refugees
from the Glenada shelter and the South
African's government's treatment of
xenophobic attack victims. The forum has
now appealed to Home Affairs
Minister Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula to immediately
halt the deportation of
Zimbabweans and other victims of the
attacks.
Moyo said the government has previously established a moratorium
on
deportations and the deporting of foreigners, particularly Zimbabweans,
would not only be "contrary to what has previously been declared" but also
"in violation of the constitution and the country's refugee
laws".
Meanwhile as the outcry over the treatment of the refugees
continues, a
recent survey done by South Africa's TNS Research Survey group
revealed on
Thursday that the majority of South Africans do not want
refugees in the
country. The views of two thousand South African adults from
across the
country were recorded last month about President Thabo Mbeki's
role as
mediator in the Zimbabwe crisis and the impact it has had on South
African
life. The question of whether Zimbabweans should be allowed to stay
in the
country was also posed, but almost three out of every four
respondents felt
they should not, while only 29 percent said they
should.
Moyo said the survey is clearly reflective of "the situation on
the ground
where South Africans feel foreigners are imposing on their own
rights". She
added that "when the government is deporting foreign nationals
it is echoing
the sentiments of many South Africans".