Irish Examiner
25 July 2008
By Marius Bosch,
Johannesburg
Senior negotiators from Zimbabwe's main opposition
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) and the ruling ZANU-PF party began
talks yesterday
and a report indicated they were close to reaching a deal on
forming a unity
government.
The talks were underway
yesterday, South African President Thabo Mbeki's
spokesman, Mukoni
Ratshitanga, said.
Senior MDC officials and two Zimbabwean cabinet
ministers were leading
the rival negotiating teams, meeting at an
undisclosed venue around the
South African capital Pretoria.
Preliminary talks began on Tuesday after Mbeki secured a framework
deal
between President Robert Mugabe and MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai for
talks
to end the deadlock over Mugabe's re-election on June 27 in a poll
boycotted
by the opposition because of violence.
Ratshitanga said even if
negotiators missed a two-week deadline set
under the framework agreement, it
did not mean the end of talks.
The main aim of the Pretoria talks
will be the creation of a
government of national unity, but the two sides
differ on who should lead it
and how long it should stay in
power.
South African newspaper Business Day reported yesterday that
both
sides are close to reaching a deal but still need to iron out details.
The
paper said a final settlement can be reached soon, as the sides had
agreed
on many issues: "They have agreed on most of the issues, except
mainly the
framework for a new government. The deal is basically done, but
what remains
are a few issues of detail, implementation and
logistics."
Zimbabwean political analyst Eldred Masunungure said a
breakthrough
was possible as the rival parties had been talking under
mediation led by
the South African president since March last
year.
"A breakthrough is a reasonable possibility, even in two
weeks.
"This is essentially the second phase of the SADC-mediated
process,
the first phase having started in March 2007," Masunungure
said.
Mbeki was appointed by regional grouping the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) to mediate between the Zimbabwean parties. He
had been increasingly criticised, especially by the MDC, which accused him
of taking too soft a line with Mugabe.
As part of the framework
deal, the rival parties agreed to a media
blackout but Zimbabwe's
state-owned Herald newspaper reported MDC and
ZANU-PF's negotiators flew to
South Africa on the same flight on Wednesday.
VOA
By Blessing Zulu
Washington
24 July 2008
Ending 48 hours of delays, Zimbabwean
power-sharing talks between the
country's ruling ZANU-PF party and both
formations of the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change got under way
Thursday at an undisclosed
location in the South African capital of
Pretoria.
Spokesman Mukoni Ratshitanga of the office of South African
President Thabo
Mbeki, who is mediating the negotiations, said the talks had
started and
expressed confidence they would quickly conclude. But he said
this might not
necessarily happen in two weeks as stated in the memorandum
of understanding
signed Monday setting broad terms for the
discussions.
Mr. Mbeki, in France for a South Africa-European Union
summit, was expected
to urge EU officials to drop sanctions against top
Harare officials
including President Robert Mugabe and Reserve Bank Governor
Gideon Gono in
the interest of encouraging an agreement.
Sources in
Pretoria and Harare say a deal could be reached soon as these
talks pick up
from an earlier round launched in March 2007 which hit a
dead-end in January
of this year. These sources say the parties had agreed
on issues including
Western sanctions, land reform and a new constitution
before Mr. Mugabe
refused to make some key compromises.
But political observers say the
very nature of the power-sharing arrangement
contemplated in the talks
agenda presents a formidable challenge. The
ZANU-PF politburo resolved this
week that it will insist on a full-term
government of national unity, while
many in the opposition want a
transitional authority which would set up new
elections within two years.
Political analyst John Makumbe of the
University of Zimbabwe told reporter
Blessing Zulu of VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe that accord on such fundamental
points has been elusive.
Mail and Guardian
Jul 25 2008
06:00
The secret talks in progress between Morgan
Tsvangirai and Robert Mugabe are
not a "new dawn" for Zimbabwe, as some
South African media seem to imagine.
And they have very little to do with
President Thabo Mbeki's diplomacy.
Mugabe has been forced to the
negotiating table by Zimbabwe's visibly
disintegrating economy and his
growing isolation in Africa and the region.
He has few remaining friends, no
legitimacy and no answer to the profound
crises he has
precipitated.
With famine knocking on the door and inflation now
estimated at 2,2-million
percent, it will not help him to jail the business
executives he accuses of
conspiring against him or hand over Western
companies to the Chinese, as he
has wildly threatened to do. He can use
violence to decimate the opposition
and steal an election, but his thugs
cannot feed the Zimbabwean masses. If
he saw any way of avoiding
negotiations, he would surely have gone for it.
As the endless parleys
between Israel and the Palestinians bear out, the
talks will not necessarily
bring a meaningful settlement. Given Mugabe's
addiction to power, his aim is
almost certainly to incorporate opposition
elements into a government he
continues to dominate, as a ploy to buy
legitimacy and economic
aid.
Power-sharing on its own will solve nothing -- the first step must
be to
strip him and his securocrats of executive power and place management
of the
economy in different hands. There must be agreement about the
immediate
repeal of oppressive laws, the dismantling of Zanu-PF's apparatus
of violent
repression and the drafting of a new Constitution that will
entrench human
rights, including property rights, and the rule of
law.
It is almost impossible to envisage Mugabe agreeing to such
measures. But
anything short of them will not permit the outside world to
recognise a new
Zimbabwean government and weigh in with the economic
assistance the country
so desperately needs.
There should be no
illusions: whatever the shape of any settlement it will
be years before the
country regains economic and political health. This is
the main charge
against Mbeki: through years of appeasement -- let's call
"quiet diplomacy"
by its correct name -- he has been complicit in the
systematic destruction
of Zimbabwe's democratic institutions and an economy
that once fed much of
the region. The South African argument against harsher
inducements has
always been that ordinary Zimbabweans would suffer. Could
their suffering
have been worse?
The hope is that the leaders of the MDC will not be
seduced by the promise
of government employment into an "elite pact" that
betrays the interests of
the Zimbabwean people. Mbeki no doubt wishes to
parade a quick settlement
before the world as a vindication of his
diplomacy. One can expect him also
to be less than scrupulous about the
democratic substance of what is agreed.
He has always been more interested
in shoring up Zanu-PF, albeit with more
moderate policies, than in the
wishes of ordinary Zimbabweans.
Whether the talks yield an agreement
within the scheduled two weeks is not
the issue. If they fail to lay the
foundations for meaningful change, they
are not worth the candle.
http://www.nehandaradio.com
25
July 2008
By Catherine Makoni
We often like to say that history
holds important lessons for us, but as it
turns out we are seldom willing to
learn. In recent years one of the most
horrific periods in Africa's history
was the genocide in Rwanda. With the
true horror of those hundred days
having been revealed, the world, its
collective conscience stricken with
remorse and guilt, swore-"never again".
How soon we forget. A few years
on and the world is once again confronted
with the extermination of hundreds
of thousands of people in another part of
Africa-Darfur. It is being called
upon to act and act decisively. As before,
there is still haggling over
whether what is happening in Darfur is
genocide. There is not end to the
excuses that have been used in the years
since the conflict first came to
light. The world is doing it again.
The point of this paper is not to
talk about Darfur or Rwanda, but to talk
about learning from the lessons
that history holds for us in Zimbabwe. The
report of the Legal Resources
Foundation and the Catholic Commission for
Justice and Peace should be
mandatory reading for every Zimbabwean. It
details what has been
euphemistically described as the "Matabeleland
Disturbances". But
"disturbances" doesn't begin to cover the deaths of over
20 000
people.
A disturbance is when a dog barks in the night, waking you up
form your
sleep. It's annoying, but hardly fatal. It could even be when two
neighbours
exchange words over the cutting down of a tree on a common
border. At worst,
in these days of accommodation shortages, it might your
landlord telling you
he now wants his rentals paid in hard currency
resulting in an argument. It's
nasty, it's uncomfortable, it's inconvenient
(when you get evicted) but it
is rarely life threatening. It is not a
"disturbance" when 62 people are
lined up and shot-execution style as
happened at Cwele River in Lupane. It
is not a disturbance when a government
to flush out less than 200 so-called
dissidents, brings nearly 400 000
people to the brink of starvation by
banning all food relief activities and
imposing a strict curfew on the
movement of food supplies. All this in the
third successive year of a severe
drought where people had no food apart
from drought relief from donors and
what they could buy in stores.
A
comparison of the events of those years to the events of the weeks leading
up to the June 27th election shows some startling similarities. It is clear
that the ruling party has drawn numerous lessons from history. I will
highlight just a few. Banning of independent media? That's nothing new.
During the period 1983-1987, journalists were banned from certain areas of
Matabeleland and the Midlands. No news on the crisis was getting out to the
rest of the country except government. For a lot of us in the country, we
swallowed hook, line and sinker the propaganda that we were fed, that the
government was fighting a legitimate war against some dissidents bent on
destabilising the country, never realising that at the same time, the
government was also waging a brutal war against its own unarmed
people.
The ban on food relief and other humanitarian activities as was
done by the
Minister of Labour and Social Welfare, before the run off? That
too is
nothing new. In January 1984, the deployment of the Fifth Brigade
coincided
with a strict curfew being imposed on stores in Mat South and a
ban on all
food relief activity. Food is a useful tool to ensure compliance,
especially
when people have few or no options.
What about
disappearances and kidnappings? During the run up to the run off,
there were
increased incidents of kidnappings. This too is nothing new. At
one time it
was the modus operandi of choice of the Fifth Brigade. The CCJP
report notes
that throughout the conflict, "there were cases of people who
disappeared.
These became more common from mid-1983 onwards, and were at
their worst
during 1985. This was an election year, and in early 1985,
possibly hundreds
of people were detained under mysterious circumstances in
the middle of the
night. Some of these were later released, but others have
never been seen
again to this day.
These people are believed to have been taken mainly by
CIO and PISI." It is
clear that kidnapping, torture and murder were lessons
well learnt by those
responsible for crafting the re-election strategy of
the ruling party. This
strategy has been employed consistently in all the
election periods from
1985 to date. When there is fear of being kidnapped
and murdered, you learn
not to participate in anything that might put you at
risk.
How about the militia/ war vets/youth brigade? Well, no prizes for
guessing
that this too was a lesson well learnt from the ruling party's
history. CCJP
reports that "from late 1984, there was an increase in
violence in urban
centres as well as in rural areas. This was related to the
upcoming election
(1985), and was once more aimed at ZAPU supporters rather
than at
dissidents. The ZANU-PF Youth Brigades were responsible for much of
this
violence..ZANU-PF Youth were modelled on the Chinese Red Guard, and
were
groups of young men who forced people to attend ZANU-PF rallies, buy
ZANU-PF
cards, and who beat anyone who stood in their way.
Between
June 1984 and August 1985, they caused extensive damage ..This left
around
4000 homeless, hundreds injured and scores of people dead." Sounds
chillingly similar to what we saw happen in the period leading up to the
June 27th run off. How many people were frog marched to attend
"re-education" and reorientation camps? How many people were forced to buy
party cards and how many still were forced to wear or display ZANU PF
regalia?
What about the torture methods that were employed? Nothing
new there in
terms of the underlying thinking behind the torture. The point
has been made
about the Gukurahundi that "all the techniques were calculated
to maximise
terror, pain, grief and humiliation. The soldiers [ read CIO,
youth militia,
war vets, hit squads]..set out to injure and mutilate human
beings, to kill
them, but to do so in such evil cruel ways that the scars
would be indelibly
etched in memories for generations to come. ..intended to
leave this
civilian population with fear for the rest of their lives, for
the horror to
be so great that they would pass the fear down to subsequent
generations.
This is how he believed he would manage discontent in the
region, and hold
onto power indefinitely." I would argue that this was the
same thinking that
informed the horrific acts of torture that were inflicted
on people
suspected of being MDC sympathisers after March 29, 2008 including
gouging
out the eyes, cutting off the hands, burning people alive, cutting
out
people's tongues and genitals and burning people's hands.
On
December 22 1987, PF ZAPU and ZANU PF signed a unity agreement which
signalled the end of the violence. ZAPU and ZANU merged and the formation
became known as ZANU PF. Given the almost one sided violence that had
preceded the agreement, it appears to me that ZAPU was bludgeoned into
submission and so a government of national unity was forged. That Unity
Accord created a one-party state and that one party? ZANU PF. It therefore
marked the end of ZAPU as an opposition party. Therein lies the first
pitfall. A GNU does not mean we all start belonging to one political party.
There can be unity in diversity. We must put an end to political intolerance
which believes that unless you belong to my party, you do not have a right
to live.
Pitfall two; a government of national unity as defined by
the ruling party
is one in which the ruling party calls the shots. It is a
method of
co-opting members of the opposition and thereby compromising them.
Offer
them a few cabinet posts and neutralise them. There goes the
opposition. Yet
if there is one thing Zimbabwe needs, it is a viable
opposition. Even if,
dare l say it, the identities of the parties were
reversed?
The third lesson lies in the popularly acknowledged meaning of
the word
"peace", being not the absence of war, but the presence of justice.
The CCJP
report notes that "many people say that true national unity was not
achieved, that only a few leaders have benefited, and not the ordinary
people who suffered through these years. People have said that true unity
cannot take place until the Government is prepared to admit what happened
and to discuss it openly." A great disservice was done to the long term
recovery of Zimbabwe and Zimbabweans in the interest of short term, short
sighted "peace". The peace that was achieved was never going to be
sustainable because no one ever bothered to ensure that conditions were
created that would ensure that the 5 year "moment of madness" would never
happen again.
Amnesty was granted in 1988 to all and sundry including
those people who
were guilty of gross violations of human rights. At the
time of writing, the
authors of the report made the important point that "it
is important that
those responsible for human rights violations be removed
from positions
which may enable them to violate human rights again in the
future.." That
was never done, indeed those who were responsible for human
rights
violations then are the same people who have been implicated in human
rights
violations now. So we have come full circle now. Will the proposed
GNU put
an end to impunity? There can be no lasting peace unless the State
terror
machinery is dismantled. Mr Welshman Ncube must surely understand
demands
for reform of the judiciary.
I want the court to be a forum
for enforcing my constitutionally guaranteed
rights as a citizen of this
country not a partisan forum used to hand out
extra-judicially determined
judgments. That is not what you taught me
Professor; back when you used to
teach Constitutional Law. Ms Priscilla
Misihairambwi-Mushonga, must get me
when l say I want every woman to feel
they can go the police and get
protection and not expect the police to be
the perpetrators of violence.
Isn't that what we used to fight for madam?
Back in the days when you used
to fight for women's human rights? Now Mr.
Mangoma, I have not heard you
speak but would like to think you are man who
is measured in his speech. The
public broadcaster should never be an
instrument of hatred, spewing racist,
tribalist and xenophobic hate language
in the partisan service of a few
individuals.
Now l am sure there are those in the MDC (both formations),
for whom being
an MP is their means of earning a living. Now a nice, plum
token cabinet
post would be very welcome right about now, thank you. So who
cares about a
little detail such as the 105 people who died as a result of
holding
different political views? I mean 20 000 people have died before and
there
has been no justice for them either has there? This proposed political
settlement had better not be aimed at benefiting a few people high in the
MDC party structures. This is why l am all for having the negotiated
settlement be a transitional arrangement that is time-bound. At the end of
that period, not more than 12 -18 months, we should have conditions for free
and fair elections. In the fullest sense.
The authors of the CCJP
report make the important point that "unity is a
good thing to aim for, to
try and truly bring together people from different
regions of the country.
This is for the sake of all our children who may
otherwise face violence in
the future. Such unity only seems likely if all
Zimbabweans face up to what
happened ..and take steps to prevent government
soldiers (read to also mean
JOC, CIO, militias, war vets and youth brigades)
from ever torturing
civilians again in Zimbabwe."
The violence we have experienced in the
years since 1987 has been a result
of the failure at that time, to take
steps to prevent the use of those
institutions of the State to inflict
torture on unarmed civilians, all in
the service of a few individuals. ZAPU
failed to demand a reform of State
Institutions. Perhaps that was because
once they got a taste of power and
all the perks that came with it, calls
for democracy soon became an
irritating inconvenience. Perhaps that is why
we have people who were once
at the receiving end of persecution for their
political beliefs, now being
worse perpetrators. The MDC (both formations)
should not make that mistake
again. We should reign in those who would make
deals motivated by self
interest.
A reform of institutions should
ensure a return of the culture of
accountability and an end to impunity. Mr
Tendai Biti, this can start with
scrapping all laws that have been used to
perpetuate abuse of people's human
rights and freedoms. Please make sure
that the violence preceding the June
29 election farce is properly
investigated and the perpetrators punished.
Give victims of violence a
voice. Amnesties and Presidential pardons have
been abused in this country
and this has bred a culture of impunity. I will
again reiterate the demands
made by CCJP and Legal Resources Foundation all
those years ago. Those found
guilty of human rights abuses should never be
put/or remain in positions
where they can again at some future point murder,
rape and plunder. Ever.
That mistake was made once. It should not be made
again.
A simple and
yet profound statement is made by the authors of the
Gukurahundi report who
state that "This story is not just about the past,
but about how the past
affects the present. There are many problems that
remain in communities as a
result of what happened..." Mr. Arthur Mutambara,
it is a false peace that
does not acknowledge that there are many whose
loved ones disappeared and
have not been seen since and whose souls cry out
everyday for closure and
healing. It is a false peace that ignores the
demands for recompense of
those who have been mutilated and who now must
live with disability. It is a
false peace which ignores the cries of a four
year old child whose mother
was murdered in front of his very eyes. We want
a society which upholds the
sanctity of life, not leaders who refer to
fellow human beings as "tsvina"
(dirt) (as in Operation Murambatsvina) or
"hundi" (chaff) (as in
Gukurahundi)
Finally, Mr Tsvangirai "peace is not an absence of war; it
is a virtue, a
state of mind, a disposition for benevolence (kindness,
compassion),
confidence (belief or trust in somebody to act in a proper,
trustworthy or
reliable manner), justice (fairness especially in the way
people are
treated)" Don't make all those people who voted for you and who
died in
pursuit of democratic ideals regret ever placing their trust in
you.
New Zimbabwe
By
Alex T. Magaisa
Last updated: 07/25/2008 23:53:26
THERE is a sense, after
the so-called 'Historic Handshake' between Morgan
Tsvangirai and Robert
Mugabe on 21 July 2008, that Zimbabwe has reached an
'oasis
moment'.
It is that point in a long and treacherous trip in the Sahara
when, thirsty
and weary, one suddenly sees a canopy of palm trees in the
distant horizon,
a sign that, perhaps, finally you have come across an
oasis, a source of
renewal.
Such moments invoke an eclectic mixture
of emotions - hopes, dreams and
also, fears. One is energised by the thought
of salvation from the torture
of the desert elements. But there is also the
fear that the oasis may be no
more than a mirage; that fatigue may be the
great impediment to reaching the
oasis. That is why, in the language of the
desert, they talk of dying of
thirst when the palm trees appear in the
horizon.
And so it is that for the first time in ten years, a troubled
journey of few
highs and many lows, Zimbabweans can see the palm trees in
the horizon. But
their reaction to the signing of the Memorandum of
Understanding (MoU) for
negotiations between the country's political rivals
is laced with cautious
optimism or to put it more bluntly,
scepticism.
That is not surprising. For a people failed so many times
before by
politicians, scepticism is the best insurance policy against
likely
disappointment. You do not raise your hopes too high. You always
leave room
in your heart to say, 'Anyway, I knew it would never work'.
Zimbabweans have
been mentally scarred too many times before; they have seen
lofty dreams
turn into nightmares. So, now, they say, simply, 'tege-e
tichiona' (we will
wait and see).
But beyond questions over the
sincerity and genuine will of the politicians,
there is something else that
is not obvious in the equation of Zimbabwe's
future that will determine the
success or failure of this current endeavour.
It is the fact that
Zimbabwean politicians, let alone the Zimbabwean
citizens generally, no
longer hold the country's economic fate in their own
hands. One of the
consequences of Zanu PF's failures is that it has so
impoverished the people
and made them so powerless and left the country ever
more vulnerable to the
whims of external forces.
There is the circumstance, therefore, that a
political deal between
Zimbabweans will, ultimately, depend on whether it is
deemed acceptable by
the international community and in particular, the
economically powerful
West. And there is no guarantee that it will.
Zimbabweans thus face a
scenario where their politicians might agree to do a
deal but find,
ultimately, that it will not be deemed acceptable by some
members of the
community of nations. Africa is likely to take any deal that
ensures some
stability. It is not clear that the West would take the same
position.
Zimbabwe's economic collapse has resulted largely from poor
policies,
incompetence and corruption on the part of government. But it also
suffered
heavily from financial and economic ostracisation in the community
of
nations.
Although the mantra is that Zimbabwe is subjected only to
targeted travel
and financial sanctions against select members of the
Zimbabwe government,
the reality is that Zimbabwe as a country has largely
been ostracised by the
international financial institutions and
multi-lateral development banks.
By September 2000, international
financial institutions and multi-lateral
development banks, including the
IMF, had effectively shut avenues for
financial support and credit to
Zimbabwe, except, perhaps for humanitarian
purposes. They certainly had
their good reasons for taking those measures
but this exclusion combined
with local incompetence and corruption to cause
a brutally slow and painful
demise of the Zimbabwean economy.
A closer look at one of the key
legislative instruments that provide a
backdrop to the financial
ostracisation, namely the US Congress' Zimbabwe
Democracy and Economic
Recovery Act (ZIDERA), gives some indication as to
why the outcome of the
talks is, ultimately, dependent on the goodwill and
support of the
international community.
ZIDERA effectively blocks, through the executive
directors representing the
US in international financial institutions,
"support that is intended to
promote Zimbabwe's economic recovery and
development, the stabilisation of
the Zimbabwe dollar, and the viability of
Zimbabwe's democratic
institutions".
This is, it must be emphasised,
a separate set of measures from the targeted
travel sanctions against
individuals as provided for under Section 6 of
ZIDERA and which this article
does not specifically address.
Any change to the US policy in respect of
economic support from the
international financial institutions under this
law ultimately rests on the
certification by the US President that certain
conditions have been
satisfied in Zimbabwe. These conditions
include:
. restoration of the rule of law, which includes respect for
property rights
and the cessation of Government-backed violence;
. that
there is an internationally-monitored and recognised free and fair
presidential election in accordance with international standards;
.
equitable, legal and transparent land reform program consistent with
agreements of the 1998 Donors' Conference;
. End to involvement in the
DRC war;
. Demilitarisation of the civil arms of government and subordination
of the
military to the civilian government.
It follows, therefore,
that, unless these conditions are satisfied, there
remains the possibility
that US policy would not change. In this particular
case, it is unlikely
that an internationally monitored and acceptable
presidential election will
be held in the short term and may, at best, only
come at the end of a
transitional period.
If the US were to insist that this condition must be
fulfilled to the letter
before dispensing with the financial/economic
restrictions towards Zimbabwe,
that might well strangle the new baby at
birth. If the transitional
authority remains cut-off from the channels of
support from international
financial institutions, and multi-lateral
development banks, its stability
and prospects of economic recovery will be
severely limited.
The trouble is neither Zanu PF nor the MDC have the
capacity to determine
the policy decisions of the US and the EU in these
matters. They have their
own reasons for imposing the sanctions and they
also have their own domestic
constituencies to account to for their actions.
For this reason, the
situation is that talks will have to address the issues
raised not simply by
Zimbabweans but also those issues that may be raised by
the West. The
possibility of clashes is not insignificant.
Yet the
threat of sanctions requires careful treatment. It remains a potent
tool for
the MDC in the negotiations, a dagger above the head of Zanu PF
which impels
them to negotiate and find common ground. That's because the
sanctions
regime effectively strengthens the hand of Zanu PF's greatest
challenger -
the economy.
Mugabe can fight his human foes. He has shown that. But he
knows also that
there is one foe; one dogged challenger who won't give up -
he knows the
economy is the hardest of punchers. In boxing parlance, they
would probably
say the economy is now throwing a series of combinations and
Mugabe is
hanging on the ropes, unable to defend, let alone fight back,
waiting
desperately for the bell, a bell that will give him a breather. That
bell
will energise him to, perhaps, make another remarkable comeback. That
is why
talks are important to him and Zanu PF. The talks are to Mugabe what
the
bell is to the beleaguered boxer.
But will the transitional
arrangement survive the vagaries of the two-year
dry economic season, if the
West does not accept the deal? The conception of
the talks paraded amid
smiles and handshakes; the birth and immediate
aftermath could be a more
sombre affair; a lot, perhaps, like the millions
of African babies who
appear only briefly to catch a glimpse of the world
and then are seen no
more. But, as always, we wait in hope, cautious hope.
Alex Magaisa is
based at Kent Law School, The University of Kent, UK and can
be contacted at
wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
July 24, 2008
By Arthur G.O.
Mutambara
THE signing of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) among the
key political
parties in Zimbabwe on July 21, 2008, presented a unique and
historic
occasion where national leaders showed political maturity by
committing
themselves to a dialogue process. It is important to make a few
observations
that will enable all of us to put everything into perspective
and context.
There is always the danger of missing the forest for the
trees.
The MoU we signed in Zimbabwe is a very important document as it
allowed us
to begin negotiations on matters affecting our people. There is a
political,
economic and humanitarian crisis of immense proportion in our
country. More
importantly, there is an unprecedented political stalemate.
The process we
have started will result in a political settlement to this
impasse, thus
allowing Zimbabweans to collectively fashion a new
beginning.
Key activities will include addressing the humanitarian
aspects of the
crisis, and adopting mechanisms to salvage, recover and
stabilize the
economy. These dialogue outcomes we are determined to
accomplish within two
weeks from the July 21. Let me emphasize that the
political agreement and
the redemptive socio-economic plan we seek to
achieve in these negotiations
constitute a short-term measure in pursuit of
the resolution of our national
challenges. This stop-gap effort is neither
the sustainable answer nor the
long-term solution to our dire
circumstances.
Beyond the political agreement and adoption of a
collective plan of action,
we need to execute a program of national healing
and rehabilitation for our
people. This cannot be done in two weeks. What
happened in our country in
the past four months has traumatized our
citizens. Our people have been
brutalized and dehumanized. The culture and
practice of our country's
politics have been taken back twenty years. There
is need for public
meetings such as the one we had in Harare on July 21,
2008, throughout the
country in every city, and in every village.
The
Zimbabwean political leaders we had on that hotel stage, Robert Mugabe,
Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, must address rallies together and
say jointly to the people of Zimbabwe: "It is okay to belong to different
political parties. It is okay to vote for whomsoever you wish, and yes the
will of the people shall be supreme, respected, and sovereign." This has to
be the jointly presented message from these political leaders to all
citizens. Only then can the national healing process start.
The
political settlement we seek to achieve in the current dialogue process
is
just the beginning of an arduous journey. We need a longer and more
inclusive conversation among Zimbabweans. In addition to agreeing on the
borders of our country, and agreeing on the name of the country, why can't
we have a constitution that we all defend and revere? A people driven
democratic constitution should be the basis of a sustainable solution to our
national problems. With this foundational legal framework in place, the
journey towards a peaceful, democratic and prosperous Zimbabwe can then
begin. Such a constitution cannot be achieved in two weeks, only a
commitment to the requisite processes and timeframes of its development is
possible.
Furthermore, why can't we have a shared economic vision, a
20-30 year
economic vision for our country? This, the Promised Land, must be
developed,
discussed and agreed upon by all political parties, civic society
organizations, the business community, and the general population at large.
There must be total buy in and ownership of this uniquely Zimbabwean
economic vision by all national stakeholders.
However, the conception
of the vision must be buttressed by creative and
intelligent borrowing and
learning from other successful economies and
cultures. Beyond economic
stabilization and recovery, why can't we envisage
economic transformation of
Zimbabwe into a globally competitive economy, in
twenty years time, in terms
of GDP, per capita income, entrepreneurship,
business growth, exports,
productivity, competitiveness, financial literacy,
and quality of life? We
can then disagree and compete on strategies and
tactics of achieving that
common vision. The envisioning process cannot be
done in two weeks. The most
we can do is commit to the concept and
principle, while defining the
necessary processes.
In conclusion, the pursuit of a short-term
socio-economic-political solution
we are currently engaged in, and the
efforts to address the long-term issues
I have outlined above, must be
driven by the national interest. This is not
about Arthur Mutambara and his
small political party. It is not about Morgan
Tsvangirai and his party. It
is not about Robert Mugabe and his party. It is
about the people of
Zimbabwe.
As we negotiate and discuss amongst ourselves, we must put the
national
interest first, before self-interest and petty political party
ambitions. We
must be driven by what is good for the people of Zimbabwe. The
best
interests of our current and future citizens should be at the core of
our
value system. We must start thinking in terms of a cross-party
generational
agenda where we subordinate partisan interests to the national
interest.
Resolving both the short- and long-term problems affecting our
country
constitutes our generational mandate.
We shall rise to the
challenge.
(Arthur G.O. Mutambara is the president of his faction of the
Movement for
Democratic Change)
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Cuthbert Nzou
Friday 25 July 2008
HARARE - More hurdles, among them Western
sanctions and the security of
President Robert Mugabe's henchmen who oversaw
his violent re-election in
June, are expected to hobble talks between
Zimbabwe's ruling and opposition
parties that began in earnest in
neighbouring South Africa on Thursday.
Political analysts had predicted
the greatest threat to the power-sharing
talks between Mugabe's ruling ZANU
PF party and opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai's MDC party to come from
the issue of who will lead a new
government of national unity.
But
sources from within the two feuding parties said they were as equally
divided over Western sanctions - imposed on Mugabe and his top officials
five years ago and further tightened this week - farm seizures and the fate
of ZANU PF hardliners accused of murdering at least 120 MDC supporters and
displacing 200 000 others since March.
"Prior to the signing of the
MOU (memorandum of understanding on talks), the
negotiators had agreed on a
wide range of issues that forms part of the
current agenda, except on
sanctions and the land question," one of the
sources said.
"The other
issue, surprisingly not on the agenda, is the fate of
perpetrators of
political violence," said our source, who spoke on condition
he was not
named because all parties to the dialogue are under oath not to
discuss the
talks with the media.
In a statement released on the eve of the signing
of the MOU, the MDC's
policy coordinator Eddie Cross summed up the party's
position regarding
senior ZANU PF and government officials as well as
military commanders
accused of committing violence.
"Clearly there is
no place for these men and women of violence and
corruption in any
transitional administration. That is a key subject that
the mediators will
have to attend to and resolve," wrote Cross.
The agenda for the
inter-party talks include setting out the objectives and
priorities of a new
government, a new constitution, restoration of economic
stability and
growth, land reform and sanctions.
Mugabe accuses Tsvangirai - who he
labels a puppet of the West - of calling
on the United States and the
European Union (EU) to impose sanctions on his
government and has in the
past repeatedly urged the MDC leader to tell
Washington and Brussels to lift
the sanctions.
The MDC denies campaigning for sanctions and says only the
Western
governments have the power to scrap the visa and financial bans
imposed on
Mugabe and his top officials.
In a hint of how critical
the issue of sanctions was to the success or
failure of dialogue,
Agriculture Minister Rugare Gumbo on Wednesday accused
the EU of seeking to
foil talks after the bloc this week announced it was
imposing further
sanctions on more individuals and businesses close to
Mugabe.
Angola,
a close ally of Mugabe's administration, also this week called on
the West
to lift sanctions on Zimbabwe's leadership to aid the dialogue
process.
Disagreement over land reform centred on whether ZANU PF
officials who
grabbed most of the best farms seized from whites will be able
to keep these
lucrative properties under the unity government or even under
a possible MDC
administration in the future.
ZANU PF and the MDC
agree in principle on the need for land reform but the
two parties differ
sharply on the methodology of farm redistribution.
The MDC says Mugabe's
land reforms have been chaotic, corrupt and have
benefited greedy top
government, ZANU PF and military officials some of whom
ended up with as
many as six farms each regardless of the government's
stated
one-man-one-farm policy.
The opposition party has promised, if it wins
power, to carry out a thorough
audit of the farming sector to identify those
who grabbed more than one farm
and were not fully utlising the
land.
ZANU PF says the land audit is merely a ploy by the MDC to retake
farms and
hand them over to their former white owners.
"At the talks,
Mugabe wants the MDC to make an undertaking that the land
reform programme
is irreversible," a ZANU PF politburo member said.
"Tsvangirai should also
ask his Western backers to lift the sanctions. We
expect him to do so even
before an agreement is in place."
However, the biggest obstacle in the
way of talks remained the issue of how
to structure the government of
national unity and what roles Mugabe and
Tsvangirai would play in the
administration.
ZANU PF reportedly wanted Mugabe to remain as executive
president, while
Tsvangirai becomes Prime Minister or a
vice-president.
But sources said Tsvangirai wanted to be appointed
executive prime minister
with Mugabe as a titular president in a 24-month
transitional arrangement
that would culminate in an election supervised by
the Southern African
Development Community and the African Union
(AU).
The sources said little differences were expected on the need for a
new
constitution as the protagonists had agreed to a draft supreme law in
January after eight month of talks, which collapsed after Mugabe
unilaterally announced the date of the March 29 harmonised
elections.
South African President Thabo Mbeki is chief facilitator of
the talks but
will work closely with a reference group comprising AU and
United Nations
officials. - ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by
Nokuthula Sibanda Friday 25 July 2008
HARARE - Reserve Bank
of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor Gideon Gono said on
Thursday he would soon
announce new cash withdrawal limits as well as put in
place new measures to
assist banks and the public grappling with cash
shortages for the past the
past three months.
Zimbabwe - also short of foreign currency - frequently
runs out of cash
because of runaway inflation, the highest in the world at
more than two
million percent and which has consumers requiring billions of
dollars to
purchase simple household goods such as bread or cooking
oil.
"As monetary authorities, we wish, to underscore that this
pre-implementation announcement is being done in the interest of re-assuring
stakeholders that definitely something is being done on the concerns that
come our way from the public," Gono said.
Gono, who only last week
unveiled a new 100 billion note in a bid to make
life easier for the public,
was not mum on what the new measures might
entail.
Under the central
the bank's regulations, people are only able to withdraw
100 billion dollars
a day, which is too little in a country where an average
family is said to
require nearly Z$14 trillion for basic goods and services
per
month.
The RBZ introduced new 10 million, 50 million 100 million and 250
million
dollar notes during the first quarter of this year.
However,
the notes are now worthless after annual inflation soared to 2.2
million
percent as Zimbabwe reels under an economic crisis that President
Robert
Mugabe blames on sanctions imposed by Western countries in a bid to
end his
iron grip on power.
Critics blame the economic meltdown on repression and
wrong polices by
Mugabe, such as his haphazard fast-track land reform
exercise that displaced
established white commercial farmers and replaced
them with either
incompetent or inadequately funded black farmers.
In
addition to hyperinflation, the economic meltdown is also dramatised by
shortages of food, fuel, electricity essential medicines and unemployment
above 80 percent. - ZimOnline
The Times
July 25, 2008
Here's
a brilliant money-making plan for Zimbabwe
Hugo Rifkind
I have a plan. I
think I can save Zimbabwe. I'm not saying I can do it
single-handedly.
Certainly, the groundwork has been done by Thabo Mbeki,
inserting himself
into the middle of that slightly gruesome hypocrisy
sandwich on Monday, as
Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai shook hands, and
smiled at each other
only with their mouths. That meeting could bring peace.
It could bring
stability. But it's not going to bring prosperity. They need
another plan
for that. And, like I said, I think I have one.
At almost the exact
moment that the meeting was taking place, Zimbabwe's
Reserve Bank issued its
first $100 billion note. It's not as much as it
sounds. The Zimbabwean
shopper will need four to buy a dozen eggs, and
another for his bus fare. On
paper, it's worth only slightly more than it is
as paper, that's to say
about 7p. But consider - on eBay, it's worth about
£40.
Think about
that. If Zimbabweans can only get to a computer to auction their
notes, they
can turn their $100 billion into, I think, nearly $57 trillion.
Do it again,
just the once, and they are into the realms of quadrillions.
Then
quintillions, sextillions, and all the others your calculator can't
cope
with. Septillions, octillions and vaudevillian rapscallion scullions.
Suddenly they're the new Russians. Notaphily to the rescue. Obviously, this
is not an endless supply of cash. The world only contains so many $100
billion notes and indeed, so many potential notaphilists prepared to buy
them. Still, for a time it could work a dream. Monopoly money leaves the
economy, real money comes in. That's good, isn't it? Anyone?
Anatole?
For all I know, Robert Mugabe clicked on this months ago. Maybe
that's how
he keeps himself in shiny marble bathrooms and grim shirts. A
cyberspace
Nero, fiddling on his laptop as Zimbabwe burns. It's a
complicated business.
Some $50 billion notes actually sell for more than
$100 billion notes, and
some $5billion notes sell for even more than them.
What do you call it, when
little notes are worth more than big ones? It
makes my brain feel like a
water balloon squashed in a fist. Economics with
motion sickness. In another
generation, Zimbabweans could be the best
mathematicians in the world.
http://zimbabwemetro.com
By Robert Tshuma-Financial Editor ⋅ ©
zimbabwemetro.com ⋅ July 24, 2008 ⋅
The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) will
early next week slash at least six
zeros from the local currency as it
grapples to fight hyperinflation,sources
have revealed.
Gono hinted
on the new move on Thursday when he said he would soon implement
reforms to
ease the effects of hyperinflation as consumers, retailers and
banks
struggle to make even simple transactions with a virtually worthless
currency.
The largest bank note a $100 billion dollar bill introduced
on Monday,
cannot buy a loaf of bread and retailers and banks have said it
has become
difficult to deal with the string of zeros on the
currency.
“The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe wishes to advise that appropriate
measures are
being put in place to address the current setbacks being faced
on the
currency front, as well as on financial and accounting systems,” said
Governor Gideon Gono.
“Accordingly, the next few days will see the
Reserve Bank unveiling measures
that would address concerns on the current
minimum cash withdrawal limits,
as well as with the IT systems digit
handling constraints.”
The RBZ deleted three zeros from the currency in
August 2006 but
hyperinflation has since forced the central bank to keep
issuing
higher-denomination notes.
Almost all banking software
applications in Zimbabwe cannot support a $100
000 000 000 (12 digits)
figure and fail at $1 trillion that has 15 digits.
Vienna company comes
under pressure,issues a statement
A Vienna-based software company Jura
JSP yesterday issued a statement on its
website distancing itself from the
RBZ money printing contract.
“The software delivered in 2001 in
accordance with the contract allows only
for the graphic design of
banknotes, and serves in particular for applying
forgery-proof security
features on banknotes. It is stressed here that the
production of banknotes
using the software of JURA JSP can be ruled out for
technical reasons.
Therefore, the Mugabe regime can produce banknotes
anytime without the
software by JURA JSP – by loosing the high security
features”
… It is
de facto impossible to prevent Fidelity Printers and Refiners (PVT)
Ltd.
from using the software, since the software was installed locally and
cannot
be removed by JURA JSP”,reads part of the statement.
Contact the writer
of this story,Robert at finance[@]zimbabwemetro.com
http://www.modernghana.com
By Rejoice Ngwenya,
AfricanLiberty.org
Feature Article | Thu, 24 Jul 2008
Humans of the
civilized world cannot fathom how on earth an average citizen
survives in
Zimbabwe. What with an inflation rate of more than ten million
percent, a
completely worthless currency and empty supermarket shelves,
Darwinian
adventure, Cesarean courage and Bonapartean arrogance can be the
only vital
ingredients in my daily survival kit.
My day starts with a fire in the
gazebo to warm a bucket of bathing water.
Electricity is usually down and
with a water system that collapsed six
months ago, running water is a thing
of the past. Zimbabwe National Water
Authority has a repertoire of excuses
why the precious liquid deserted my
home. I have stopped asking. Water bills
do come, but there are no penalties
for ignoring them. In fact, deliberately
ignoring water bills has become to
me, an act of satisfying sweet revenge!
Electricity does appear once in a
while, but the risk of relying on
stove-heated water is much too high, if I
have to guarantee getting to a
meeting on time. Forget eggs and a cup of
tea. They are not on my menu if
the preceding day I had no access to at
least six United States dollars. My
breakfast is therefore limited to a bowl
of corn meal porridge with peanut
butter, and boiled sweet potatoes!
Back in the bathroom, I'll be lucky to
find a piece of scented soap tablet.
UniLever, one of the few companies that
manufactured soap long closed their
doors. We survive mostly on cross border
traders who sell toiletries from
Botswana and Mozambique. If I am lucky to
find a piece of soap at the
Greek-run Spar, it will probably take all my
day's local
currency allocation of one hundred billion dollars.
After
a few minutes of watching France 24 news beamed via a free-to-air
decoder, I
reassure myself that the streets are still safe from an uprising,
then drive
around the block to pick a couple of neigbhours. Nobody watches
the
government controlled ZTV news nowadays. After firing an entire staff
accused of being opposition party sympathizers in the days preceding the 29
March Parliamentary Elections, the only television station is stuck with a
Mugabe crony named Happison Muchechetere who has effectively reduced the
broadcaster to a ZANUpf [ruling party] community station.
I cannot
leave my neigbhours, because public transport has completely
collapsed. Mini
bus operators change their fares everyday, claiming to be
motivated by a
local dollar that is resented and rejected by petrol
suppliers who prefer
the greenback. One litre of gasoline sells for USD1.50,
while a single
return trip ranges anything from one hundred to one hundred
and fifty
billion Zimbabwe dollars. Motor vehicle fares are pegged against
the US
dollar, hence most mini bus operators have either folded, or switched
to the
more lucrative private hire market.
My trip to the city is interrupted by
at least four police road blocks. They
are not very hostile, since over the
long period that these points have
operated I have grown to know some of the
officers by name. It takes about
five minutes to persuade them that my boot
is empty - no weapons of human
mass destruction like axes, knob carries and
catapults. Careless jokes about
AK47s and grenades can land one in prison.
These poor chaps are really
hungry. Mini bus operators are not spared
either. They have become somewhat
a reliable source of money. Traffic police
call them 'ATMs'. My four
passengers will always volunteer to pay me
something at the end of the
journey, though not enough even to buy one
bottle of coke. This is
philanthropy. Before driving off to the office, I
join a bank queue for my
day's 'allocation' of one hundred billion dollars,
in case I have to
purchase a few buns for lunch. If I get a late call from
my wife to pick a
few vegetables from the supermarket, I would have to use a
locally-denominated Visa Card - a system that has become more reliable than
even a cheque leaf, provided telephony is working that day!
For big
transactions like motor vehicle service, my life is a nightmare. It
costs
around forty trillion Zimbabwe dollars for light service. The garage
want
their payment in advance, so I generally cannot write a cheque because
Reserve Bank regulations banned figures of more than nine hundred billion on
cheque leafs per day. Governor Gideon Gono concocted a system called RTGS -
an interbank electronic transfer system that has long collapsed due to being
overwhelmed by shear volumes and unprecedented zeroes. More often than not,
it takes almost ten days for the money to show in my garage's account and by
then, the cost of service has changed. This means I now have to 'supplement'
with cash sought from the black market, since the bank can only give me one
hundred billion!
Back at the office I have another heart ache - a
paralysed Internet system.
If I am lucky that the office driver found petrol
for the generator, I will
have to labour through a dead-slow dial-up system,
or a broad band
struggling due to lack of electricity at base stations or
poor support
service since most telecoms technicians have escaped to South
Africa! Making
calls through cell phones requires extra ordinary patience.
The networks can
no longer cope because of congestion.
Telecel, NetOne
and ECONET are the only three players, but government
imposes a tariff
control on them. As a result, the companies have not been
able to inject
sufficient capital for expansion, while consumers take
advantage of low
tariffs to literary 'sleep' on the phones. Of late, Strive
Masiyiwa's ECONET
have introduced an advanced payment billing system to
cover themselves
against inflation. What they do is to simply double the
figure on my current
bill! Net One, the government controlled network is
struggling to supply
customers with refill cards due to a lack of foreign
currency to run the
system. Telecel has not had it easy either. Its former
owner, James Makamba
escaped to London when government accused him of
sympathising with
opposition MDC in flighting interviews on his 'private'
television station.
The company has since been taken over by a consortium of
ZANUpf
cronies.
My day ends with another drive back home. I no longer have any
social life
because not a single point of 'pleasure' accepts local currency.
In short,
Zimbabwe's economy has been truly and effectively dollarised. Gono
is still
in a state of denial, but as for me, Mr Average, I will have to
live to
fight another day. But before I settle for another dose of France
24, I
bundle a few jerry cans into the wheelbarrow in search of water at the
nearest well, a water well in the centre of
a middle-income, urban
residence. Truly, Mugabe has reduced us into a bunch
of rural
urbanites!
Rejoice Ngwenya is a regular columnist for www.AfricanLiberty.org. He is a
Zimbabwean Freemarket Activist and Political Analyst based in Harare.
http://www.hararetribune.com
24 July, 2008 11:13:00 Trymore Magomana
The
economy of Zimbabwe, or whatever remains of it, has broken all previous
records.
The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe has issued a Z$100 billion
dollar note in
response to the country's huge rise in inflation - on 21
July, one British
pound was the equivalent to around Z$1.2 trillion. That
has already changed.
It is like that in Zimbabwe these days. The price
goods and services change,
by the minute. Zimbabweans have horror stories of
wating in line to buy
goods, only to be told that the price has changed
while they were in line.
The RBZ has listed the country's inflation rate,
year-on-year, as being
100,580.2% in January 2008, when inflation was
already rife.
The current rate of inflation - hyperinflation - stands at
2.2 million %,
while unemployment in the country has reached more than 80%.
Analyst contend
that the real values are 10.5 million percent and 95%
respectively.
Ultimately, it wasn't the international outcry nor the
suffering of the
Zimbabwean people that has defeated ZANU-PF. Rather, it is
the wayward
economy, couple with international sanctions that compelled
ZANU-PF to sign
the MoU with the MDC on Juny 21 this week.
It is
hoped, within ZANU-PF circles, that by agreeing to an government of
national
unity, they would kill two birds with one stone. The GNU, in
addition to
securing the assets of ZANU-PF cronies, is also expected to make
ZANU-PF
militia killer immune from future prosecution.
Gideon Gono, the RBZ
chief, neglecting his duty, has spent the last few
months printing money to
fund most if not all ZANU-PF illegal activities in
the country. --Harare
Tribune News
VOA
By Carole Gombakomba
Washington
24 July
2008
As Zimbabwe's ruling party and opposition came to the
negotiating table
Thursday in Pretoria to to grapple with the vexed question
of power-sharing,
non-governmental organizations at home voiced the hope
that the negotiators
might first stipulate the lifting of a ban imposed by
the Harare government
in June on NGO distribution of food and other
humanitarian aid.
United Nations food agencies are targeting some 300,000
Zimbabweans for food
aid but are now reaching only about half that number, a
WFP spokesman told
VOA recently, mainly due to government restrictions on
NGO distribution
partners in the country. The U.N. says the number of
Zimbabweans needing
food aid could soar to 5 million by early next
year.
The government through the central bank, recently started
distributing food
hampers under a so-called Basic Commodities Supply
Enhancement Initiative,
also referrred to as Bacossi.
However,
National Director Forbes Matonga of Christian Care, a leading WFP
implementing partner in the country, told reporter Carole Gombakomba of
VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that program lacks the scope to relieve all of
the hungry in urban and rural areas
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
July 25, 2008
HARARE -
A leading illegal diamond dealer in the city of Mutare, who is
alleged to be
closely associated with one of Zimbabwe's wealthiest and most
powerful
families was arrested after he was found in possession of the
largest single
haul since the discovery of precious stones in the Marange
District of
Manicaland over two years ago.
The 262 pieces of diamonds are estimated
by industry experts to be valued at
close to US$1, 3 million although the
Minerals Marketing Corporation of
Zimbabwe valued them at a mere ZW$52
trillion (US$520).
Misheck Muhwehwesa, a Mutare resident was nabbed at
the Chiadzwa diamond
fields in Marange two weeks ago after the police
stopped him at a road
block.
The diamonds, weighing 668 carats, were
recovered from the air cleaner of
his vehicle, where they were concealed.
One carat can fetch as much as
US$2000, depending on the clarity of the
stone.
Muhwehwesa, 38, of Number 8 Pike Place in Mutare's medium-density
suburb of
Yeovil, has since appeared in court and is out on ZW$25 trillion
(US$250)
bail. Senior Magistrate Billiard Musakwa presided over the bail
hearing.
Muhwehwesa's lawyer, Chris Ndlovu has applied for the discharge
of his
client arguing that the State does not have solid evidence to link
Muhwehwesa to the diamonds.
The connection of Muhwehwesa, a known
diamond dealer, to one of Zimbabwe's
richest and most post powerful and
influential families first came to light
after he allegedly sought the
assistance of the family secure the
prosecution of a Zanu-PF politician in
Mutare.
Sherrington Dumbura, the losing Zanu-PF candidate for Mutasa
South
constituency in the March 29 parliamentary election, allegedly
swindled
Muhwehwesa of an unknown amount of diamonds which were valued at
millions of
United States Dollars. Dumbura is allegedly also involved in the
illegal
diamond trade.
Muhwehwesa is reported to have approached the
head of the wealthy family for
assistance in seeking the arrest and
prosecution of Dumbura. Dumbura, a
lightweight Zanu-PF politician in the
eastern border city, is alleged to
have surrendered five vehicles to
Muhwehwesa to secure his immediate
release.
The illegal diamonds were
found in one of the vehicles, A Hyundai Santa Fe.
While several sources
confirmed the intervention of the head of the wealthy
family in the case it
was not possible for practical reasons to obtain
comment from him. When
working on certain assignments journalists working
for online publications
such as the Zimbabwe Times can only reveal their
identity at great personal
risk.
Over 2000 people have been arrested over the past two months and
sentenced
to jail terms of up to two years each. Muhwehwesa was arrested
amid growing
concern that police operations to quell illegal diamond mining
and trading
are focusing only the small players.
The Muhwehwesa case
has generated much excitement in legal circles in
Mutare.
"This case
will be very interesting because we have never seen any of the
big dealers
being sent to jail," said one court official. "It will be a
precedent if
Muhwehwesa convicted."
The diamond dealers have formed cartels which have
become immune to both
arrest and prosecution.
Talk of forming a Government of National Unity (GNU) with 84-year-old Robert Mugabe as a ceremonial head of state is akin to appointing a goat as a gardener. Mugabe, a mere figurehead, is already the cosmetic ceremonial president for JOC. The MDC now possesses popular electoral support while the JOC does not. JOC’s support is coerced from hardliner ex-ZANLA army officers and tormented sycophantic ZANU (PF) devotees.
JOC is now the de facto sovereign authority in Zimbabwe, the real power behind the throne, the epicenter of tyranny. A GNU with these electoral terrorists and murderers is a mockery to the rule of law, a derision of our strong African values and deep-rooted cultural norms.
The JOC, now unlawfully ruling Zimbabwe, is the precursor to the Rhodesian military command organisation by the same name, whose origins are ironically directly linked to the racist architects of Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI). JOC has dangerously transformed from its designed purpose of efficiently coordinating Rhodesian armed forces counterinsurgency operations (COIN), into the high command of terror for an illegitimate junta subverting the will of the people of Zimbabwe.
ZANU (PF)’s wartime command and control organisation, the Zimbabwe National Liberation Army (ZANLA) high command, has morphed into the present day JOC. The communist style politburo declared before the official results of the March elections were announced, that Mugabe would be ZANU (PF)’s sole presidential candidate for the runoff elections in June 2008. It ordered the alteration of the template for the presidential campaign strategy from that of a peaceful civilian election to a vicious Maoist guerilla warfare-like stratagem. The ZANLA high command structures and all its illegal subordinate militia units were immediately reactivated, redeployed, and effectively mounted a constitutional coup under JOC, installing Mugabe as its ceremonial President on June 29, 2008.
ZANU (PF) has retained intact its pre-independence Para-military units against the provisions of the Constitution, Lancaster House, 1987 Unity Accord and other agreements that it has signed in the past. The other parties to these agreements dismantled and demobilised their forces i.e. ZAPU’s ZIPRA, ZANU Ndonga, UANC’s Pfumo reVanhu and Rhodesia Army units.
Zimbabwe’s JOC is a dysfunctional Frankenstein with Mugabe’s head, a ZANU (PF) heart, war veteran’s limbs, youth militia’s organs, Interahamwe torso and other body parts donated by willing accomplices. The inter-dependency of all these body parts is also the JOC’s inherent design flaw. Separate one from the other and the entire tyranny apparatus crumbles. Mugabe is a lame duck without JOC.
JOC Rhodesia is described as follows: “a JOC was a combined operations (COMOPS) center containing representatives of the army, the air force, the police and Internal Affairs (INTAF). Sometimes present were the Special Branch personnel, the government’s intelligence service. The army commander was the senior commander of the JOC.”
Below is the JOC, ZANU (PF)’s “dream team” of terror and oppression, the 1st IV for crimes against humanity. This unlawful gang of criminals to all intents and purposes illicitly governs Zimbabwe by decree:
1. Emmerson Mnangagwa - Chairman (ZANU PF)
2.General Constantine Chiwenga - Commander, Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF)
3.Augustine Chihuri - Commissioner, Zimbabwe Republic Police(ZRP)
4.Air-Marshal Perence Shiri - Commander, Airforce of Zimbabwe(AFZ)
5.Lieutenant-General Valerio Sibanda - Commander, Zimbabwe National Army(ZNA)
6.Major-General Paradzai Zimhondi - Commissioner, Zimbabwe Prison Service(ZPS)
7.Brigadier Happytone Bonyongwe - Director, Central Intelligence Organisation(CIO)
8.Gideon Gono - Governor, Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe(RBZ)
9.Didymus Mutasa - Minister of State Security(MSS)
10.Kembo Mohadi -Minister of Home Affairs(MHO)
11.Sidney Sekeramayi - Minister of Defence(MOD)
Trust ZANU (PF)/ZANLA/JOC at your own peril. Individual members of JOC are amongst the most barbaric, ruthless and vile psychopaths to have ever occupied high office in Zimbabwe. JOC is a law unto itself. Collectively these evil men and JOC are responsible for Gukurahundi, Murambatsvina and other heinous human rights violations since Zimbabwe attained her independence in 1980.
Phil Matibe Anti-Tyranny Taskforce
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
July 25, 2008
Own Correspondent/SW
Radio Africa
MUTARE - History was made yesterday when the newly elected
council elected
the city's only white councillor as the new Mayor of
Mutare.
Brian James was unanimously elected, taking the eastern border
city a full
circle back to the day in 1980 when Mutare's first black Mayor,
Davidson
Jahwi, was sworn in amid unprecedented pomp and
ceremony.
The election of James, 57, a prominent businessman, as Mayor
was the first
official function of the all-MDC council elected on March 29
but sworn-in
only yesterday, almost four months later. Thursday's
swearing-in of James as
Mayor is a slap in the face of Local Government
Minister, Ignatius Chombo,
who has been fighting a losing battle to keep
local government in Zanu-PF
hands.
A member of the MDC provincial
executive, James was arraigned before the
courts in 2006 on allegation that
he was part of a conspiracy to stage an
insurrection and assassinate
President Robert Mugabe during a visit to the
Manicaland provincial
capital.
James and several fellow MDC officials and supporters were
arrested
following farcical allegations about the discovery of an arms cache
in
Mutare, which the then ruling Zanu-PF played up as a conspiracy by the
opposition to mount an insurrection.
Reports in official media said
the suspects had planned to set up "terrorism
cells" in Zimbabwe to be used
by the MDC in attempts to destabilise the
country. The arrests came after
police raided the home of Mutare resident
Michael Peter Hitschmann and
allegedly uncovered an assortment of rifles,
machine guns, ammunition,
radios and teargas. Hitschmann's family, in fact,
runs a security company in
the city.
The state dropped charges against the accused following a
ruling by the High
Court that the accused, who included James and Mutare
North legislator Giles
Mutsekwa were being held unlawfully by the police
after the case was thrown
out by a magistrate for lack of
evidence.
The new Mutare Council, which consists exclusively of MDC
councillors, was
sworn in on Thursday and immediately elected as Mayor, a
man who has been
ruthlessly victimised by the regime of President Robert
Mugabe. It was at
the height of this case that MDC Treasurer Roy Bennett,
allegedly one of the
conspirators, fled to South Africa, where he has
remained in exile.
James runs several businesses in Mutare, including
Manicaland Welders, an
engineering company, and Crest Distribution a major
distributor of frozen
chicken and fish in the province. A commercial farm at
Old Mutare was
invaded and seized in 2003.
Speaking at his
inauguration the new Mayor of Mutare said; "We have an
overwhelming mandate,
the mood on the ground is positive. The international
recognition of what's
happening in the country is gelling into something
positive. The talks in
South Africa we hope will yield something positive so
that urban areas can
deliver."
The MDC won all 19 council wards that were contested in Mutare,
thereby
regaining control of a council that had been taken over by Chombo.
In 2005
Chombo illegally removed the elected executive Mayor, Misheck
Kagurabaza,
along with his MDC-led council. Chombo appointed a caretaker
commission
comprising those Zanu-PF candidates who had failed to win in the
council
elections held in 2003.
Chombo had also interfered in the
operations of the Harare Council where he
removed elected executive Mayor
Elias Mudzuri in 2003 and Misheck Shoko of
Chitungwiza. The minister's
relentless campaign also frustrated the Mayors
and councillors of Bulawayo,
Masvingo, Gweru, Kwekwe and Kariba, accusing
them of misconduct and
maladministration.
Over the years Zanu-PF has caused the steep decline in
the delivery of
council services as a result of the appointment of
commissions that were not
accountable to the ratepayers. Cities across the
country are now plagued by
constant power and water delivery failures, burst
sewage pipes and
uncollected garbage.
James said: "Certainly we don't
underestimate the problems we face and our
endeavours will be a lot easier
if central government was sympathetic to our
problems and that is why we are
hoping that these talks in South Africa
yield something positive. But we
have to deal with what we've got."
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
July 25, 2008
THE issue of the Manica
Post of the week ending July 19 featured a long and
fascinating article on
the poultry project of ministry of Information
permanent secretary and
presidential spokesman, George Charamba.
The poultry project launched by
Charamba in 2006 in his rural district of
Buhera was said by the Mutare
weekly newspaper to be so thriving that it now
boasts a grinding meal for
processing chicken food, apart from "providing
offal to
preschools".
The reporter claims to have travelled to Buhera to see his
boss's project
for himself. Unfortunately, instead of shooting pictures of
the chickens,
the enterprising reporter only asked Charamba to pose for
pictures for
publication.
The whole purpose of this assignment was
apparently to put to rest issues
that certain diligent taxpayers had raised
about the funding of Charamba's
project by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe,
whose governor Gideon Gono hails
from the same rural part of Zimbabwe as
Charamba. A leading supplier of
stock-feeds in the nearby town of Chivhu is
said to have virtually closed
its doors to the public while diverting its
entire stock to the chicken
projects of the governor of the Reserve Bank and
the President's spokesman.
Unfortunately, while the Manica Post article
attempted to justify the
initial funding of Charamba's project by the RBZ it
fell far short of
addressing the many other questions raised by the
patriotic taxpayers. The
article generated even more questions
instead.
Readers were told about Charamba's harvest of 300 tonnes of
maize at his
farm. However, it was the funding of this crop (seed,
fertiiliser,
herbicides etc) while using BACCOSSI funds at the end of last
year that was
in question. The funds were deposited into Charamba's account
at the Sam
Nujoma branch of CBZ. It is the justification of Charamba's
accessing of
these funds that is in question.
Charamba did not
provide the answer. In the article he also did not mention
the
funding.
In the same article Charamba told us that his brother Callisto
Munatsi
Charamba had left his former employment in order to run the chicken
project.
The taxpayers' question is why Callisto Charamba was allocated one
of the
brand new Toyota Hilux trucks received by the Ministry of Information
from
the RBZ, while he worked on his brother's chicken project. The trucks
were
intended for the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation's election campaign
programme.
Callisto has been allocated the vehicle full-time since
April. Interestingly
(could it be coincidence?) in the Herald of July 21 it
was reported that
this Callisto Charamba and two others were seriously
injured in a road
accident in Goromonzi when the vehicle fell over a bridge.
Callisto was
driving the vehicle and in the report he is said to be an
employee of the
Ministry of Information.
Is he now on the Ministry of
Information payroll when only a week ago we
were told by the Manica Post
that he has been selling chickens for Charamba
at the Cold Storage
Commission since 2007?
Callisto has drawn fuel using coupons from CMED
depots all over - in Mutare,
Buhera, Chivhu, Kadoma, Harare etc, in some
cases filling his tank daily.
Can someone explain this? The ministry's Human
Resources department has no
record of such an employee. Neither does the
CMED have a record of issuing
him with a Government Authority to drive their
vehicles.
He reportedly obtained his driving licence in March/ April 2008
although the
issuing authorities do not have records of his competency
testing. The
Goromonzi accident was the second following a roll-over while
he was driving
in Kadoma last month.
More questions for Charamba. The
use of vehicles in the ministry has
remained thorny as some drivers are
deprived of the vehicles while people
who are not authorised have unlimited
access. Charamba's secretary is one of
those who drive these vehicles and
has damaged one in an accident.
Offenders are not reprimanded as they are
likely to expose Charamba.
Goromonzi police were investigating the
accident. We hope they provide the
public with their
results.
Concerned Ministry Employee
Harare
http://www.nehandaradio.com
25 July 2008
By Dr Paul
Mutuzu
Tsvangirai and Mugabe signed. Forget about their looks (or lack
thereof,
because some think they urgently need a makeover) but their outlook
on how
they are going to disentangle us from the socio-economic and
political
horrors of our time constitutes the fierce urgency of
now.
The 'historic' event that occurred over the past two days
culminating in the
signing of an 'MOU' by Mugabe and Tsvangirai must also
bring the whole
nation on the same page with these politicians, going
forward.
A vast array of uncharted universe of emotions greeted the
landmark event
leaving the blood pressure of all concerned citizens and
friends of Zimbabwe
across the globe critically high. It is definitely a
time of intense
suspense yet for us, cautious optimism is the overarching
theme. We have
serious questions for both of them in the next
article.
Equally intriguing was the presence of some Professors. At
Zimbabwe State
House, before the signing of MOU, the opportunistic face of
Professor Arthur
Mutambara was unfortunately beamed again. To our surprise,
he was grinning
eccentrically like a Cheshire cat, at the wrong time and
wrong place.
I have come across people who have raised questions about
his undercover
status. After all he is the same man that I revered for so
long until he
appeared out of thin air to declare himself MDC -2 president,
sowing seeds
of pandemonium that almost killed the MDC. How can a rocket
scientist make
such a huge miscalculation at a time Zimbabweans were in dire
need of
political fortitude? Simply put, he made such a disingenuous,
philistine and
barbarous move that almost ruptured the entire MDC
establishment.
To this very day his credibility and motivations are
highly questionable
especially given his recent Nicodemus-like appearance at
the State House to
see Mugabe in the absence of Tsvangirai, the man with the
people's mandate.
Arthur Mutambra went there conspicuously flanked by
Professor Welshman
Ncube, a co-conspirator and an ally in the breakaway
party who is also an
equally mysterious man. The pictures of these men with
Mugabe on their
side(never mind the real MDC was not there) caused massive
outrage as people
denounced their posturing and opportunism since they
represent such an 'iota'
of a constituency.
As if passing a vote of
no confidence, Welshman Ncube, earlier on lost his
parliamentary seat to a
little-known MDC (the real MDC) candidate in a
region that is overwhelmingly
an opposition stronghold. These are the same
men who have crisscrossed our
border numerous times into South Africa to
meet Mbeki about the unity
government sometimes without the knowledge of the
real MDC. It is Mutambara
and Ncube's closeness to Mbeki (therefore Mugabe)
that raises suspicions
about the future. Tsvangirai has to be very wary of
these men and what role
they are going to play (if any) in the power-sharing
deal.
Zimbabwean
politics is never short of these hideous professors who
masquerade as
champions of our freedoms and civil liberties but quickly
switch sides when
it becomes expedient. Remember infamous Professor Jonathan
Moyo, the 'Dr
Joseph Goebbels' of Zimbabwe and architect of draconian media
laws that
gagged free speech ? The man churned out stressful propaganda on
the
airwaves incessantly.
The nation will never forget how on January 28,
2001 the printing press of
the independent Daily News was bombed
military-style , yet five days
earlier, Professor Jonathan Moyo, the then
Minister of Information and
government's chief propagandist, publicly stated
that the independent daily
would be silenced because it posed a serious risk
to the nation therefore it
had to be silences "once and for all". On denying
the Daily News a license,
in October 2003 after his sponsored new laws,
Jonathan Moyo stated, "I have
always had a nagging feeling that for all
their propensity to liberal values
and civilised norms, these people are
dirty. In fact, they are filthy and
recklessly uncouth and actually
barbaric".
I fled Zimbabwe because of this man only to visit years later
after Mugabe
fired him. To those that might recall the events, there was a
ridiculous
court case involving Jonathan Moyo, Job Sikhala and myself for
allegedly
threatening 'to kill the Minister'. That was immediately following
the
announcement that Bulawayo mayoral post was won by MDC. Sikhala used my
phone to call Moyo, who in turn unleashed his 'employees' to pursue where I
stayed and where I worked.
The judge wasted no time in throwing the
case out because the concoctions
were not only bizarre but retarded. What
followed after that is a personal
story of agony, similar to what many other
Zimbabweans have gone through.
Two reasons exacerbated my situation 1.) As
past President of the Student
Representative Council (NUST), I posed a
threat given my association with
fellow activists like Sikhala and Learnmore
Judah Jongwe who had become such
a national icon until his untimely death.
2.) I was a manager working for
Strive Masiyiwa's Econet Wireless when at
the time we launched 'this'
brilliant product we branded 'Liberty' at a time
when repression had gone
past adolescence. All the marketing material to
include billboards was
banned though they he was having difficulties with
law to ban 'Liberty'.
It is important to mention that Masiyiwa (a man I
totally salute) has always
been regarded as enemy of state (imaginary
though), no wonder they even
denied him a license to operate his behemoth
Wireless Network until the
Supreme Court overturned partisan High court
rulings. Little did the
government know that the man was unstoppable, to
this present day. Instead
of embracing such an entrepreneurial icon who has
created employment for
thousands of Zimbabweans and fast-tracked us into
modernity because of his
technologies, the man is still being
vilified.
It is no surprise that last week we all heard the conspiracy
theories by
Jonathan Moyo attacking Masiyiwa and Roy Bennett for bankrolling
MDC (as if
it is a bad thing if they do) among other things. Masiyiwa was
also a
shareholder in the Daily News company that was flattened. Jonathan
Moyo can
go to Tsholotsho and fool the rural folk over there to win a seat
in
Parliament by giving them handouts and promises of 'heaven' but we know
his
fraudulence and we know that he belongs to the dustbins of history
unless he
is rehired for underperformance by Mugabe again. Remember this the
same man
Mugabe branded a 'double-headed monster' and enemy 'number one' at
the time
of his dismissal. These men are a shame to the University of
Zimbabwe's
legacy. People are becoming smarter and actively taking part in
issues of
governance making it difficult to fool them anymore.
When
it comes to this cabal of creepy Professors, we should be vigilant! The
nation deserves to know what is happening especially considering the
premises of this treacherous marriage of convenience. We should embrace the
concept of a government of national unity with all the caution it deserves
because for the first time in all these years, there has never been such an
opportunity for potential to turnaround socio-economic and political
landscape in order to improve the lives of fellow citizens.
Dr Paul
Mutuzu is the CEO of the National Vision Institute: An independent
economic
and political strategy think tank focusing on Zimbabwe and the
Southern
Africa Region. You can visit his blog on
http://nationalvision.wordpress.com/
Thursday, 24 July 2008 14:21 | |
From left to right is Dr Alex Magaisa, Mr Chaora, Mr Soko (chair) and Mr Mutasa. The Zimbabwe Diaspora Forum UK held its second meeting on 19th July, 2008 at Barking in London under the theme: Zimbabwe at the Cross Roads: Towards Re-Construction-Every Voice Matters! The guest speakers were Dr Alex Magaisa a Senior Lecturer - Corporate & Financial Services Law, University of Kent at Canterbury and columnist for the Zimbabwe Standard and Newzimbabwe.com; Mr Jonathan Chawora the current Chairman of the MDC UK & Northern Ireland; and Mr Alfred Mutasa, a Zanu Pf supporter and an excombatant. Dr Nkosana Moyo and Mr Itayi Garande who were meant to address the Forum could make it due to last minute circumstances which required them to be out of the country at the time. Mr Chawora admitted MDC and ZANU PF were engaged in preliminary talks towards comprehensive dialogue which will hopefully lead to a lasting solution to the crisis. He however expressed serious concerns about continuing violence being visited on members of his party in Zimbabwe as one of the impediments to serious dialogue to resolve the Zimbabwean conflict resulting from the hotly disputed Presidential run off election of June 27. However, Mr Chawora told the Forum that, “Negotiations, by nature demand a process of give and take. Successful negotiations usually result in all sides to a dispute shifting positions that they originally bring to the negotiating table.” Mr Chawora promised to support progressive ideas that would come out of the meeting and lobby his party to consider them. Mr Alfred Mutasa led the discussion on Bridging the Political Divide. He identified what he called some useful approaches that can inform the current talks. Mr Mutasa took the view that the Zimbabwean political actors and civil society should be informed by the nature of imperialism which has two tendencies namely militarisation and neo-liberal globalisation. He said that the calls for peace keepers in Zimbabwe by Bishop Desmond Tutu, Kenyan Prime Minister, Raila Odinga and President Khama is the manifestation militarisation of the neo-liberal agenda by Britain and America under the guise of advancing democracy. Mr Mutasa urged the gathering that they should not under-estimate their ideas because they will have far reaching impact as was the case with the Diasporas before 1980. "Dr Magaisa urged Zimbabweans to desist from engaging in what he called “cry baby politics” and start seeing the opportunities that can and should be exploited. He said that while more sustainable Diaspora resources can only begin when the political environment improves and trust and confidence restored between the government and its citizens the Diaspora should be proactive and more organised. Dr Magaisa stressed the need for the Diaspora to devise ways through which it can make more substantive impact and have a stake in their own country’s economic assets beyond individual remittances. Magaisa went on to suggest that a future progressive government in Zimbabwe could follow the examples set in countries like Ghana and the Phillipines which have put in place policies for constructive engagement with the Diaspora, such as establishing a Ministry responsible for Diaspora affairs. Instead of seeing migration and the Diaspora as a problem, the government could create conditions for a mutually beneficial relationship but the Diaspora needs to represent itself otherwise it will remain on the periphery" Informal and passionate discussions continued well after meeting and it was an opportunity for networking. Prior to the Forum a group of passionate Zimbabweans from diverse professional backgrounds through networking sought audience with the Chair Mr Peter Soko and constituted themselves into a Think Tank for the Zimbabwe Diaspora Forum UK which the Forum adopted at the end of the session. This was significant development, and a sign that Zimbabweans are not waiting to be invited. The Think Tank is expected to report on its progress at the next public whose date will be fixed in due course. The need for some representative for the Diaspora in the Zimbabwean government dedicated to the Diaspora affairs is another idea that was well received and the Forum intends is lobby for it. The Think Tank is expected to liaise with the relevant stake holders to consider mechanisms of how ideas can be carried forward in respect of both Economic and Social Investment. Msekiwa Makwanya the interim Co-ordinator of the Forum remarked that the call for the Diaspora to be organised as Diasporas cannot be over emphasised and the Zimbabwe Diaspora Forum UK remains committed to giving space for a non-partisan participation of Zimbabweans in the UK. He said that the Forum is impressed by the ideas expressed at the Forum and the greater vision and aspirations expressed in the discussion will also inform the work of the Think Tank because every voice matters! By Claudious Madembo, Programme Advisor Zimbabwe Diaspora Forum UK |
Alert Update
24
July 2008
Globecast Satellite Acquitted
There was a dramatic end
to the Globecast Satellite trial on 24 July 2008
when Harare Magistrate
Archie Wochiunga refused to place the company on
further remand after the
state had applied for a postponement of the matter.
Prosecutor Florence
Ziyambi had applied to have the matter postponed arguing
that her witness
had failed to turn up because of transport problems.
However, defence
lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa, opposed the application saying the
state had the
obligation to bring its witnesses on time. Mtetwa said the
trial had
proceeded painfully slowly as the prosecutor had chosen which
witnesses to
call and when. She said the court could not be held at ransom
by a
disorganised prosecution and urged the court to dismiss the
application.
Magistrate Wochiunga dismissed the application for
postponement and decided
to remove the accused company from remand. The
effect of a removal from
remand of an accused who would have pleaded amounts
to an acquittal of the
accused
Globecast Satellite whose
representative during the trial was Thabani Mpofu,
pleaded not guilty to
charges of contravening Section 7 (1) as read with
Section 7 (4) and 7 (5)
of Broadcasting Services Act (BSA) which outlaws the
provision of
broadcasting services or operating a signal carrier without a
licence.
Mtetwa is currently working on an application for the
release of the vehicle
belonging to Globecast.
MISA-Zimbabwe
Position
MISA-Zimbabwe welcomes the acquittal of the company and reiterates
its
position that the Broadcasting Services Act is unnecessarily repressive.
It
is hoped that the current talks between Zimbabwe's political leaders will
deal decisively with laws such as the BSA, Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act as well as the Public Order and Security Act with
the view of repealing them.
Background
The case against Globecast
stemmed from the broadcast of an interview by CNN
of Zimbabwe's Minister of
Information and Publicity Dr Sikhanyiso Ndlovu on
27 March 2008. The uplink
for the interview was dispatched by Globecast
Satellite.
The court
heard evidence from six witnesses, among them, Cloud Nyamundanda
who is the
acting Chief Executive Officer of Transmedia Corporation and
Obert
Muganyura, the Chief Executive Officer of the Broadcasting Authority
of
Zimbabwe.
End
For any questions, queries or comments, please
contact:
Nyasha Nyakunu
Research and Information
Officer
MISA-Zimbabwe
84 McChlery Drive
Eastlea
Box HR
8113
Harare
Zimbabwe
Telefax: 263 4 77 61 65/ 74 68 38
Cell: 263 11
602 448/00 263 11 639 682
Email: misa@misazim.co.zw
Website: www.misazim.co.zw
Worldwide Faith News <wfn@igc.org>
Date Thu, 24 Jul 2008 09:25:05
-0700
World Alliance of Reformed Churches
News Release
24 July
2008
A coalition of church organizations that includes the
World
Alliance of Reformed Churches (WARC) has congratulated
the
signatories of an agreement that paves the way for the sharing
of
power in Zimbabwe but also raised concerns about continuing
violence
and human rights violations.
Leaders of the World Council of Churches,
the World Student
Christian Federation, WARC, the World Alliance of YWCAs
and the
World Alliance of YMCAs congratulated both the ZANU PF party
and
the Movement for Democratic Change on signing the Memorandum on
21
July.
â??We greet the beginning of this critical round of
negotiations
with fervent hope for a new beginning for all
Zimbabweans,
restoration of peace, prosperity, dignity and the rule of
law,â??
the letter dated 24 July, states.
However the letter also
reminds the parties of the concern of
churches, civil society and the people
of Zimbabwe for a lasting
and viable solution to the crisis. â??We pray for
all the
negotiators so that they are guided by the best interests
and
deeper aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe.â??
The church
leaders state that violence and human rights abuses
continue, that millions
face starvation and thousands have lost
homes and property.
â??We are
appalled by reports of continuing violence in many
parts of the country,
particularly in the rural areas. All forms
of violence, harassment,
intimidation and torture must cease
immediately in order to provide an
environment truly conducive
for peaceful negotiations.â??
The church
groups also called for a lifting of the ban that has
prevented humanitarian
aid agencies
and non-governmental organizations from working in the
country.
â??We further urge the parties to remain committed to a
genuine
restoration of the rule of law that rejects impunity but
allows
true reconciliation and healing.â??
The coalition letter states
that it is â??most regrettableâ??
that none of the negotiating parties
include civil society or
women as called for a place at the table for
Zimbabwe civil
society representatives so that the aspirations of
grassroots
communities will not go unheard.
And the church groups
urged the signatories to restore faith in
the Zimbabwe electoral system:
â??We would like to reaffirm the
need to protect the integrity of elections
as the most legitimate
and democratic way to express the sovereign will of
the people,
not only in Zimbabwe but throughout Africa.â??
***
The
World Alliance of Reformed Churches (WARC) brings together
75 million
Reformed Christians in 214 churches in 107 countries -
united in their
commitment to making a difference in a troubled
world. The WARC general
secretary is Rev. Dr. Setri Nyomi of the
Evangelical Presbyterian Church,
Ghana. WARC's secretariat is
based in Geneva,
Switzerland.
Contact:
John P. Asling
Executive Secretary,
Communications
World Alliance of Reformed Churches
150 Route de
Ferney
P.O. Box 2100
1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland
tel. +41.22 791
6243
fax: +41.22 791 6505
web: www.warc.ch
IOL
July 24
2008 at 11:36AM
By Fiona Forde
As Zimbabwe's crisis
talks get underway outside Pretoria on Thursday,
South Africans have issued
a damning verdict on President Thabo Mbeki's
so-called "quiet diplomacy",
with every other one suggesting it was not the
right road to pursue, while
an equal number raise the issue of poor
leadership in dealing with the
consequences of it.
In a survey carried out by TNS Research Surveys
and made available to
Independent Newspapers, the views of 2 000 South
African adults from the
country's seven metropolitan areas were recorded
last month about the
years-long facilitation efforts of Mbeki and the impact
they have had on
South African life.
Exactly 50 percent of
those surveyed disagreed with the view that "The
government's policy of
quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe has been the right
way to handle the
issue", while only one-third of all those polled supported
the facilitation
efforts of the president. Just over 21 percent responded
"don't
know".
When the information was extrapolated across the country's
four race
groups, 38 percent of black respondents agreed with the statement,
while
only 14 percent of white, 19 percent of coloured and 17 percent of
Indians/Asians shared that view.
With quiet diplomacy now in
its eighth year and Thursday's talks the
first sign of any real progress,
although they too have yet to bear fruit,
it is the slow pace of the policy
that contributes most to the prevailing
negative views, the pollsters
argue.
Since Mbeki adopted the diplomatic channel in 2000 to deal
with Robert
Mugabe's wayward style of governance, inflation has soared from
60 percent
then to the incalculable rate of 2,3-million
percent.
"The Zimbabwe meltdown, economic and socio-political,
adding to both
massive poverty and violence, has been in pro-gress for some
time and has
led to a major influx of refugees into South Africa," says the
survey's
director, Neill Higgs.
With that in mind, the
pollsters posed the question of whether
Zimbabwean refugees ought to be
allowed to stay here. Almost three out of
every four respondents nationwide
felt they should not, with only 29 percent
saying that they
should.
When examined geographically, residents of the Johannesburg
metropole
(excluding Soweto) appeared most tolerant with almost half (42
percent)
expressing tolerance for Zimbabwean refugees in their
midst.
Just over a third, or 34 percent, of Capetonians shared that
view
while only a quarter of all Durbanites did. However, folk in
Bloemfontein
responded with a resounding no, with only 15 percent agreeable
to Zimbabwean
ref-ugees remaining in the country.
Higgs said
the study revealed "the vast majority of people don't want
these refugees in
South Africa and that sensitivities towards them are
high".
He
said the findings suggest that people feel the government does not
have the
situation under control and the situation will "probably get
worse".
A stark reminder of the so-called xenophobic violence
in May.
He says government needs to look at the "potentially very
serious
consequences" that another flood of refugees into SA might
have.
This article was originally published on page 3 of Cape
Argus on July
24, 2008
ABC Australia
By Peter
Nhamo
Posted 6 hours 19 minutes ago
The leaders of
Zimbabwe's opposition party, the Movement for Democratic
Change, and the
leader of the ZANU-PF, Robert Mugabe, have signed a
"historic" and
unprecedented deal which is expected to pave the way for
power-sharing talks
between the two parties.
While news of the agreement has been welcomed in
many capitals and the
mediator President Thabo Mbeki showered with praise
for his efforts, I
believe nothing substantive will result from the talks
and the people of
Zimbabwe will be the biggest losers in this
process.
Many Zimbabweans do not believe Mugabe was sincere yesterday
when he signed
the agreement setting the agenda for talks in Harare. The man
still
ridiculed his opposition as puppets of the west and went even further
to
claim the presidency he won through hook and crook was legitimate. His
demeanour and obvious arrogance were of a man who was not in the mood to
share power let alone honour his agreement. We need not go into how Mugabe
has shown contempt for the talks by sending junior members of his party to
negotiate on his behalf. Had the man been serious he would have sent
negotiators from his inner circle to negotiate on his behalf.
Mugabe
just wants to get the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
monkey
off his back. Faced with the real threat of being suspended from the
SADC
summit in a few weeks, Mugabe wants to go to the summit and claim to be
talking to the opposition. He will claim the two-week deadline in which they
agreed to hold talks was not adequate and more consultation between him and
the opposition is required.
I also foresee a situation in which
Mugabe will throw the whole process into
disarray and unilaterally appoint a
government with elements of the
opposition that he can buy off with his
elaborate policy of patronage. When
Morgan Tsvangirai and like-minded people
raise voices of disapproval, Mugabe
will accuse them of not having their own
minds and being puppets of the west
and of throwing spanners in the works -
therefore forcing him to take action
to "save" the country.
The fact
of the matter is that African heads of state and government, by
asking
Mugabe to set a government of national unity, have set a dangerous
precedent
for the rest of the continent. They have cleared the way for
African heads
of state, when threatened with the possibility of losing
power, to engage in
heinous crimes against their own people. They endeavour
to shield each other
from the international courts by claiming that the
arrest would destabilise
their regions, as is the case with Sudan today! How
pathetic.
As we
await the outcome of the "talks", due in two weeks, I strongly urge
the
world not to hold its breath in anticipation of a resolution of
Zimbabwe's
problems. Mugabe and Mbeki are just waiting for the Zimbabwean
issue to blow
away from the world's attention and then continue abusing the
Zimbabwean
people's rights. I certainly believe that Zimbabwe should remain
on the
agenda of the United Nations Security Council and the African Union
until
another round of genuinely free and fair elections are held.
The world's
progressive forces should continue to keep the world attention
on Zimbabwe
until the people of Zimbabwe have genuine democratic freedoms
and which will
be a launch pad for economic prosperity. An economic rescue
package for
Zimbabwe's devastated economy which now employs less that 15 per
cent of its
population should be cobbled up as a matter of urgency. It
should be made
clear that this package will be availed only after Mugabe
gives up the
reigns of power.
Mugabe and his allies on the other hand should continue
feeling the pinch.
The issue of targeted sanctions on the regime should
continue. Their
children should be sent back from western countries where
they are studying
and instead come face to face to the devastation their
fathers have brought
upon Zimbabwean people. Assets stolen and pillaged from
the Zimbabwean
people must be frozen and the attendance of these despicable
people at any
world forum must be met with the most outspoken criticism and
protest.
Peter Nhamo is a pseudonym. The author, who lives in
Zimbabwe, has requested
anonymity.