http://www.newzimbabwe.com/pages/mbeki113.18547.html
By Mduduzi
Mathuthu
Last updated: 07/30/2008 03:20:04
A TOP official from Zimbabwe's
opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) was heading home from South
Africa on Tuesday after she was exposed a
day earlier as a media mole in the
ongoing power sharing talks.
The dramatic ouster of Theresa Makone, a
controversial figure and MP-elect
for the MDC faction led by Morgan
Tsvangirai, came after negotiators from
Zanu PF and the two MDC factions
took a decision to feed her false
information after having suspected her of
leaking details of the secretive
talks to the international
media.
The chief negotiators from the main parties, sources say, entered
into a
pact to brief Makone that the talks had collapsed over Zanu PF's
inflexibility, and that Zanu PF negotiators Patrick Chinamasa and Nicholas
Goche were flying back to Harare to consult with President Mugabe. The story
was "a rope to let her hang herself, a complete dummy", one diplomatic
source said.
Within minutes, the fake story had been "sold" to
international news
agencies, despite the parties signing up to a media
blackout during the
crunch talks being held under the facilitation of
President Thabo Mbeki in
Pretoria.
New Zimbabwe.com understands the
dramatic mole hunt was initiated at the
behest of Tendai Biti, the
MDC-Tsvangirai's secretary general who was
incensed with what appeared to be
leaks coming from his own party.
A diplomatic source said: "Biti showed
strong leadership. As guests of a
foreign government, the MDC must show it
is ready to govern by swiftly
moving to control unruly elements that can
cause tremendous damage to the
integrity of the party and its
leadership."
Makone, the head of the MDC-T's women's wing and MP-elect
for Harare North,
is at the talks as one of two "support officers", with
MDC-T national
chairman Lovemore Moyo. The party is represented by Biti and
Elton Mangoma
around the negotiating table, while Welshman Ncube and
Priscilla
Misihairabwi take part as representatives of the MDC faction led
by Arthur
Mutambara. Their support officers are Miriam Mushayi and Moses
Mzila Ndlovu.
The Associated Press appeared to profit first from the
leaking of the false
information. The news agency's story was soon picked up
by the world media -
including the BBC which had quotations on its website
from its own MDC
sources suggesting the talks had broken down over Zanu PF's
insistence
(false) that Tsvangirai would be a third Vice President in an
envisaged
unity government.
The Associated Press, again quoting MDC
sources, said Zanu PF negotiators
Chinamasa and Goche were on their way back
to Harare "to consult with
President Robert Mugabe". The story was
fake.
New Zimbabwe.com understands Makone was asked to leave the talks -
a major
blow to her reputation after she caused fissures within the party
when she
was thrust as chair of the women's wing in place of Lucia Matibenga
- a very
unpopular move within the party and its trade union movement
supporters
where Matibenga has her political base.
Teresa's husband,
Ian, is a key adviser to Morgan Tsvangirai who has stood
by the couple as
senior figures in the party warned him to act against the
wealthy couple,
also thought to be his one-time financiers.
President Mugabe, Tsvangirai
and Mutambara all signed a historic memorandum
of understanding last week
which prohibits the parties from talking to the
media in any detail about
the talks.
The talks between Zimbabwe's major political parties were
initiated by the
Southern African Development Community (SADC) over a year
ago amid rising
political tensions. The talks assumed greater meaning when
Tsvangirai pulled
out of a presidential election runoff on June 27, citing
violence against
his supporters.
The African Union - while giving
Mugabe guarded support after his one-man
election - instructed him to form a
unity government with the MDC, saying no
one party could govern alone. The
resolution has since received the backing
of the African Union.
The
talks are scheduled to last two weeks, which means the first details
could
emerge on or around August 4.
No reaction was immediately available from
Makone, or the MDC-T last night.
A South African government spokesman
confirmed the talks were still on, and
was unaware of any problems.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=1599
July 29, 2008
By Our
Correspondent
JOHANNESBURG - Officials of the Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC
were mum last
night over a disclosure that a senior official had been caught
red-handed
while supplying information about the current power-sharing talks
illegally
to the media.
The negotiations have been conducted in a
shroud of secrecy in accordance
with a clause of the Memorandum of
Understanding signed last week by
President Robert Mugabe, Morgan Tsvangirai
and Arthur Mutambara, leaders
respectively of Zanu-PF and the two MDC
parties.
New Zimbabwe.com reported last night that Theresa Makoni, leader
of the
women's league of Tsvangirai's mainstream MDC, had been set trapped
and
exposed as the mole feeding information about proceedings at the crucial
talks to the media.
Theresa is the wife of Ian Makone, a key advisor
to Tsvangirai.
The website reported that Theresa Makone had been trapped
at the behest of
MDC secretary general, Tendai Biti, who was allegedly
"incensed with what
appeared to be leaks coming from his own party". It was
not clear how Biti
became aware that his own delegation was the source of
the leaks.
The website quoted a diplomatic source as saying: "Biti showed
strong
leadership. As guests of a foreign government, the MDC must show it
is ready
to govern by swiftly moving to control unruly elements that can
cause
tremendous damage to the integrity of the party and its
leadership."
It was not explained how the unnamed diplomat, whether based
in Pretoria or
in Harare had so quickly become involved in such a
fast-moving series of
events. The website did not disclose either what
information Makone had
leaked to the media or where it had been
published.
Yesterday, the international wire service, Associated Press,
filed a story
to the effect that the crucial talks in Pretoria had collapsed
and the
Zanu-PF delegation, comprising cabinet ministers Patrick Chinamasa
and
Nicholas Goche, was preparing to depart for Harare.
It was a
dramatic story and soon other wire services had picked it up. The
Zimbabwe
Times published the brief version by the AP correspondent Michelle
Faul, an
experienced Zimbabwean journalist, who seems to have broken the
story. A
more detailed version by the BBC was also published on the website.
It is
claimed that these details had been fed to Makone by Biti, working in
concert with leaders of the other two delegations, Chinamasa, representing
Zanu-PF and Welshman Ncube secretary general of the other MDC led by Arthur
Mutambara. Biti had reportedly become suspicious that Makone was leaking
information to the media.
New Zimbabwe did not disclose what
information Makone had leaked to the
media. In fact since the talks got
under way on Thursday no major
information has been published in the media
pertaining to the developments
in Pretoria. The closest to a leak was
information published in the Sunday
Times in Johannesburg to the effect that
the negotiating delegations had
requested to be moved from a three-star
guest house outside Pretoria, where
they were initially booked, to more
luxurious accommodation in the city.
In fact, the blanket of secrecy
thrown over the talks in terms of the
Memorandum of Understanding signed by
the three leaders seemed to be working
perfectly well. That was until the
dramatic events in Pretoria yesterday to
identify the mole who, allegedly,
was leaking the undisclosed information to
the media.
In fact by
their own conduct yesterday the leaders of the delegations showed
themselves
to be in breach of the very MoU they claim to be protecting. They
gave
selected sections of the media a full briefing on developments at the
talks
in contravention of a crucial clause of the document guiding the
talks.
Biti and deputy MDC treasurer, Elton Mangoma, comprise the
official
delegation at the talks while Makone, vice president Thoko Khupe
and
chairman, Lovemore Moyo are apparently members of a back-up team. The
allegation that it is Biti who orchestrated the expulsion of a member of his
own party from the talks appears to have been calculated to create friction
within the party which constitutes the serious challenge to Zanu-PF and
Mugabe at the talks.
Efforts were in vain last night to obtain an
indication of the information
Makone allegedly leaked to the media before
she allegedly leaked the
information that was fed to her by Biti, Chinamasa
and Ncube, before she was
allegedly expelled from the
negotiations.
It was not clear whether Biti emerged from the whole
controversy with a
stronger hand or whether he was compromised by the
allegations of
impropriety within his delegation. Meanwhile, New Zimbabwe
authoritatively
dismissed the story about the talks collapse as false
without attributing
the denial to anyone.
"The story was fake," New
Zimbabwe declared.
"New Zimbabwe.com understands Makone was asked to
leave the talks - a major
blow to her reputation after she caused fissures
within the party when she
was thrust as chair of the women's wing in place
of Lucia Matibenga - a very
unpopular move within the party and its trade
union movement supporters
where Matibenga has her political
base.
"Theresa's husband, Ian, is a key adviser to Morgan Tsvangirai who
has stood
by the couple as senior figures in the party warned him to act
against the
wealthy couple, also thought to be his one-time
financiers."
It appears Theresa Makone's alleged leak to Michelle Faul
will have far
reaching consequences at the power-sharing talks long after
she has returned
to Harare.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/07/28/AR2008072802474.html
Robert Mugabe's campaign to stay in power continues by other
means.
Tuesday, July 29, 2008; Page A16
NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN
Zimbabwe's government and opposition broke off
yesterday four days after
they began, which should have surprised no one who
has followed Robert
Mugabe's brutal and uncompromising campaign to remain in
power. Since the
84-year-old strongman lost a presidential election March
29, his thugs have
murdered at least 120 people, including some who were
tortured before they
died. Villages suspected of supporting the opposition
have been looted and
burned, and humanitarian groups have been prohibited
from distributing food.
In agreeing to two weeks of talks, opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai
obtained a commitment that the violence would end and won
the involvement of
international mediators who could help ensure that the
peace was kept. But
even that has not stopped the rampage of government
goons in the
countryside.
The talks stopped at a predictable point: Mr. Mugabe is
refusing to yield
power and instead seeks to manipulate Mr. Tsvangirai into
accepting a
subordinate position in the regime. In that aim, Mr. Mugabe is
abetted by
the chief broker of the talks, South African President Thabo
Mbeki, who has
dedicated the waning months of his own tarnished
administration to propping
up one of Africa's most heinous rulers. With the
help of dictator-loving
Russia and China, Mr. Mbeki managed to block the
U.N. Security Council from
approving new sanctions against Mr. Mugabe's
government this month. The two
cronies no doubt hope they can use the
negotiations to further deflect
international pressure; if they can co-opt
Mr. Tsvangirai, they will have an
argument for lifting the Western sanctions
now directed at the regime.
Neither Mr. Tsvangirai nor Western
governments should allow such a maneuver.
The only acceptable outcome of
Zimbabwe's political bargaining -- if it
resumes -- is a transition to Mr.
Mugabe's retirement, the removal of the
criminal clique that supports him
and the staging of fresh democratic
elections. The opposition already has
offered to spare Mr. Mugabe and others
from prosecution; they could also be
allowed to keep some of the assets they
have stolen. But until Mr. Mugabe
leaves office, the campaign to punish and
isolate his regime should
continue. The Bush administration and European
Union sent the right message
last week by approving new sanctions directed
at the Mugabe clique. If the
suspension of the talks continues, or if the
talks fail to produce results
in the original two-week time frame, the
United States should reopen the
debate at the Security Council.
http://www.mg.co.za/article/2008-07-29-business-confidence-hits-new-low
JASON MOYO - Jul 29 2008
06:00
Business confidence in Zimbabwe stands at 2%, a new
report showed last week.
A report prepared for the Confederation of
Zimbabwe Industries (CZI), the
country's biggest business grouping, said
only 2% of the country's top
business executives polled in the six months to
June this year "are
optimistic about the business environment". The figure
stood at 5% at the
same time last year.
Industry shrunk 28% in 2007
and was operating at 18,9% of capacity, down
from 33,8% in 2006, the
Manufacturing Sector Survey said. "Only 4% of
industry is operating above
75% [of capacity]. There is an unprecedented
level of idle capacity in the
economy," the report said.
On average, it said, skilled workers earn the
equivalent of between $8 and
$10 a month, leading to a mass exodus of skills
from the country.
The new report sheds new light on the despair in the
business sector. Apart
from operating under world-record inflation,
officially estimated at
2,2-million percent -- a rate private economists say
is conservative --
business has to deal with the constant threat of state
seizure.
Last week, state media reported that a government audit had been
launched to
establish the extent of Western ownership of companies operating
in
Zimbabwe, "as part of a black empowerment drive and to counter the
possible
withdrawal of investment under sanctions imposed and proposed by
Britain and
the United States".
This is a reaction to growing
pressure on Western companies still operating
in Zimbabwe to pull out of the
country, or at least freeze plans for
additional investment.
Robert
Mugabe told supporters two weeks ago that he "cannot wait" for
British-owned
companies to "heed their government's call to leave".
The media reports
said a preliminary audit had shown there was some British
interest in 499
companies operating in Zimbabwe. Of these, 309 were
majority-held by British
shareholders and 97 were wholly British-owned.
The audit had also found
353 firms with shareholders from other European
countries, state media
claimed. Should these companies withdraw from
Zimbabwe, investors from
"friendly countries" would be invited to take over.
Last year, Zimbabwe's
Parliament approved the Indigenisation and Economic
Empowerment Act, which
compels large corporations to sell up to 51% of their
shares to black
investors. Separate legislation seeks to hand control of
mines to locals,
with exemptions made in exchange for social investment.
Empowerment
Minister Paul Mangwana has previously sought to calm fears on
the effects of
the indigenisation law, saying there would not be a wholesale
nationalisation and that the law would be implemented "on a case-by-case
basis".
But business is taking the new threats seriously. The CZI
recently released
a statement calling for the end of sanctions against the
country's ruling
elite.
One business leader said last week that the
statement was not a reflection
of industry's real views, but "a kind of
white flag to Zanu-PF, a pragmatic
move [by business] to calm things
down".
Large foreign corporations appear unfazed by the takeover threats
or the
pressure to withdraw.
Barclays Zimbabwe, 68%-owned by Barclays
of Britain, said: "Barclays has
operated in Zimbabwe for almost 100 years,
serving the interests of the
Zimbabwean people under successive governments
in a way that we believe to
be responsible and ethical. Wherever we operate,
we are apolitical and we
seek to comply with relevant laws."
Last
Wednesday, the CZI and the Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce said
they
hoped the talks in Pretoria "lead to the resolution of our problems,
which
have had serious political, social, economic as well as humanitarian"
effects.
http://www.hararetribune.com/index.php?news=63
ZPP:
Tribune Staff 28 July, 2008
10:40:00
In a report, the human rights watchdog the Zimbabwe Peace Project
says there
were more that 16400 incidents of political
violence
ZImbabwe, Harare-- In a report, the human rights watchdog the
Zimbabwe Peace
Project said there were more than 16400 incidents of
politically motivated
violence across Zimbabwe through June 30th.
The
cumulative report for January-June noted an "exponential increase in
human
rights violations," in May in particular with 6,288 documented
incidents.
Through June, some 77 murders were reported across the country.
All of
those murdered by the ZANU-PF militia, were members and supporters of
the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
ZANU-PF unleashed gangs of ZANU-PF
militia across the wake in the wake of
the March 29 elections that showed
Tsvangirai beating long time Zimbabwe
ruler Robert Mugabe.
The report
come as a surprise to many as during the month of June there had
been a
noted decrease in political violence.
Peace Project National Director
Jestina Mukoko indicated their figures were
an underestimate as some of the
ZPP field workers had to flee from some of
the most violent areas during the
month.
Meanwhile, opposition political sources said a driver abducted by
armed
soldiers in Buhera South last Thursday had been released by police
Friday
night.
Movement for Democratic Change driver Witness Maambire
said that after he
was abducted, the soldiers interrogated him then handed
him over to officers
at Muzokomba police station where he underwent further
questioning before
being released the following day.
Maambire was
abducted in Buhera South where he had gone to pick up victims
of violence
who had not been able to obtain medical care, and transport them
to
hospitals.
He said the soldiers never tortured him, but demanded to know
why he was in
the area, to which he responded that he was looking to
purchase livestock
for food.
MDC officials in Manicaland province
said said Buhera remains a no-go area
for opposition members despite calls
from some ruling party officials for an
end to violence.
Exchange rate to 1 USD Fri 23
May Z$500 million
Exchange rate to 1 USD Fri 6
June Z$2.4 billion A 380% increase in 2 weeks
Exchange rate to 1 USD Fri 20
June Z$20 billion A 733% increase in 2 weeks or a 3 900% increase in the
past 4 weeks.
Exchange rate to 1 USD Fri 25
July Z$700bilion A 3 400% increase in 5 weeks or 139 900% since 23 May (2
months).
Old Mutual (good forex hedge on
the Stock Exchange) share price 1 January 2008 Z$17
million
Old Mutual share price 20
June $35 billion (35 000 million)....
Old Mutual share price 25
July $1.2 trillion (1 200 billion).... year to date increase 7 million
%
If the movement in the exchange
rate for the last nine weeks is calculated on a weekly basis (124% per week) and
annualised, then inflation is presently running at....150 000 000 000 000 000
000% (150 with 18 zeros) or 150 Quintillion percent!!!
Incidentally (and hardly
surprisingly) we have a massive shortage of Zimbabwean cash and hence the cash
rate is vastly different from the transfer rate... 1 USD will cost you Z$100bn
for cash AND the daily bank withdrawal limit is $100bn.....which you can do
nothing with.
Have a good
day!!!
Regards,
AM
Number |
Zeros |
Figures
|
|
|
|
One |
0 |
1 |
Thousand |
3 |
1,000 |
Million |
6 |
1,000,000 |
Billion |
9 |
1,000,000,000 |
Trillion |
12 |
1,000,000,000, |
Quadrillion |
15 |
1,000,000,000, |
Quintillion |
18 |
1,000,000,000, |
Hexillion |
21 |
1,000,000,000, |
Heptillion |
24 |
1,000,000,000, |
Octillion |
27 |
1,000,000,000, |
Nonillion |
30 |
1,000,000,000, |
Decillion |
1,000,000,000, |
http://www.radiovop.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=3386&Itemid=755
HARARE, July 29 2008 - The Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe governor, Gideon
Gono, is expected to announce a post
presidential election monetary policy
statement on Tuesday to address the
country's runaway inflation and
insufficient cash withdrawal
limits.
The Central Bank is expected to introduce a $500 billion
bearer cheque
before the end of this week, barely a week after the
introduction of the
$100 billion bearers cheque. RBZ sources told Radio VOP
on Thursday that
Gono would announce a plan to alleviate the biting cash
shortages and said
the main focus of his statement would be on the low bank
maximum withdrawal
limits. The current withdrawal limits are only sufficient
for a one-way
commuter omnibus trip to most residential areas. Gono, who
was in Gweru at
the weekend to preside over the opening of the Midlands
Agricultural Show,
said he was confident this week's monetary review would
bring about the
much-needed relief in the national payment system. However,
business
analysts have said the second quarter monetary policy statement was
long
overdue and poured cold water on Gono's claims that the post election
blueprint would turnaround Zimbabwe's economic misfortunes. They said the
policy statement was likely to be bereft of sound economic solutions owing
to the Central Bank's quasi-fiscal engagements and continued money supply
growth, which they said was inflationary.
The sources said RBZ
is not expected to change the daily accommodation
limits by huge
margins.
Earlier this month, the RBZ reviewed the capital
requirements of
financial institutions, which are to be complied with by
September this
year. The Central Bank also increased accommodation rates to
levels that
some banks feared would result in a liquidity crunch.
http://www.radiovop.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=3381&Itemid=755
HARARE, July 29 2008 - A Zimbabwe Republic
Police (ZRP) police officer
in Mashonaland East has died from injuries
sustained after being severely
assaulted by ZANU PF militia and war veterans
in the province two weeks ago.
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition
said in a statement King Muteta, a police
officer in Mudzi North, who was
heavily assaulted by 12 war veterans after
visiting his home to check on the
welfare his parents, died on Friday, 25
July 2008.
"The
incident occurred on the 17th of July 2008 at Chimukoko base in
Muteta
village under Chief Chimukoko, Mudzi where Muteta was attacked by 12
war
vets led by war vets who could only be identified as Kangora and Gafa.
The
hooligans were sponsored by Newten Kachepa and Peter Nyakuba, Zanu PF MP
and
councillor respectively," reads part of the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition
statement.
Muteta had allegedly visited his parents, who
had been assaulted by
war veterans in the area during the wave of the
State-organized violence
that preceded the hotly disputed 27 June
presidential run-off.
Movement for Democratic Change leader
Morgan Tsvangirai, the
front-runner, boycotted the poll because of excessive
violence against his
supporters by government agents. ZANU PF candidate
Robert Mugabe was later
declared the winner of the one-man race.
http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com
Local
Monday, 28 July 2008
13:17
THE unrelenting economic meltdown has taken a toll on the
provision of
basic social services in Harare, where the majority of the
residents says
their lives have been turned upside down with many now
virtually leading a
rural existence.
With an estimated
population of more than three million people,
Harare, once dubbed the
sunshine city, is littered with uncollected refuse
and there is neither
running water nor electricity in many places.
Urban dwellers now
use firewood for cooking or heating while others
resort to any vegetation in
greenways or municipal gardens to relieve
themselves because the toilets
have no water. In the process the general
health standards in the capital
have been dangerously compromised.
Most streetlights ceased working
ages ago while in the areas where
there is water, raw sewage flows freely
forming permanent rivulets around
homes and onto public thoroughfares and
streets. Bare-footed children,
oblivious to the health hazards involved,
play in the raw sewage as there is
no other spaces available.
For over a month, residents of Msasa Park have been without running
water
while Dzivarasekwa, Budiriro, Kambuzuma, Mufakose and Highfield have
been
having erratic water supplies since mid-July.
Equally affected are
the posh suburbs of Gunhill, Highlands, Mandara,
Borrowdale and Chisipite,
where some residents said last week they last had
running water in
2005.
Other badly hit suburbs include Mabvuku, Tafara and Ruwa,
where
certain sections last had clean running water two years
ago.
"We have not had running water for the past six months and we
have
since stopped using the toilets because they are blocked. People here
use
the bush," said Progress Moyo (62), a mother of seven who has lived in
Mabvuku for almost half a century.
Schools regularly turn away
pupils away because there is no water for
drinking or water ablution
facilities. In some schools, teachers order
pupils to bring a litre of water
everyday for use in the toilets.
"We have to do that because if
they (pupils) come here without water
there will be an outbreak of diseases.
We are just being cautious," said a
Kambuzuma primary school headmaster. In
some instances, the pupils fail to
fulfill this requirement because there is
no water at their homes either.
But of major concern to the school
authorities is that on a number of
occasions, there have been outbreaks of
water-borne diseases like dysentery
and cholera, which have claimed scores
of lives in the past year.
Kathy Warnich of Greengrove in Greendale
said they last had water on
July 13 and Zinwa failed to live up to its
promises that supplies would be
restored.
"We last had water on
the 13th of this month and we were assured that
water would be restored but
up to now, nothing has happened," Warnich said.
She also lamented
the fact that Zinwa had failed to provide water
bowsers to the area despite
a public undertaking to do so. Warnich, who
lives with her husband and an
elderly woman, said the water crisis was now
beyond her capacity to cope
with while the monthly charges keep on rising
every month.
"I
don't have any idea what we are paying for every month. Our bills
keep on
rising yet we are not getting the water," Warnich said.
The city's
largest residents' representative body, the Combined Harare
Residents'
Association (Chra) has slammed the general deterioration in
provision of
services in the Harare metropolitan area.
It said it was deeply
concerned by the persistence of the water crisis
despite the countless
assurances by Zinwa that its service delivery would
improve. Chra chief
executive officer Barnabas Mangodza fears the absence of
water could soon
result in a serious health catastrophe.
"The persistence of the
water crisis simply means the constant
exposure of the residents to a health
disaster," he said.
Mangodza deplored the government's decision to
give Zinwa the mandate
to manage the water supply system for Harare and
other cities. He said it
was self-evident Zinwa does not have the capacity
to run and manage the
water supply system for the city of
Harare.
"This was a reckless decision, which continues to haunt
residents in
all towns; as well as threaten their dear lives," Mangodza
said.
Residents of Glen View last week petitioned Zinwa over the
water
crisis.
The Glen View Residents' Trust demanded that
Zinwa stop the collection
of revenue "for services it does not
offer."
"We are also demanding that water management responsibility
be
surrendered to our local authority, the City of Harare," said GVRT deputy
co-ordinator Fortune Munyonga.
But water is not the only scarce
commodity in Harare.
Sections of Highfield, Kuwadzana, Budiriro and
Mabelreign have been
without electricity for the past three
weeks.
"We have made several calls to Zesa but nothing has
materialised. At
one time I was told there was no fuel. And now they are
saying thieves
drained oil from a local sub-station," said David Gudyanga of
Highfield's
Engineering section.
A senior Zesa official said
power cuts were likely to worsen as the
authority has no foreign currency
with which to import electricity from
traditional suppliers such as South
Africa, Mozambique and the Democratic
Republic of Congo.
Apart
from that, he said, the shortage of foreign currency means that
the
authority cannot import spare parts and other accessories that need to
be
replaced.
"We should actually brace for a more difficult time
ahead," he said.
Zesa public relations manager Fullard Gwasira was
not immediately
available for comment.
Compounding the problems
of city residents is the fact that
uncollected rubbish is piling up in both
high and low-density suburbs as
well as the central business
district.
Street alleys reek of human waste and rotting garbage
that has lain
untouched for months as council fails to collect the waste due
to alleged
mismanagement exacerbated by the country's crippling fuel
shortage and
breakdowns at power stations.
Harare's roads are
riddled with potholes and the newly elected council
only recently started to
work on some of the major roads.
Raw sewage has been allowed to
spill into Harare's main water sources
such as Lake Chivero, to the west of
the capital, threatening an untold
health catastrophe for its
residents.
Government took control of Harare after voters elected
Elias Mudzuri,
of the MDC, as mayor in 2002. All efforts by Mudzuri to run
the city
efficiently were blocked by the government, which later dismissed
him and
appointed its own commissioners, handpicked by Local Government
Minister,
Ignatius Chombo, to run the capital.
But the new
Harare Mayor, Muchadeyi Masunda, is reaching out to
residents of the capital
to work together for the good of the city.
"I am under no illusions
about the matters that have to be achieved
and attended to and it's a
question of all of us constructively engaging
each other towards one goal
and that is to make our city work," he told The
Standard
recently.
By Caiphas Chimhete
http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com
Local
Monday, 28
July 2008 13:15
THE government is mulling taking over sugar
distribution and arresting
anyone found selling outside its designated
distribution points.
Industry and International Trade deputy
minister, Phineas Chihota
stunned business leaders at the Zimbabwe National
Chamber of Commerce
congress last week when he announced that the government
is going to take
over all the sugar on the market and anyone caught selling
the commodity
would be slapped with a five-year prison sentence without the
option of a
fine.
He accused the business sector of
fraudulently exporting sugar to
neighbouring countries and pointed out that
most sugar was being sold on the
parallel market.
ZNCC past
president, Luxon Zembe told the deputy minister that the
planned move
demonstrated that the government was unwilling to work with
business.
"Your announcement is a clear statement to us that
government has no
faith in the business sector, we are worried and
concerned," Zembe said.
He warned that the move could have
disastrous consequences and could
be abused by government officials to "line
their pockets".
In response, Chihota said fears that the decision
would be an avenue
through which government officials would benefit at the
expense of the
general public were only assumptions and that as government
they would
implement the decision.
Sugar is currently being
sold at between $300 and $400 billion for a
2kg packet on the parallel
market. Sugar producing companies could not be
reached immediately for their
comment.
Meanwhile Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries (CZI)
officials said
last week the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU)
between
Zimbabwe's political rivals, Zanu PF and MDC, should encourage
global
financiers to start working with Zimbabwe and help the country out of
an
ongoing economic meltdown.
Addressing journalists last
Wednesday, CZI president Callisto Jokonya
urged the World Bank,
International Monetary Fund (IMF) and African
Development Bank (AfDB) among
others to appreciate Zimbabwe politicians'
efforts to restore unity in the
country.
"We encourage them to take this as a positive step and
start now to
work with Zimbabwe so we can craft a turnaround package for our
economy,"
Jokonya said. "We do not have to wait for two weeks of
negotiation," he
said.
Zanu PF's President Robert Mugabe and
opposition leaders Morgan
Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara last Monday signed
a MoU and pledged to
strike a political settlement deal after two weeks of
negotiations.
Jokonya, together with former CZI bosses Pattison
Sithole and Anthony
Mandiwanza welcomed the development, saying business
pegged its hopes of
economic revival on it.
Zimbabwe's economy
has been on the decline in the past eight years and
economic analysts say
the situation is being worsened by lack of access to
international credit
lines among others.
Analysts accuse Mugabe's government of
disqualifying the country from
global funding through undermining some of
the requirements, among them loan
repayments.
"We expect
Zimbabwe to be restored into the international community
and we hope to
access lines of credit and to be able to penetrate some
markets which were
difficult to penetrate," Sithole said.
Mandiwanza said while
pushing for global funding, the business
community should also prioritise
discipline in their operations and fight
corruption which had been
robust.
The business leaders said they also expected a new
political
dispensation which will give birth to sound economic policies that
will
favour business growth.
They said the country still
has robust infrastructure that can be
turned around in the short term and be
fully utilised to restore high
productivity and growth levels of the
1990s.
"We cannot wait to see our shelves full of basic
commodities to feed
our people," Mandiwanza said. "Zimbabwe must produce
what it consumes."
But economic commentator John Robertson said
the biggest challenge
will be to regain trust within the global
economy.
"People do not trust Mugabe because he has broken
promises before," he
said. "Tsvangirai sets a higher moral tone and with him
in charge financiers
will take a chance and lend to us."
http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com
Local
Monday, 28 July
2008 13:13
IN the majority of cases the threat of operating in a
hostile media
environment comes from a paranoid state that is unsettled by
the constant
prying of pesky newspapers.
However, the latest
threat to publications such as The Standard, the
Zimbabwe Independent and
the Financial Gazette appears to come from an
unexpected
quarter.
Readers of the three publications will have noticed that
the cover
price changes on an almost weekly basis. The latest round of
increases puts
the price of the three newspapers at $500 billion each - five
times the
maximum daily cash withdrawal banks will allow an
individual.
The increases come on the back of massive price hikes
by the printing
factory. The cost of printing has risen by 6 414% from June
27 to July 26.
All the three newspapers The Standard, the Zimbabwe
Independent, and
the Financial Gazette provide the bulk of the inputs that
go into the
printing of the three titles - newsprint, films and plates. This
raises
serious concerns about the justification for such stratospheric
increases.
The Zimind group, publishers of the Zimbabwe Independent
and The
Standard, has a 25% shareholding in PrintCo, the printers of the
newspapers.
That stake, however, does not translate into a cover price that
readers can
readily afford.
Last Wednesday the printers
"advised" that printing charges for this
issue of The Standard had gone up
to $226 trillion per section for a
quantity of up to 10 000 copies. For a
quantity of up to 15 000 the charges
are $312 trillion per section and for
up to 20 000 $398 trillion per
section.
Subsequent quantities
are pro-rated to the nearest thousand.
"However," said the
printers, "we are offering a discount for amounts
paid in cash of which the
discount would be negotiated at the time of
payment. If you are willing to
pay for this week's publication using cash
before the job is done, we can
stick to last week's charges."
Saying the Zimind group appears to
have no say in the escalating
printing charges, Group CEO, Raphael Khumalo
described what is happening at
the printers as "cost opportunism run riot"
that could result in the
shutting down of the two newspapers. "There is no
plan to close right now,"
he said, "but the price hikes are unsustainable
and a threat to our
well-being as a business".
"There is
absolutely no justification," Khumalo said. "Their overheads
are taking over
80% against consumables including inks which take below 20%.
There is need
for urgent intervention."
The printing charges provide for fuel,
salaries, wear and tear,
electricity, water etc. However, it is clear from
the breakdown of their
overheads that their salary and fuel bills are more
than similar costs
incurred by the Zimind group and Financial Gazette even
though they have
fewer numbers of employees.
Khumalo feared a
"sinister motive" behind the spiralling printing
charges.
At
the time of writing, questions sent to the chairperson of the print
company
- Tunatemore - Jethro Goko, who is based in South Africa had not
been
responded to.
Iden Wetherell, chairman of the Zimbabwe National
Editors Forum, said
of the printing price escalations: "This is suffocation
by other means."
http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com
Local
Monday, 28 July 2008 13:11
Lecturers at state universities, who have
been on a go slow for the
past three weeks, demanding salaries of US$1 200
for the least paid academic
staff have threatened to down tools this week if
their grievances are not
met.
The Zimbabwe State
Universities Union of Academics (Zisua), which
represents lecturers from the
seven government-run universities met at the
National University of Science
and Technology (Nust) on Friday where they
made the demands.
The academics join a long list of professionals who are now rejecting
remuneration in local currency, whose value is depreciating on a daily basis
against major currencies.
"We will inform the Ministry of
Higher and Tertiary Education by
Monday of our intention to go on strike
indefinitely if our grievances are
not met," said a Zisua official on
condition he was not named.
"The lecturers want their salaries
pegged at the prevailing interbank
rate or US$1 200 for the least paid and
this is a big climb down from the
US$2 000 that we had asked from the
ministry."
The least paid lecturer is said to have earned $80
billion last month,
an amount not even enough for a two-way commuter bus
fare.
The academics are also demanding vehicle loans and housing
stands
before they can resume their duties. Similar benefits were recently
extended
to health professionals who were given cars by government through
the
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe.
"The government demonstrated that
it had the ability to meet these
demands and we are not going back to work
until they are met," said the
official. "If it can embark on such an
extensive farm mechanisation
programme and offer such incentives to health
workers, what is stopping it
from extending those benefits to people who are
helping train vital manpower
for the nation?"
The
disgruntlement among academics at the universities reached fever
pitch this
month as they started a go-slow in frustration.
The official said
operations were almost at a standstill at the
University of Zimbabwe, Nust,
Lupane State University, Chinhoyi State
University, Masvingo State
University and Bindura University of Science and
Technology.
"I
can confirm that even non-academic staff members have stopped
coming to work
because they are not happy with what their employer is paying
them," said
Nust Educators' Association chairperson, Sam Chabwira.
Stan
Mudenge, the Minister of Higher and Tertiary Education, was not
immediately
available for comment.
Standards at state universities continue to
suffer from a serious
brain drain that has seen lecturers migrating to
neighbouring countries in
search of greener pastures.
By
Nqolwani Nyathi
http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com
Local
Monday, 28 July 2008
13:06
THE United States ambassador to Zimbabwe, James McGee on Friday
honoured 19 Zimbabwean students who recently won scholarships to pursue
undergraduate studies at various US universities and
colleges.
The students, drawn from all the country's
provinces, were offered
fully funded four-year scholarships with a combined
value of more than US$5
million. They were funded through the United States
Student Achievers
Programme (USAP), which identifies and assists talented
but less privileged
high school graduates. The students are given full
scholarships covering
tuition and fees, accommodation, stationery and other
expenses for
undergraduate studies.
In brief remarks to the
students, McGee said the scholarships offered
the students "a wonderful
opportunity to make a difference in Zimbabwe".
"You have the future
in front of you and you have been offered such a
wonderful opportunity to
make a difference in Zimbabwe," McGee said. "You
are the future of Zimbabwe
. . . I know each and every one of you will do
well."
Unlike in
the past where USAP beneficiaries were drawn mostly from the
capital,
Harare, this year the students were drawn from across the country,
covering
such high schools as Thornhill, Regina Mundi and Guinea Fowl High,
Murehwa
and Kutama College, Goromonzi, Monte Cassino and St Dominic's,
Highfield,
Seke I and Zengeza I.
The US Educational Advisor in Harare, Rebecca
Zeigler-Mano, said this
year's group was the "most outstanding" since the
establishment of the
programme in 1999.
The students were
offered scholarships to such highly acclaimed
universities as Harvard,
Brown, Yale, York and Tufts, among others.
http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com
Local
Monday, 28 July 2008 13:02
Jostling for posts in a future government
has witnessed the
resurfacing of serious divisions among senior Zanu PF
leaders in
Matabeleland that has seen them accusing each other of trying to
endear
themselves to President Robert Mugabe through
gossip.
A number of influential Zanu PF politicians are
likely to be left in
the cold when a new cabinet is announced after they
lost their bids for
House of Assembly seats during the March
elections.
Sources said this has led to political back biting that
has escalated
into public spats akin to those that marred Zanu PF's
campaigns ahead of the
elections.
Vice-President Joseph Msika
hit a raw nerve three weeks ago when he
organised victory celebrations for
President Robert Mugabe at his Gumtree
business centre in
Bulawayo.
He lashed out at politicians from Matabeleland who were
allegedly
gossiping about their colleagues from the region, in what he said
were
efforts to curry favour with Mugabe.
"There are some of
you who work with people in Harare so that you can
impose your stooges on
the region," Msika said. "You are reckless in your
thinking, you are
careless.
"Others are gossiping with people in Harare and they hope
that they
will be given ministerial posts."
Msika's comments
were published in the state-controlled Sunday News
and it reportedly sparked
complaints by some of the politicians who felt
that they were the targets of
Msika's barbs.
Industry and International Trade Minister Obert
Mpofu and Bulawayo
governor Cain Mathema were the most senior Zanu PF
officials who were not
invited to the party, which was ostensibly for the
ruling party leadership
in Matabeleland.
Sources said the two
were the targets of Msika's outbursts following
suspicions that they were
spreading information questioning the loyalty of
former PF Zapu leaders to
President Mugabe.
Last weekend Mpofu, who was one of only four Zanu
PF candidates who
won seats in the House of Assembly from Matabeleland
North, organised his
own "victory celebrations" where his address sounded
like a reply to Msika.
"We were chosen by the people," he told his
supporters. "We don't go
looking for posts because our posts are here with
the people.
"There are some people who want to divide us by holding
meetings
without us yet they are in my constituency."
Gumtree
is in Mpofu's Umguza constituency. The presence of war
veterans' leader,
Jabulani Sibanda at the event, which was held at
Nyamandlovu Primary School
also sent tongues wagging.
Sibanda was expelled from Zanu PF in
2004 for disobeying the former PF
Zapu leaders from
Matabeleland.
Attempts to bring back the former Zanu PF chairman
for Bulawayo
province through the back door almost split the ruling party as
Msika and
national chairman, John Nkomo, strongly protested.
In
the run-up to the March elections, Mpofu ruffled feathers in
Matabeleland
when he told Mugabe that some leaders were campaigning for
independent
presidential candidate, Simba Makoni.
Mpofu and Mathema also drew
Msika's ire when they labelled former
Zipra intelligence supremo, Dumiso
Dabengwa a sellout after he openly backed
Makoni's candidacy.
The two almost walked out of last year's Zanu PF special congress that
endorsed Mugabe's candidature in the March elections after attempts were
made to give Sibanda the podium.
Zanu PF heavyweights have also
clashed over the distribution of
maize-meal in Bulawayo prompting Mugabe to
plead with them to end their
"little wars".
By Nqobani
Nyathi
http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com
Local
Monday, 28 July
2008 13:00
THE local and international media presented the
choreographed
"serious" side to the signing of the Memorandum of
Understanding (MoU) by
the three political leaders on Monday last
week.
The Standard, which had a ringside seat to the
unfolding developments,
can present the other side of the coin of events
which took place at a hotel
in Harare when President Robert Mugabe, Morgan
Tsvangirai and Arthur
Mutambara signed the MoU in the presence of South
African President Thabo
Mbeki.
What remains unknown to many is
that Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara
had signed the MoU without shaking
hands.
The three only shook hands after an alert journalist asked
why they
had not done so and if it was an indication that relations were
still
"frosty".
South African President Thabo Mbeki
diplomatically played down the
gaffe saying: "In fact, they shook hands, you
did not see them because you
were hiding behind the podium but they will do
it again."
When the programme ended, Tsvangirai, Mbeki, Mugabe and
Mutambara
stood up to depart amid howls of protest from the journalists who
wanted to
see the combatants shaking hands for a possible award-winning
picture or
footage.
Mbeki, realising the oversight quickly
summoned them to get together
and shake hands.
A glum-looking
Mugabe then seized the moment and shook hands with his
rivals before raising
their hands in a show of unity.
The programme started with Mbeki
sauntering into the conference hall
and cracking jokes with hordes of
journalists.
He announced that the political leaders would arrive
separately with
Mutambara coming first, followed by Tsvangirai then
Mugabe.
"They are all definitely coming. They have assured me that
they will
come," he said apparently addressing possible fears that
Tsvangirai would
pull out at the last minute.
When the signing
was done, Mbeki was faced with a dilemma.
Each of the political
leaders was supposed to make a short statement
but nobody appeared to have
thought of the order in which they would speak.
"I don't have a
coin to decide who will speak first," he said.
The wily Mugabe who
seemed disinterested in the process suddenly came
alive and offered an
immediate solution.
"What about in the order in which we came in?"
his baritone voice
boomed, drawing laughter from diplomats, journalists and
politicians who saw
through his suggestion which would put him at an
advantage as he would be
the last to speak.
Former St Mary's MP
Job Sikhala light-heartedly protested about Mugabe's
suggestion.
"Chamisa, Chamisa, mudhara uyu akangwarisa ave
kutotitsotsa.
Totokangwarira pama talks (Chamisa, Chamisa, we have to be
wary of this old
man, he is already out-foxing us. We have to watch him when
it comes to the
talks)," he said to MDC-T spokesman, Nelson Chamisa warning
him that they
needed to guard against being outmanoeuvred by the world's
oldest president.
Senior politicians from the three different
political parties seemed
to be ready to reconcile as they
hugged.
One MDC-T politician chided a Zanu PF official saying
somebody
appeared to be neglecting Mugabe as his long hair needed the urgent
attention of a barber.
The tensions between Mugabe and
Tsvangirai were obvious, especially
after the MDC-T leader described Mugabe
as the president of Zanu PF.
Tsvangirai appeared to rub it in when
he said Mugabe was leader of the
ruling party while he (Tsvangirai)
represented the winning party.
He however came unstuck when he
mistakenly said the last time he had a
face-to-face meeting with Mugabe was
in 1978.
Ouch!
The journalists had a good
laugh.
Politicians from the Mutambara faction laughed in
exaggerated glee.
As Tsvangirai corrected himself and said he meant
1998, Mugabe smiled
for the first time, relishing Tsvangirai's
discomfort.
The president must have either dozed off or lost
concentration because
when his turn came to speak, he did not seem to know
it until loud whispers
were made to him.
Naturally he spoke
about the need for the talks to cast away the
influence of Britain and the
United States.
Following the signing of the MoU, Zimbabweans who
have managed to see
humour even in their hardships are already coming up
with speculative
suggestions on what exchanges could have taken place when
Tsvangirai and
Mugabe met for the first time in a decade.
By
Foster Dongozi
http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com
Business
Monday, 28 July 2008 12:57
ONLY four percent of companies in the
manufacturing sector are
operating above 75% capacity as the economic crisis
takes a toll on the once
vibrant industry, a report released on Wednesday
shows.
The revelations, contained in the CZI Manufacturing
Sector Survey 2008
report, reflect that the industry is under pressure from
the harsh operating
environment.
The report noted that over 75%
of the sampled companies are operating
at less than 50% capacity
utilisation.
"There are therefore unprecedented levels of idle
capacity in the
economy," it said.
The weighted capacity
utilisation in the manufacturing sector dropped
to an all time low of 18,9%
compared to 33,8% and 35% in 2006 and 2005
respectively.
"This
confirms that industry continues to be under pressure from
operating
environment," the survey said.
The report said the economy is
slowly dollarizing as all prices were
pegged to a more stable
currency.
It said at the point of transactions local manufacturers
were forced
to factor in depreciation of the local currency between them
invoicing and
having access to the funds. The result is their local currency
pricing
"appears" to be too high in real terms, it said.
"This
has led to aggressive de-industrialisation as more companies are
opting for
direct imports as opposed to buying from local suppliers," the
report
said.
"Dollarisation within a rapidly devaluing currency is
accelerating
de-industrialisation."
The manufacturing sector
contributes 17% to the Gross Domestic
Product. At its peak between 1980 and
1990, the sector was the biggest
contributor to GDP at 22%.
The
survey estimates that the manufacturing sector's domestic content
inputs are
a maximum of 60% from agriculture and 40% from the mining sector.
"Ironically, the below potential performance of the agricultural
sector over
the last few years owing to droughts has contributed to the low
capacity
utilisation in manufacturing," it said.
The survey said due to the
constraints, the manufacturing sector's
contribution to exports has declined
to 17% last year from a peak of 45%
between 1980 and 1990.
The
report says employment levels in the sector have dropped by 28%
compared to
12,2% in 2006.
". . . it can be deduced that idle time at work has
increased
significantly," it said. "Unfortunately the combination of
idleness and a
wage lower than a living wage can lead to higher levels of
pilferage at work
places."
In his opening remarks Callisto
Jokonya, CZI president, said
distortions industry spoke about seven years
ago were still outstanding.
"Issues are still relevant today. We
have ears and we can't hear, we
have good advice but we can't take it,"
Jokonya said.
Jokonya blasted the manufacturing of inflation by the
monetary policy
through endless printing of money and said Zimbabwe was a
nation that was
"good at pointing fingers at each other".
"We
lack credibility. We no longer have values," Jokonya said.
But
Phineas Chihota, Industry and International Trade deputy minister,
said the
central bank did not enjoy printing money.
"It is not exciting that
people are printing money. They are not happy
with it," Chihota
said.
Jokonya said the brain drain facing the nation was a result
of
pittance wages and salaries paid to employees.
"The minimum
wage is $1,5 trillion and it means that at the end of the
month, one is
receiving less than US$2," he said.
The report says at all levels,
the workforce is intrinsically and
subconsciously demoralised and has lost
any drive for work thereby affecting
performance.
It recommends
the streamlining of the workforce "and then aim to pay a
living wage
equivalent of US$30 for the staff as a minimum".
By Ndamu
Sandu
http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com
Business
Monday, 28
July 2008 12:54
SMM Holdings (UK) company secretary Barry Lewis says
AMG Global
Nominees, the company used by the government to takeover assets
from
businessman Mutumwa Mawere, has not disclosed its true identity adding
a new
twist to the ongoing wrangle ahead of the 3 November court
case.
In November the UK Court will hear an appeal by AMG
Global Nominees,
which is seeking a rectification order of the shareholder
register of
Shabani Mashaba Mine Holdings, a company registered in
London.
This follows a May ruling by a UK Court that threw out
AMG's bid to
buy SMM Holdings from its former owners after the government
took over
Mawere's assets in 2004 accusing the businessman of externalising
foreign
currency.
In October 2004, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
(RBZ) paid US$2 million
on behalf of AMG to buy the share warrants to SMM
Holdings, a subsidiary of
Africa Resources Limited (ARL), from its former
owners Turner and Newell Ltd
(T&N).
ARL had originally
purchased SMM, whose assets included two
Zimbabwe-based asbestos mines, for
US$60 million in March 1996 from the
Manchester-based T&N. It paid US$37
million leaving an outstanding balance
of US$23 million.
After
buying the share warrants from Kroll, the Zimbabwe government
took AMG to
the London courts, where ARL is registered, to try and force
Mawere to
divest share control in the company.
But in a stunning revelation
Lewis told Standardbusiness that
non-disclosure by AMG as to its true
identity is material and significant to
the legal proceedings in the
UK.
"AMG is a shelf company with no assets," Lewis
said.
Lewis questioned the involvement of the RBZ in AMG's bid to
take over
SMMH and THZ Holdings.
"It is significant that at the
meeting of 27 October 2004, AMG was
represented by Mr Chiremba, an employee
of the Reserve Bank," Lewis said.
"Why would the RBZ be involved in
the affairs of a private company?"
He said the government of
Zimbabwe had no problems busting sanctions
in the UK and procuring the
services of UK nationals to pursue illegal
transactions.
"It is
instructive that Mr Chiremba was instrumental in negotiating
the deal that
would have resulted in the government of Zimbabwe perfecting
the
nationalisation of SMM Holdings Limited and THZ Holdings Limited, both
being
companies incorporated in the UK, without any compensation," he
said.
Minutes obtained by Standardbusiness showed that RBZ was
represented
at one such meeting to hammer out a deal in which AMG would take
over both
SMMH and THZ Holdings Limited.
The meeting was held
on 27 October 2004 and was attended by executives
from Kroll,
DentonWildeSapte, SMM Holdings and RBZ. DentonWildeSapte is the
English law
firm while Kroll were the administrators of T&N, the former
owners of
SMM Holdings and THZ Holdings.
When it was said at the meeting that
AMG has to pay US$2 million in a
one-off payment to get the share warrants,
RBZ said "this would be difficult
and there were constraints on foreign
currency all the time but sometimes
one has to just put one's head on the
block". "They did not want to waste
anybody's time," the minutes
said.
Arafas Gwaradzimba, AMG chief was unreachable last week. His
office
said the he was out of town and would be back in office
tomorrow.
By Ndamu Sandu
http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com
Opinion
Monday, 28 July 2008
11:22
THE background music couldn't have been better chosen. Tunes
included
all time favourites such as:
*"Everybody's
talking at me, / Don't hear a word they saying, / Only
the echoes of my
mind."
*"I talk to the trees, / But no one's listening to
me."
*"To dream the impossible dream."
*"There's a
place for us, / Somewhere a place for us."
The entirely neutral
referee warmly welcomes the contestants. He
points out that there can
obviously be only one winner -the comrade with the
most politically correct
ideology, the comrade who's prepared to protect the
nation's sovereignty
against the evil machinations of western
neo-imperialism. The reference team
members are somewhat perturbed by this
observation, but then, in the absence
of mum's authorisation to do
otherwise, they decide to remain
mum.
The ref observes that the proceedings are deliberately being
held at a
clandestine venue (the basement of the Kokstad Imperial Palace
Hotel). He
says the negotiations will take place in the utmost secrecy, and
any
agreement reached is never to be disclosed to anyone else, particularly
silly persons from civil society organisations, members of which are often
far from civil. The ref then introduces the proceedings:
For
those of you who can't spell, let me spell out everything you need
to know
about negotiations. A "negotiation" is "a discussion intended to
produce an
agreement or a bargaining (give and take) process between two or
more
parties (each with its own aims, needs, and viewpoints) seeking to
discover
a common ground and reach an agreement to settle a matter of mutual
concern
or resolve a conflict." However, you can forget about any gouging
out of
each other's eyes, biting off pieces of ears, Mike Tyson style,
striking
low, painful, below the belt blows and suchlike. I want a good
clean contest
with a lot of give from the one side and most of the take by
the other. What
we need is a truly African solution to African problems,
without creating
any African difficulties. No hyper-extravagant or
hyper-insulting language
will be permitted. Just leave the hyper to the
thriving domain of monetary
inflation.
Now, as the Queensberry rules require, I'll proceed to
lock you all up
in a room, which we affectionately refer to as the Torture
Room. There'll be
no food, water, alcoholic beverages, mistresses, comfort
girls or internet
access. You'll only be liberated from this room when you
announce that you've
reached a mutually acceptable agreement or,
alternatively, you've knocked
out your opponents or worse, or forced them to
submit. So let's get ready to
rumble.
To start off with,
those outside the room could only hear
imprecations, threats, insults and
abuse. Eventually the tone became less
raucous and bellicose, probably due
to increasing exhaustion and hunger.
The mediator and spooks had a
far better insight into what was going
on. They were closely monitoring
proceedings, having commissioned Mr Ben
Menashe to install a secret spy
camera inside the room. Unfortunately the
sound and picture quality were
very poor, and only snippets of the
discussions could be picked up.
Nonetheless this videotape remains a rich
source of information about what
actually happened during the negotiations.
Here is a selection of sound
bites:
*What on earth do you mean by a people-driven
Constitution?
*If you want to play fast and loose, why don't you
enter the Beijing
Olympics?
*Don't you realise that as land is
the economy and the economy is
land, each Chef must have many
farms?
*Taking into account hyperinflation, surely now you should
be talking
about trillion percent empowerment and quadrillion percent
independence.
*If you show me your liberation war credentials, I
will show you mine.
*You must surely know by now that the only
source of reliable
information is the ZBC news.
*The best way
to deal with our economic crisis is to expropriate
everything.
*If we accept your terms, we would be as naïve as Neville Chamberlain
thinking he could enter into a binding deal with Mr Adolph.
*A
fool and his political party are easily parted.
*We cannot answer
that question until the Generals have told us what
to say.
*I
would kill for a few stiff whiskies right now.
*If you want to
negotiate with us, wouldn't it be a good idea to
instruct your goons to stop
killing us?
*Tell your tea boy to stop serving tea to his obese
puppet masters.
*Negotiating with you is like Dr Faust negotiating
a deal with the
devil.
*Traitors should go hang a thousand
times.
*Let's sign this agreement with a gun rather than a
ballpoint pen
because a gun's more powerful.
*Only the Almighty
can remove those whom He ordained.
*There must be no JOCkeying for
power in the new Zimbabwe
*What on earth is wrong with the old
Zimbabwe?
The negotiations were completely successful. Everyone
heartily shook
hands and then immediately went to wash off the
contamination. Everyone was
satisfied with the outcome, but no one was
pleased with it; everyone got
exactly what he or she wanted, but no one got
what he or she desired; the
future was now assured, but no one was confident
that it would be good.
As the delegates departed, one was heard
plaintively singing: "Fly me
to the moon and let me play among the stars, /
Let me see what life is like
on Jupiter and Mars."
The nation
let out a gigantic sigh of relief. It was indeed eternally
grateful for the
deal struck by its wise statespersons. But there was still
a nagging
question, would the deal stop people being struck?
http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com
Opinion
Monday, 28 July 2008 11:18
THERE is a sense, after the so-called
"Historic Handshake" between
Morgan Tsvangirai and Robert Mugabe on 21 July
2008, that Zimbabwe has
reached an "oasis moment".
It
is that point in a long and treacherous trip in the Sahara when,
thirsty and
weary, one suddenly sees a canopy of palm trees in the distant
horizon, a
sign that, perhaps, finally you have come across an oasis, a
source of
renewal.
Such moments invoke an eclectic mixture of emotions -
hopes, dreams
and also, fears. One is energised by the thought of salvation
from the
torture of the desert elements. But there is also the fear that the
oasis
may be no more than a mirage; that fatigue may be the great impediment
to
reaching the oasis. That is why, in the language of the desert, they talk
of
dying of thirst when the palm trees appear in the horizon.
And so it is that for the first time in 10 years, a troubled journey
of few
highs and many lows, Zimbabweans can see the palm trees in the
horizon. But
their reaction to the signing of the Memorandum of
Understanding (MoU) for
negotiations between the country's political rivals
is laced with cautious
optimism or to put it more bluntly, scepticism.
That is not
surprising. For a people failed so many times before by
politicians,
scepticism is the best insurance policy against likely
disappointment. You
do not raise your hopes too high. You always leave room
in your heart to
say, "Anyway, I knew it would never work". Zimbabweans have
been mentally
scarred too many times before; they have seen lofty dreams
turn into
nightmares. So, now, they say, simply, "tege-e tichiona" (we will
wait and
see).
But beyond questions over the sincerity and genuine will of
the
politicians, there is something else that is not obvious in the equation
of
Zimbabwe's future that will determine the success or failure of this
current
endeavour.
It is the fact that Zimbabwean politicians,
let alone the Zimbabwean
citizens generally, no longer hold the country's
economic fate in their own
hands. One of the consequences of Zanu PF's
failures is that it has so
impoverished the people and made them so
powerless and left the country ever
more vulnerable to the whims of external
forces.
There is the circumstance, therefore, that a political deal
between
Zimbabweans will, ultimately, depend on whether it is deemed
acceptable by
the international community and in particular, the
economically powerful
West. And there is no guarantee that it will.
Zimbabweans thus face a
scenario where their politicians might agree to do a
deal but find,
ultimately, that it will not be deemed acceptable by some
members of the
community of nations. Africa is likely to take any deal that
ensures some
stability. It is not clear that the West would take the same
position.
Zimbabwe's economic collapse has resulted largely from
poor policies,
incompetence and corruption on the part of government. But in
later years it
also suffered heavily from financial and economic
ostracisation in the
community of nations.
Although the mantra
is that Zimbabwe is subjected only to targeted
travel and financial
sanctions against select members of the Zimbabwe
government, the reality is
that Zimbabwe as a country has largely been
ostracised by the international
financial institutions and multi-lateral
development banks. By September
2000, international financial institutions
and multi-lateral development
banks, including the IMF, had effectively shut
avenues for financial support
and credit to Zimbabwe, except, perhaps for
humanitarian purposes. They
certainly had their good reasons for taking
those measures but this
exclusion combined with local incompetence and
corruption to cause a
brutally slow and painful demise of the Zimbabwean
economy.
A
closer look at one of the key legislative instruments that provide a
backdrop to the financial ostracisation, namely the US Congress' Zimbabwe
Democracy and Economic Recovery Act (ZIDERA), gives some indication as to
why the outcome of the talks is, ultimately, dependent on the goodwill and
support of the international community.
ZIDERA effectively
blocks, through the executive directors
representing the US in international
financial institutions, "support that
is intended to promote Zimbabwe's
economic recovery and development, the
stabilisation of the Zimbabwe dollar,
and the viability of Zimbabwe's
democratic institutions". This is, it must
be emphasized, a separate set of
measures from the targeted travel sanctions
against individuals as provided
for under Section 6 of ZIDERA and which this
article does not specifically
address.
Any change to the US
policy in respect of economic support from the
international financial
institutions under this law ultimately rests on the
certification by the US
President that certain conditions have been
satisfied in Zimbabwe. These
conditions include:
* restoration of the rule of law, which
includes respect for property
rights and the cessation of government-backed
violence;
* that there is an internationally-monitored and
recognised free and
fair presidential election in accordance with
international standards;
* equitable, legal and transparent land
reform programme consistent
with agreements of the 1998 Donors'
Conference;
* Demilitarisation of the civil arms of government and
subordination
of the military to the civilian government.
It
follows, therefore, that, unless these conditions are satisfied,
there
remains the possibility that US policy would not change. In this
particular
case, it is unlikely that an internationally monitored and
acceptable
presidential election will be held in the short term and may, at
best, only
come at the end of a transitional period. If the US were to
insist that this
condition must be fulfilled to the letter before dispensing
with the
financial/economic restrictions towards Zimbabwe that might well
strangle
the new baby at birth. If the transitional authority remains
cut-off from
the channels of support from international financial
institutions and
multi-lateral development banks, its stability and
prospects of economic
recovery will be severely limited.
The trouble is neither Zanu PF
nor the MDC have the capacity to
determine the policy decisions of the US
and the EU in these matters. They
have their own reasons for imposing the
sanctions and they also have their
own domestic constituencies to account to
for their actions. For this
reason, the situation is that talks will have to
address the issues raised
not simply by Zimbabweans but also those issues
that may be raised by the
West. The possibility of clashes is not
insignificant.
Yet the threat of sanctions requires careful
treatment. It remains a
potent tool for the MDC in the negotiations, a
dagger above the head of Zanu
PF which impels them to negotiate and find
common ground. That's because the
sanctions regime effectively strengthens
the hand of Zanu PF's greatest
challenger - the economy.
Mugabe
can fight his human foes. He has shown that. But he knows also
that there is
one foe; one dogged challenger who won't give up - he knows
the economy is
the hardest of punchers. In boxing parlance, they would
probably say the
economy is now throwing a series of combinations and Mugabe
is hanging on
the ropes, unable to defend, let alone fight back, waiting
desperately for
the bell. Because that bell will give him a breather. That
bell will
energise him to, perhaps, make another remarkable comeback. That
is why
talks are important to him and Zanu PF. The talks are to Mugabe what
the
bell is to the beleaguered boxer.
But will the transitional
arrangement survive the vagaries of the
two-year dry economic season, if the
West does not accept the deal? The
conception of the talks was paraded amid
smiles and handshakes; the birth
and immediate aftermath could be a more
sombre affair; a lot, perhaps, like
the millions of African babies who
appear only briefly to catch a glimpse of
the world and then are seen no
more. . . But, as always, we wait in hope,
cautious hope that the "oasis" is
not simply a mirage.
Alex Magaisa is based at The University of
Kent Law School and can be
contacted at a.t.magaisa@kent.ac.uk
http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com
Opinion
Monday, 28
July 2008 11:16
WHILST the MOU will undoubtedly be a positive step
forward towards a
negotiated settlement in Zimbabwe, many pitfalls still lie
ahead and we will
need Mandela-like wisdom to negotiate
them.
A few weeks ago in London Nelson Mandela commented on
the Zimbabwean
crisis using four words which are profoundly significant as
we move towards
a negotiated settlement. He said that the Zimbabwean crisis
was, and I
quote, a "tragic failure of leadership". At that time many took
his comments
as an attack on Robert Mugabe alone. However I do not believe
that his
comments were directed solely at Robert Mugabe. I believe that he
was
referring to a collective failure of leadership in Zimbabwe not just
this
year but over a protracted period.
It is just over 50
years since Garfield Todd's tenure as Prime
Minister of Southern Rhodesia
ended on the 17th of February 1958. In his
farewell statement Todd said "we
must make it possible for every individual
to lead the good life, to win a
place in the sun. We are in danger of
becoming a race of fear ridden
neurotics - we who live in the finest country
on earth". Those wise words
have been disregarded by a succession of
political leaders in Zimbabwe for
the last 50 years. Zimbabwe has been
blighted during the last 50 years by
political leaders of all races and of
all ideologies who have been guilty of
the following errors of judgment:
Since the early 1960s Zimbabwean
political parties have generally been
led by men who believe that physical
force is more important than moral
force. The 1961 Constitution would have
led to a gradual and orderly
transition from white minority rule to majority
rule but it was derailed by
both black and white politicians who did not
believe in compromise and who
preferred to place their faith in the use of
force and violence either to
retain power or to acquire it.
The
politics of the 1960s and 1970s were marked by a shocking lack of
commitment
by most political leaders to seek non-violent means of resolving
the then
political crisis. Since 1980 we have been led by a regime that has
a
deep-rooted belief in and commitment to the use of violence to achieve
political objectives. Tragically as so often happens under tyrannical
regimes, those who oppose tyranny sometimes get poisoned by tyranny and
themselves replicate or mirror the methods used by the very tyrannical
regimes they oppose. Zimbabwe has been no exception and I have no doubt that
the struggle for freedom has been compromised periodically when we in the
opposition have lapsed into the thinking that our problems may be resolved
through the use of physical force and violence.
I was horrified
to read recently statements made by a few senior
opposition leaders which
betray this thinking. One threatened a "shooting
war" and went on to say
that the MDC should not be blamed "when we start."
Another wrote that an
option was to "pick up arms of war" and drive Mugabe
out.
Whilst I fully understand the deep sense of frustration which leads to
statements like this being made, these utterances are irresponsible. War, or
the threat of war, should never be part of our lexicon, especially during
any negotiation process. That is the language we expect to hear from
Mugabe - it should never come from a democrat at this juncture of our
history.
ll democratic political leaders must consider the
legacy of the last
50 years of violence in Zimbabwe. We need to all
understand that it is this
continual reversion to violence which has brought
our great nation to the
sorry state is in today. Unless all political
leaders unequivocally revoke
the use or threat of violence there will never
be a meaningful negotiated
settlement in Zimbabwe.
And it is
simply no excuse for opposition leaders to threaten the use
of violence or
war in response to the shocking brutality exercised by this
regime against
the Zimbabwean people. All those threats will do is
perpetuate the
horrifying cycle of violence this country has experienced in
the last 50
years. In short war or the threat of war is simply not an
option. If the
talks, which are about to commence, are to succeed that
threat should never
be used by anyone, certainly not by the democrats.
Accordingly if
we are to negotiate a settlement there must be a
profound commitment to
refrain from the violence of the fist, tongue and
heart by the opposition,
irrespective of what Zanu PF leaders have done or
are planning to do. We
must recognise that we occupy the high ground morally
as we enter this
process and we must not lose that position by making
foolhardy threats at
this critical juncture.
2. They are concentrated on either
the retention or acquisition of
power rather than the national interest I
question what has happened to all
our patriots? It seems to me that our
nation has been blighted by a
succession of leaders who are more concerned
with their personal interests
or the narrow interests of their own political
parties and supporters then
they are in the great nation state of Zimbabwe.
This should be a great
nation; it is richly endowed with bright articulate
hard-working people;
with rich natural resources; with the best climate in
the world; it is a
country of stunning natural beauty. As Garfield Todd said
over 50 years ago
it is indeed the finest country on earth. How can it then
be that the finest
country on earth is the location of one of the world's
worst nightmares? I
believe that is primarily because our political
leadership has for decades
put selfish personal interests ahead of the
national interest.
One of the reasons the Lancaster house talks did
not provide a
long-term resolution to Zimbabwe's problems is because white
rights were put
before the entrenchment of universally recognised human
rights. Instead of
ensuring that the new Zimbabwean Constitution deeply
rooted democratic
principles there was a concentration on protecting white
interests. In
contrast both FW De Klerk and Roelff Meyer in the South
African negotiations
recognised that it was more important to entrench
democracy for all than it
was to seek to protect white
privilege.
Likewise the reason the December 22, 1987 Unity Accord
has come
unstuck is because it accommodated the interests of the political
leadership
of Zanu PF and PF Zapu rather than the general interests of the
Zimbabwean
people. One of the reasons there is such antipathy in Zimbabwe
today
regarding a government of national unity is because of the 1987 Unity
Accord. The Unity Accord is viewed by most people, certainly in
Matabeleland, as a settlement which benefited a few leaders and did not
entrench democracy and so lay the foundation for meaningful economic
development which would benefit all Zimbabweans.
Sadly that
attitude continues to this day and applies to both Zanu PF
and the MDC. I
fear that the current negotiations may focus on who gets what
instead of
what structural reforms are needed to put Zimbabwe back on the
road to
recovery. If the negotiations focus on how much power is either
retained by
Zanu PF or acquired by the MDC rather than the policy reforms
needed then
any settlement that arises from the negotiations will not be
wholeheartedly
embraced by the Zimbabwean people.
To this extent who leads the
country and who is in any Cabinet is
irrelevant. Let me be quite clear what
I mean. Obviously the democratic will
of the people of Zimbabwe as reflected
in the 29 March 2008 elections must
be respected. However the problems
Zimbabwe face are so severe and
intractable that we cannot allow petty
bickering about who gets what to
derail the negotiations. All national
leaders must recommit themselves to
the national interest and be prepared to
subordinate their personal goals
and ambitions to what is in the best
interests of Zimbabwe. This means that
in the interests of compromise there
may have to be some power-sharing
mechanism during a transitional
period.
In this regard let me briefly respond to the statement
issued by the
civil society organisations on 17 July 2007 in which they call
upon a
transitional government to have "leadership by a neutral body" and a
transitional government "headed by an individual who is not a member of Zanu
PF or MDC". Once again whilst I appreciate the sentiment which lies behind
the statement one cannot just disregard the wishes of the Zimbabwean people
as expressed on 29 March. Our society remains deeply polarised and we cannot
ignore the fact that leaders on both sides of the political divide enjoy the
passionate support of their respective supporters. They have been given a
mandate by their supporters and that mandate must be respected in the
negotiation process. However it is because of that deep polarisation that I
believe we will have to consider some interim power sharing mechanism. And
it goes without saying that power-sharing involves compromise on both
sides.
But the tragic consequences are not solely confined to
economic
collapse. Almost of greater concern to me is the collapse of the
moral
fabric of our society. We need to consider the effect of 50 years of
violence on our national character. In this regard and I am not only
speaking about the victims of violence but also about the perpetrators. In
the last few weeks I have seen horrifying injuries inflicted on Zimbabweans
by young men. Doctors say that some of these injuries are so severe that
they would never occur, for example, in a traffic accident. Bones had been
broken repeatedly by young men acting on the instructions of their political
leaders. I have no doubt that they will be haunted by what they have done in
the years that lie ahead. Scientific studies show that those who inflict
violence on political opponents often go on to inflict violence on those
they love including spouses and children. It is also a fact that we now have
a deeply ingrained culture of violence. If negotiations are to succeed then
not only must this violence stop immediately but other measures must be
taken to ensure that violence does not derail either the talks or the
transition.
In these circumstances the demand by the MDC that
all violence should
stop, that political detainees should be released and
that is NGOs be
allowed to distribute food are reasonable. However I would
qualify these
demands by recognising that even if Zanu PF gives undertakings
it will be
difficult to verify the compliance of those undertakings in the
short term
and to change the mind set of a generation of youth militia
overnight. I
believe that SADC has a key role to play in this regard. I
think the state
should immediately deploy civilian monitors to report back
to the
facilitators regarding whether militia camps have been removed,
whether NGOs
are able to function and other legitimate issues of concern
have been
addressed. I think that if such a commitment is given by SADC then
negotiations should commence without further ado. But we must recognise that
unless there are neutral SADC monitors deployed in the country eruptions of
violence are more likely to occur and these may have the effect of
disrupting the talks.
It follows as well that a crucial aspect
of the talks must be how to
tackle the culture of violence so that it does
not derail any transitional
period agreed to in the talks. Suffice it to say
that we must not
underestimate how serious this problem is and our need for
an ongoing
presence of SADC monitors even during the transitional
period.
For the reasons I have outlined above a government of
national unity
will be viewed with extreme scepticism by most Zimbabweans.
The fear of
Zimbabweans is that the government of national unity will draw
in
unscrupulous political leaders who then become part of a corrupt system.
The
fear is that those leaders are then compromised and that they will fail
to
deal with the fundamental problems facing Zimbabwe.
It is
for this reason that a transitional authority should be agreed
to and I
would like to discuss a few aspects of this authority. Before I do
so let me
respond to those who may say that there is no difference between a
GNU and a
Transitional Authority. Some argue that this is just about
semantics. I
disagree - the difference is all about emphasis. A GNU focuses
on "unity";
substance is secondary and the notion of a transition to
something different
is completely subordinate to unity. A Transitional
Authority focuses on
"transition". There can, and must of course, be unity
in transition but the
emphasis is on a transition to something new, not just
a changing of the
guard at the top.
My own belief is that any transitional authority
emerging from the
talks should generally respect the will of the people as
expressed on 29
March 2008. As stated above because our nation is so deeply
polarised there
will have to be a power-sharing arrangement during the
transition including
all the political parties given a mandate by the
electorate in March.
However during the transition civil society will have
to play a major role
in certain aspects of the transitional authority's
mandate, especially
regarding the process which should culminate in a new
democratic
constitution.
Any transitional authority agreed to
should have a finite mandate. It
must be made clear that the authority will
not have a mandate to govern
indefinitely. In addition the duration of the
authority should be as short
as possible; and it should be understood that
it is to govern in the short
term - I would hope for no longer than 18
months to two years.
It seems to me that there are four critical
areas that need to be
addressed by a transitional authority.
The transitional authority should be mandated to stabilise the
economy, to
seek balance of payments support, to tackle inflation by
engaging
institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF. It will need to
draw on
technical expertise from qualified Zimbabweans and others who can
introduce
the necessary economic policies to stop Zimbabwe's economic
freefall.
Zimbabwe is arguably suffering the world's greatest
humanitarian
crisis at present. The country faces a severe food shortage;
our hospitals
are devoid of qualified personnel and medication. An absolute
priority of
the transitional authority should be to engage the international
community
to ensure the importation of the necessary food and drugs and
introduction
of policies which will attract qualified personnel to return to
Zimbabwe to
address the food and health crisis.
At the root of
the political, economic and humanitarian crises is our
deeply flawed
Constitution. The transitional authority should immediately
engage all
Zimbabwean political parties, civic organisations that trade
union
movements, churches and other interested organisations to recommence
the
constitutional debate and to agree on an all-inclusive process which
will
culminate in a new constitution.
Once the economy has been
stabilised, the humanitarian crisis
addressed and a new constitution enacted
the transitional authority should
hand over to a genuinely, and objectively
verifiable, Independent Electoral
Commission which will then conduct and
genuinely free and fair elections
supervised by SADC and the
AU.
Zimbabwe has reached a political stalemate. There is no way out
for
Zanu PF. Its nemesis is now the economy. It has no solution to
hyperinflation. It knows that in the coming weeks and months it will not
even be able to feed key elements of its support base. To that extent it has
no choice but to negotiate. Likewise the combined MDC in respecting its
moral and practical commitment to a non-violent solution to the Zimbabwean
crisis must recognise that it to too has no choice but to negotiate, no
matter how unpalatable that may be in certain respects.
Despite
our fears and reservations we must see this as a unique
opportunity to
negotiate a peaceful settlement for our nation. Our country
is in great
peril today. We can either allow it to continue down its present
slide to
destruction and oblivion or we can all work together to seize this
opportunity to lay the foundations for a great nation. I reiterate again the
words of Garfield Todd made over 50 years ago - this is indeed the finest
country on earth. It is missing one key ingredient at present - democracy.
When that ingredient is rooted I have no doubt that the Zimbabwe will yet
become the jewel of Africa.
*David Coltart is Senator-elect for
Khumalo Constituency. This is an
abridged version of a Speech given to
Bulawayo Agenda meeting on Friday July
18, 2008.
http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com
Opinion
Monday, 28 July 2008 11:12
WHAT is significant about last week's
signing of the Memorandum of
Understanding by the MDC formations and Zanu PF
is that it marks the
beginning of an attempt to resolve Zimbabwe's
eight-year-old crisis.
But essentially it will be a
stop-gap measure to shepherd us from a
wilderness whose political and
economic status has become unsustainable.
It is a welcome
development because it is pregnant with potential and
promises real
recovery. In welcoming the agreement between the two parties
on how to
narrow their differences we are reminded about areas of conflict
where years
later the original strife remains untackled: the DRC, Sudan and
Somalia are
immediate examples.
The parties engaged each other last year,
therefore in setting a
two-week period within which to seal a final
agreement, the suggestion is
that significant ground has already been
covered.
But several considerations could have given impetus to
last Monday's
agreement: South Africa, which is heading the mediation
process wanted to
attend the EU-South Africa Summit in Bordeaux, France, on
Friday without
having to field awkward questions about Zimbabwe's unresolved
crisis, just
as it did at the G8 Summit in Japan earlier this
month.
The EU's response to President Thabo Mbeki would appear to
support
this view. The other consideration is that China, which is hosting
the
Olympic Games in Beijing beginning on August 8, did not want its support
for
the Zimbabwean regime in crisis to overshadow the games.
A
third consideration is that the two-week deadline is an admission of
the
realisation that the crisis should not be allowed to last a day longer
than
is necessary because of the damage to the economy. The cash crisis and
the
acute shortage of goods on the supermarket shelves spoke very clearly
that
while Zanu PF claimed victory based on the June 27 one-contestant
presidential election run-off, it no longer had control over the
economy.
The continued threat of instability to the region and in
particular to
South Africa's hosting of the 2010 World Soccer Cup, was one
of the drivers
in the parties agreeing to a two-week deadline.
However, the outcome that everyone is hoping for will be delivered by
willingness to secure the greater interests of the people of this country
and not an elitist minority.
The problem with negotiations is
that they do not have a predictable
outcome - only an indication of the
direction in which they may proceed. The
case of the DRC talks provides
several instructive lessons. They were
protracted and President Joseph
Kabila remained head of state at the end of
the process. This was not the
outcome the other contestants envisioned.
For many, the worry is
that Zanu PF's idea of an outcome is what it
did to PF Zapu during the
process of hammering out the Unity Accord. The
suggestion that Morgan
Tsvangirai could be offered a senior ministerial
position has a familiar
ring to it. Dr Joshua Nkomo was once senior minister
before he became
co-vice-president.
The worry is also that Zanu PF has not seen it
fit to release
supporters who were arrested, those wanted by the police for
allegedly
committing acts of political violence or others with charges
hanging over
their heads. If it is negotiating in good faith it should have
at least
removed these obstacles to real political
reconciliation.
Whatever deal is hammered out in Pretoria one thing
is certain: Zanu
PF needs the MDC more than the MDC needs it. And world
opinion seems to be
on the MDC's side.
http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com
Opinion
Monday, 28 July
2008 11:01
THE signing of the memorandum of understanding (MoU) among
the key
political parties in Zimbabwe on 21 July 2008, presented a unique
and
historic occasion where national leaders showed political maturity by
committing themselves to a dialogue process.
It is
important to make a few observations that will allow all of us
to put
everything into perspective and context. There is always the danger
of not
seeing the wood for the trees.
The MoU we signed in Zimbabwe is a
very important document as it
allowed us to begin negotiations on matters
affecting our people. There is a
political, economic and humanitarian crisis
of immense proportion in our
country. More importantly, there is an
unprecedented political stalemate.
The process we have started will result
in a political settlement to the
impasse, thus allowing Zimbabweans to
fashion a new beginning.
This outcome we are determined to
accomplish within two weeks from 21
July. Let me emphasize that the
agreement we seek to achieve in these
negotiations is nothing but a short
term measure and a stop gap effort in
pursuit of the resolution of our
national challenges. It is neither the
sustainable answer nor the long term
solution to our dire circumstances.
Beyond the political agreement
we need to execute a programme of
national healing and rehabilitation for
our people. This cannot be done in
two weeks. What happened in our country
in the past four months has
traumatized our citizens.
Our
people have been brutalized and dehumanized. The culture and
practice of our
country's politics have been taken back 20 years. There is
need for public
meetings such as the one we had in Harare on 21 July 2008,
throughout the
country in every city, and in every village. The Zimbabwean
political
leaders we had on that hotel stage, Robert Mugabe, Morgan
Tsvangirai and
Arthur Mutambara, must address rallies together and say
jointly to the
people of Zimbabwe: "It is OK to belong to different
political parties. It
is OK to vote for whom so ever you wish, and yes the
will of the people
shall be supreme, respected, and sovereign." This has to
be the jointly
presented message from these political leaders to all
citizens. Only then
can the healing process start.
The political settlement we seek to
achieve in the current dialogue
process is nothing more than a stop gap
measure. We need a longer and more
inclusive conversation among Zimbabweans.
In addition to agreeing on the
borders of our country, and agreeing on the
name of the country, why can't
we have a constitution that we all defend and
revere? A people- driven
democratic constitution should be the basis of a
sustainable solution to our
national problems.
With this
foundational legal framework in place, the journey towards a
peaceful,
democratic and prosperous Zimbabwe can then begin. Such a
constitution
cannot be achieved in two weeks, only a commitment to the
requisite
processes and timeframes of its development is possible.
Furthermore, why can't we have a shared economic vision, a 20-30 year
economic vision for our country? This, the Promised Land, must be developed,
discussed and agreed upon by all political parties, civic society
organisations, the business community, and the general population at large.
There must be total buy-in and ownership of this uniquely Zimbabwean
economic vision by all national stakeholders.
However, the
conception of the vision must be buttressed by creative
and intelligent
borrowing and learning from other successful economies and
cultures. Can't
we envisage a globally competitive Zimbabwe in 20 years'
time, in terms of
GDP, per capita income, entrepreneurship, business growth,
exports,
productivity, competitiveness, financial literacy, and quality of
life? We
can then disagree and compete on strategies and tactics of
achieving that
common vision. The envisioning process cannot be done in two
weeks. The most
we can do is commit to the concept and principle, while
defining the
necessary processes.
In conclusion, the pursuit of the
political settlement we are
currently engaged in, and the efforts to address
the long term issues I have
outlined above, must be driven by the national
interest. This is not about
Mutambara and his small political party. It is
not about Tsvangirai and his
party. It is not about Mugabe and his party. It
is about the people of
Zimbabwe. As we negotiate and discuss amongst
ourselves, we must put the
national interest first, before self interest and
petty party political
ambitions. We must be driven by what is good for the
people of Zimbabwe. The
best interests of our current and future citizens
should be at the core of
our value system. We must start thinking in terms
of a cross-party
generational agenda where we subordinate partisan interests
to the national
interest.
Resolving both the short-and
long-term problems affecting our country
constitute our generational
mandate. We shall rise to the challenge.
* Prof. Arthur G.O.
Mutambara is the President one of the MDC
formations in Zimbabwe.
http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com
Why All The Fuss About Talking ?
Letters
Monday, 28 July 2008
11:51
I am shocked to see that international headlines are about
President
Thabo Mbeki's job well done, with pictures of Morgan Tsvangirai
and
President Robert Mugabe shaking hands.
Either the
world has been starved of anything good to say about
Zimbabwe, or the mere
sight of the two foes in the same room is so rare it's
considered news.
Talking about our problems is the way forward and we all
want that. But
celebrating an agreement to talk is something I don't
understand. It's just
an agreement to talk, not an agreement to agree on
issues!
We
had attempts at talks many times before, beginning with brother
Olusegun
Obasanjo. And these talks changed to talks about talks and then no
talks and
then a rejection of talks and so on. So what is new here? We are
still
queuing for our worthless trillions, we are still seeing one-sided
state
controlled propaganda, we are still hungry, we are still unemployed,
we are
still buying bread from Mozambique and South Africa, and we are still
seeing
unelected storm troopers, masquerading as ministers (though we have
no
cabinet) frothing at the mouth when describing opposition people.
Can anyone please tell me what the hype is all about then?
Davy
Saruchera
Nyanga
-----
MSU Denies Using
Guards
Letters
Monday, 28 July 2008 11:46
IN the
article, "Guards invigilate exams after MSU lecturers strike,"
(The Standard
July 13 2008) your reporter claims that she interviewed Denzel
Mushayi a
Bachelor of Arts in History and Development Studies student and
Didymus
Dhewa, whom she claimed is a teaching assistant at MSU.
The
two gentlemen deny ever granting your reporter any interviews. The
MSU
denies that it is using guards to invigilate examinations. This
aspersion is
clearly false.
The MSU further denies that its lecturers are on
strike. It has not
been given any notice by the lecturers that they are on
strike. To its
knowledge, the said lecturers are reporting for duty and are
invigilating
their examinations.
Apart from lecturers, MSU is
also using its Administration and
Secretarial staff to invigilate and run
the examinations. The story as it
stands conveys to a reasonable reader that
standards at MSU have fallen to
the extent the degrees it is certifying are
suspect if not worthless.
The MSU has a duty to protect its image
and to instill confidence in
the public who want to pursue an education at
MSU and indeed the employers
who employ its graduates and also the
government of Zimbabwe which has
pumped money and continues to pump money
into tertiary education.
Deputy Registrar
Midlands
State University
Gweru
---------
Charge Zinwa
With Criminal Negligence
Letters
Monday, 28 July 2008
11:44
THE Combined Harare Residents' Association chief executive would
do
well to check his facts before he writes to newspapers, however
well-intentioned his letters may be.
In his letter,
"Harare water crisis worsens," (The Standard, July 20)
he states that
several suburbs, and here he included Chisipite, "have gone
dry for the past
week" and that "Mabvuku/Tafara is the most hard-hit, where
an area called
New Stands last had running water in 2006."
It may interest him to
note that most parts of Chisipite last had
running water three years ago,
since which time there have been occasional
short bursts and occasional
equally short trickles. For most of the past few
years there have been long
dry spells, usually lasting several months, with
absolutely nothing coming
through. Parts of Chisipite and Greendale have not
had water through the
taps since 2005. The piping infrastructure is probably
now almost totally
decayed!
Over in other parts of Harare there are huge numbers of
burst pipes,
with water gushing for long periods of time (in the case of the
one in East
Road, Belgravia/Avondale, this was the case for six months, then
it was
repaired and three weeks later it all burst again!). No apologies are
offered to residents of these areas and Zinwa implies to callers that water
is a luxury and that people should be extremely grateful for Zinwa's
generosity when they do get it. Amazingly, bills arrive from time to time
(even these are haphazardly produced), demanding payment for water received
(and fictitious figures of consumption included on these
invoices).
Zinwa has failed the people of Harare and has a track
record that
makes them one of the most appalling of all utilities in this
country (this
takes some doing, in the company of ZESA etc). It is a body
that needs to be
investigated by, among others, the new Harare City Council,
and its
management should be both removed and charged with criminal
negligence.
The CHRA should not minimise the suffering of the
people this city
with inaccurate statements, whether deliberate or
inadvertent, and should
really get its facts correct if it wishes to be seen
as a credible body with
any relevance and value.
'Victim'
Chisipite
Harare
----------
More Pressure On Mugabe
Letters
Monday, 28 July 2008 11:41
I welcome the fact that the
parties in Zimbabwe have now declared
their agreement on the framework for
negotiations to find a solution to the
deep crisis in
Zimbabwe.
This is an important first step. However, in
order to succeed the
parties need to be serious in their desire to achieve
results.
If Zimbabwe is to have a legitimate and democratically
accepted
government it is important that the negotiations are based on the
outcome of
the parliamentary elections on 29 March and that that result is
respected.
Continued international pressure is also required. As
regional
organisations, the AU and the SADC in particular have a key role to
play in
this.
I remain concerned about developments in Zimbabwe
and the people
there. Every day we see examples of human rights violations
and the
humanitarian situation is becoming increasingly
serious.
The prohibition against humanitarian organisations
operating in
Zimbabwe must be cancelled as soon as possible. The
government-sponsored
violence against the civilian population and members of
the opposition must
stop immediately.
Carl
Bildt
Minister for Foreign Affairs
Sweden
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
Tuesday, 29 July 2008 06:17
Peter Muchengeti, an activist based in Gweru, has been released by a
Gweru
magistrate Rosa Chakuva on bail of 2 trillion dollars after having
been
detained since last Friday when he was picked up by state security
agents.
Muchengeti, the regional chairman of the National Association of
Non-Governmental Organisations, is being charged with possessing documents
prejudicial to the state and for spreading falsehoods in connection with
documents found in his office detailing incidents of political violence,
pictures showing the victims and the names of the perpetrators.
Relating his ordeal, Muchengeti, said that he was interrogated naked
and
suspended upside down, an issue raised during the hearing. He also said
that
one of his interrogators was an army officer identified as Lt Col.
Kahuni
which he said was highly irregular. Agents ransacked his office which
had
been closed since June after police ordered all NGOs closed on the basis
of
a letter from the Minister of Labour and Social Welfare, Nicholas Goche
suspending their field operations. During the raid board members and staff
were chased out. The raiders took documents and equipment that included
computers, digital cameras and recorders that belonged to Kudzai Musengi, a
journalist, who was working from Muchengeti's office.
Also affected
were four victims from Nkayi who had come for treatment
after being
assaulted at a Zanu PF base. They apparently had with them
police case
reports confirming the assaults at the base that has since been
moved into
Nkayi police camp. The case is going to be heard on the 25th of
August and
Muchengeti's bail conditions include reporting to Gweru Central
police
station twice a week. Peter Muchengeti is among a list of activists
that had
been targeted at a meeting of security officials in Gweru last
June. His
movements were being watched resulting in him going underground in
the past
weeks until his arrest. His arrest last Friday led to most
activists based
in Gweru fleeing the city in fear.
http://www.radiovop.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=3385&Itemid=171
HARARE, July 29 2008 - The Central Bank has
reviewed small scale
miners loans in a bid to save the industry from total
collapse due to lack
of financial resources.
RadioVOP on
Monday learnt that the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe reviewed
small scale miners
loans to $800 trillion from $10 billion, which has been
massively eroded by
inflation and is not enough to buy a single tomato.
Machinery
needed in the mining sector is worth quintillions. Sources
in the mining
sector said most small scale miners had since stopped
approaching the RBZ,
in protest over the paltry loans they were being
offered.
Zimbabwe Miners Federation chief executive, Wellington Takavarasha,
confirmed that the Central Bank had reviewed the loans given to small scale
miners, but said the late review had resulted in most small scale miners
downsizing operations or ceasing operationg altogether.
Takavarasha called for periodic loan reviews given the current
hyperinflation, to save the troubled sector from total collapse. The mining
sector, like other facets of the economy, is facing numerous
challenges.
The government says mining contracted 14.4 percent
last year, with
official forecasts estimating the growth rate for this year
to be about 4.9
percent - a figure mining experts cast doubt on due to the
uncertainty that
is prevailing in the mining sector.
The
government has come up with stringent requirements for small scale
miners to
furnish authorities with environmental impact assessments.
Government
suspended the operations of small-scale miners two years ago in
an effort to
bring sanity to the sector, where massive environmental
degradation was
occurring as well as smuggling of precious stones outside
the
country.
It ordered the miners to comply with the requirement
to acquire EIAs
before they could be allowed to resume operations. Only 40
percent of
small-scale miners have since resumed operations, with the
remainder still
battling to raise funds to engage the environment
assessors.
Gold remitted to the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ),
the country's
central bank, in February declined to 768 kilograms from 819
kilograms in
January, according to the mining chamber
Gold
production accounts for 52 percent of total mineral production
and a third
of the country's gross domestic product in Zimbabwe.
http://www.nehandaradio.com/zimbabwe/opinionwriters/mikedavies290708.html
29 July 2008
By Mike
Davies
In a major victory scored by the democratic movement, the 6 year
battle to
establish the illegitimacy of the mugabe regime beyond question
has been
won. No country (or individual) of any standing will now recognise
the
regime and it can no longer pretend to hold even a shred of legitimacy
in
the aftermath of the fraudulent presidential run-off. This is a major
development and a success we must celebrate.
It opens the door to a
process for the restoration of legitimacy to the
Zimbabwean State, a route
which can only be legitimate if it includes a wide
range of players. It is
clear that only a government elected in a free and
fair election will enjoy
an undisputed mandate.
Such an election can only be the end event of a
process that includes a
transitional authority leading to the development of
a new constitution
approved through a national referendum.
Any elite
pact that arises from closed door discussions between zanu-pf and
the MDC
will not restore any genuine legitimacy but some hybrid beast that
will
perhaps end the violence and overt political repression but will not
usher
in a new Zimbabwe.
Some argue that we must settle for this, citing
'pragmatism' or for some
more sophisticated proponents, 'a two-stage
democratic process' that will at
least expand the democratic space and allow
us to pursue deeper democratic
principles. Generally people who support the
first position are either
already part of the elite or aspiring members.
They generally have no
interest in social justice, or accountability but are
merely on the
democratic bandwagon to achieve or restore access to the
trough.
Those comrades who propose a two stage formula are perhaps the
biggest
threat to genuine democracy. They ignore the lessons of history and
fall
into the trap of an incrementalism which invariably results in either
the
co-option of our comrades or their marginalisation and exclusion. Our
own
elite pact in 1980 demobilised democratic forces for many years while
South
Africa's version unveiled in 1994 (demonstrated by Mandela's explicit
call
to civics to stand down) saw the former beneficiaries of apartheid
become
even wealthier under a democratic government.
The elite will
advocate a general amnesty for perpetrators of human rights
violations,
perhaps with some token prosecutions of the most egregious
villains, in the
interest of 'national unity' or 'reconciliation' but really
to preserve the
status quo and to take up their places at the trough. The
specious
reconciliation of 1980 (so eagerly embraced by the white minority)
should
serve as a warning that hollow rhetoric is meaningless. Without
practical
steps on the ground to address and ameliorate genuine grievances,
there can
be no healing, no restorative cleansing that will allow survivors
of gross
human rights abuses to move on. The sight of war criminals from the
white
settler regime continuing to enjoy the good life after independence
was an
insult to many who sought a more substantive re-structuring of our
State and
society.
So where does this leave us?
Mugabe and his cohorts claim
to be defending the "sovereignty" of Zimbabwe.
What does this mean?
Sovereignty is defined in my Shorter Oxford dictionary
as
1.
Supremacy or pre-eminence in respect of excellence or efficiency
2.
Supremacy in respect of power, domination or rank; supreme dominion,
dominion or rule
3. The supreme controlling power in communities not
under monarchical
government; absolute and independent authority
4. A
territory under the rule of a sovereign or existing as an independent
state
Supremacy or pre-eminence in respect of excellence or
efficiency
Zanu-pf certainly cannot claim to exercise sovereignty in the
first sense.
Indeed their track record in 40 years of existence has been
marked by a
conspicuous absence of excellence and efficiency. During the
Liberation
struggle, zanu-pf sought to establish itself as the pre-eminent
liberation
force through terror and coercion. It utilised illegal detention
and
assassination to quell internal opposition (Check out the ZIPA saga) and
in
many ways liberation was delayed because of mugabe's thirst for
power.
Its successive cabinets during 28 years in power have been
characterised by
venality, corruption and endemic incompetence, epitomised
in a long list of
such paid buffoons as Enos Chikowore, Dim Matonga,
Tobiaiwa Mudede, Herbert
Ushewokunze et al ad nauseam.
Even accepting
the somewhat implausible allegations that Britain wishes to
re-colonise the
country, Zanu-pf has failed miserably to counter such a
conspiracy (unless
their policy is based on reducing the country to a
wasteland that no
self-respecting imperialist would wish to occupy). The
regime's constant
anti-imperialist posturing is in stark contrast with its
eagerness to
transfer asset ownership from western imperialists to eastern
neo-colonialists such as the Chinese.
Supremacy in respect of power,
domination or rank; supreme dominion,
dominion or rule
Certainly
mugabe uses sovereignty in the second sense to infer a supremacy
of power, a
monopoly of political and coercive control.
Nothing new there, and it is
obvious that he has never forsaken his
one-party ambitions that were
momentarily defeated in the late Eighties.
Mugabe is not a democrat and has
never been guilty of democratic behaviour.
He is a traditional autocrat, in
power not because of any democratic mandate
conferred by the people through
a democratic process but rather because of
divine intervention (as
enunciated by Kunonga, Gara et al) or liberation
credentials (Chihuri and
others). He is, to deconstruct the word, the
Sovereign in power to Reign
over us.
Of course Zimbabwe exists nominally as an independent State but
in a
post-colonial world, a supposed 'global village', such a concept is
increasingly out-dated. No country is an island entire to
itself.
Perhaps North Korea exists as an independent State with full
Sovereignty but
I doubt it: the hermit kingdom is generally shielded from
international
assaults by its big brother China in much the same way as
South Africa
protects the mugabe regime. The client state surrenders its
'sovereignty' in
return for such protection: it cannot claim meaningful
independence. The
recognition of inter-dependence is a hallmark of the
modern state. Our
economies, peoples, cultures are so intertwined and
inter-dependent that any
denial of such a reality is just
delusional.
As for the imagined 'regime change' agenda, all countries
pursue their
national self-interest. At most, all we can hope for from other
nations is a
degree of 'enlightened' self-interest which perceives a
longer-term interest
based on goals other than immediate or short-term
profit. The West pursues
goals that will give them access to our raw
materials in the short-term and
markets in the medium to
long-term.
If the West pursued only their short-term interests, they
would accommodate
any regime that supported these, irrespective of
'democracy' or other
liberal principles. Look at Equatorial Guinea or Angola
for cosy
relationships between the USA and anti-democratic despots. That
this didn't
happen in Zimbabwe was the result of mugabe's ill-fated 'land
reform'
policies which directly challenged western interests.
The
West was quite comfortable supporting mugabe during the Eighties despite
the
blatantly genocidal atrocities of Gukuruhundi. Democrats should not be
fooled by rhetoric around 'democracy' and 'rights' currently camouflaging
western agendas. Western governments will no doubt jump into bed with a
reformed zanu-pf/MDC elite accommodation that falls short of most democratic
standards they take for granted, saying that 'this is Africa, we must be
realistic' etc etc.
The supreme controlling power in communities not
under monarchical
government; absolute and independent
authority.
Certainly the mugabe regime meets this definition, although
probably by
default rather than intention.. It is absolutist. It is
independent.
Absolutist = belief in a divine right to rule as a despot.
Independent in
the sense of refusing to interact with a range of players.
Mugabe's idea of
democracy is "I will be democratic as long as you agree
with me".
A territory under the rule of a sovereign or existing as an
independent
state
There is a fear amongst some that, as our sovereign
leader, Mugabe will hang
on long enough to crown his son as successor and
thereby establish his
dynastic ambitions in the true spirit of despotism. It
is unlikely but
possible.
The nation state has been a dominant
political model since the nineteenth
century. The conventional image of the
development of the nation state was
as a democratic counter to autocratic
monarchy (and its extension,
imperialism). Prior to the rise of the nation
state, the idea of a stable
political entity with fixed borders respected by
its neighbours simply did
not exist. Might was right and no one questioned
the rights of empires to
expand and contract through conquest.
In
reality, nation states emerged as the hegemonies of local elites who
through
the suppression of competing elites and ethnic groups established a
territorial monopoly of State power. Zimbabwe has certainly experienced the
trauma of this 'nation-building' model as the Zezurus established their
hegemony.
As for territorial integrity, Mugabe was happy to pursue
what he determined
were our national interests by intervening in the Congo
to protect his
client leader, Laurent Kabila, or in Mozambique in the
Eighties to protect
the Beira corridor and his Frelimo allies. The regime
cannot utilise the
doctrine of non-interference in its defence.
In
conclusion, the concept of Sovereignty as espoused by Mugabe and his
minions
is a hollow rhetorical device lacking any grounding in objective
reality. It
should be exposed as a sham. Zimbabweans aspire to be respected
Citizens,
endowed with intrinsic rights, living in a free Republic under a
genuine
Constitution, not the abject, materially and spiritually
impoverished
subjects of a despotic Sovereign.
Mike Davies is the outgoing Chairman of
the Combined Harare Residents
Association.