http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
July 2, 2008
By Raymond
Maingire
HARARE - Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan
Tsvangirai says
the resolutions by African leaders at their summit in Egypt
Tuesday do not
address the prevailing political situation on the
ground.
Members of the African Union who met from Monday prescribed a
Government of
National Unity between President Robert Mugabe's ruling
Zanu-PF and the MDC
as the panacea to Zimbabwean's crippling political
crisis..
"The resolution endorses the concept of a Government of National
Unity
without acknowledging that the MDC as the winner of the last credible
elections on March 29, 2008, should be recognised as the legitimate
government of Zimbabwe," Tsvangirai told journalists at his home in
Strathaven suburb, Harare.
The MDC leader, who beat Mugabe and two
other candidates in the March
election, said a Government of National Unity
does not address the problems
facing Zimbabwe or acknowledge the will of the
Zimbabweans, as reflected by
the March 29 elections.
African leaders
also encouraged parties to continue their negotiations under
a SADC
appointed mediation initiative led by South African President Thabo
Mbeki.
But Tsvangirai says his party will only go into any meaningful
negotiation
with Zanu-PF if the AU appoints another African leader to add
expedience to
the protracted negotiations.
African leaders endorsed
Mbeki's role in the mediation process.
The MDC leader has not hidden his
displeasure over Mbeki's continued role.
He accuses the South African
leader of giving too much respect to President
Mugabe at the expense of his
impartiality in resolving the Zimbabwean
crisis.
Mbeki is under
pressure from home and abroad to abandon his unpopular quiet
diplomacy in
favour of a more aggressive stance on Mugabe.
"The MDC's reservations
about the mediation process under President Mbeki
are well known," Tvangirai
said.
"It is our position that unless the mediation team is expanded to
include at
least one permanent representative from the African Union, and
the mediation
mechanism is changed, no meaningful progress can be made
towards resolving
the Zimbabwean crisis.
He said his party would not
participate in any negotiations that do not
incorporate such
concerns.
Tsvangirai says the AU resolutions also do not recognise the
legitimacy of
the March 29 elections which he says are the last credible
elections held in
Zimbabwe.
The MDC leader pulled out of the June 27
presidential run-off election,
citing an upsurge in state-sponsored violence
which targeted his party
officials and his supporters.
Tsvangirai
says nine more MDC supporters have died since last Friday's
presidential
election, an indication that President Mugabe was not willing
to cease the
orgy of violence which engulfed Zimbabwe after his shock defeat
in
March.
Until the June 27 run off, at least 86 MDC activists including
family
members had died at the hands of pro-Mugabe militants.
"The
conditions prevailing in Zimbabwe today are not conducive to
negotiations,"
he said.
"If dialogue is to be initiated, it is essential that Zanu-PF
stops
violence, halts the persecution of MDC leaders and supporters,
releases all
political prisoners, disbands the militia bases and torture
camps and that
the security services halt their partisan
operations."
But critics say no meaningful progress can take place in
Zimbabwe for as
long as African leaders are central to the
process.
President Mugabe last week threatened to unmask any African
leader who dares
accuses his government for violating human
rights.
The 84 year old leader is under pressure to reverse the world's
highest
inflation which is said to be hovering above 9 million per
cent.
He blames the West for imposing targetted sanctions at his
government to
punish it for expropriating commercial farms from the minority
white
population for redistribution among the blacks.
The Zimbabwean
Wednesday, 02
July 2008 14:57
HARARE - MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai has welcomed
an African Union
call for power sharing in the southern African country but
said the
negotiations must be based on the March 29 results and must move
towards the
installation of a transitional government that will oversee new
internationally supervised, free and fair presidential
elections.
In a draft resolution issued yesterday in the Red Sea
resort of Sharm
el-Shikh in Egypt where 53 African heads of State were
meeting, the African
Union (AU) urged Robert Mugabe and Tsvangirai to
"honour their commitment to
initiate" dialogue.
But Tsvangirai,
who was addressing a news conference at his Strathaven
residence Wednesday
afternoon, took great exception to the statement saying
it did not recognize
the illegitimacy of the June 27 elections and the fact
that most African
leaders refused to recognize Mugabe as the Head of State.
Tsvangirai said the resolution endorsed the concept of a Government of
National Unity (GNU) without acknowledging that the MDC, as the winner of
the last credible elections on March 29, should be recognized as the
legitimate government of Zimbabwe.
"A GNU does not address the
problems facing Zimbabwe or acknowledge
the will of the Zimbabwean people,"
Tsvangirai told reporters and diplomats.
"While the MDC remains committed to
negotiations these must be based on the
29th March results and must move
towards a transitional agreement. Our
commitment to a negotiated settlement
is not about power-sharing or power
deals but about democracy, freedom and
justice. Our struggle is not about
power but about democracy."
Tsvangirai, who has returned home from the Dutch embassy where he has
been
holed over the past one and half week, said before dialogue with Mugabe
can
commence, it was essential that Zanu (PF) stops the violence, halts the
persecution of MDC leaders and supporters, releases all political prisoners,
disbands the militia bases and torture camps and that the security services
halt their partisan operations.
"Since the June 27 sham
election, nine MDC supporters have been
murdered, hundreds more beaten and
forced to leave their homes," he said.
"In Manicaland alone, since the
weekend, five hundred MDC supporters and
families have been forced to flee
their homes and are now seeking refuge at
the party's headquarters in
Mutare. Therefore the MDC reiterates its call
for peace in the
country."
The AU defied calls by Western leaders to criticize
Mugabe, who
fraudulently won a sixth term as Zimbabwe's president in a
runoff election
on June 27 that African observers said wasn't free or fair.
Tsvangirai
pulled out of the ballot because he said state- sponsored
violence has
killed at least 95 of his supporters and made 200,000
homeless.
While Tsvangirai won the March 29 presidential election,
he didn't
garner the 50 percent needed to avoid a second round of voting,
according to
the electoral authorities here. MDC secured control of the
lower house of
parliament in the earlier poll and also controls the local
authorities.
The AU mentioned in passing that it was "deeply
concerned" by the
prevailing situation in Zimbabwe after it received
"negative" reports by
African observer missions in Zimbabwe. Both the Pan
African Parliament and
SADC observer teams said the poll was not free and
fair and fell far short
of what could be termed a credible
election.
But Tsvangirai said: "The resolution does not adequately
deal with the
ongoing violence in Zimbabwe."
The Zimbabwean
Wednesday, 02 July 2008 11:53
Masvingo:
Militia youths
accompanied by an army officer are going around
Masvingo harassing shop
owners and forcing them to reduce prices well below
the original cost.
Bakeries are the most affected. Victoria Bakery was
forced to sell 120 doz.
Loaves of bread at 400 million instead of 3.5
billion dollars resulting in a
huge loss for the company; they are certainly
not responsible for the hyper
inflation that all Zimbabweans are
experiencing. Other companies affected by
these youth militia who call
themselves Commissariats are Spar and Delta and
several other small bread
outlets.
The Masvingo police have been
approached but say that their hands are
tied.
This situation will
however resolve very quickly because traders are
running out of flour and
yeast
http://zimbabwemetro.com
By Roy Chinamano ⋅ ©
zimbabwemetro.com ⋅ July 2, 2008 ⋅
A car belonging to MDC Secretary
General Tendai Biti which was hijacked last
week is suspected to have been
used in the latest attacks on white farmers
in Mashonaland West.
Last
week Tendai Biti’s driver, Tendai Sauramba was abducted in Harare’s
city
center and Biti’s car Tendai Sauramba was driving, a Mitsubishi Pajero
was
also hijacked by his abductors.The abductors are suspected to be state
be
state security agents.
The Zimbabwean
Wednesday, 02 July 2008 15:10
Robert Ziyengwa, Ward 34 MDC Chairperson, and his wife were
beaten to
death on Wednesday 25th June, 2008.
Mr. Gumura of
village11 Eagles Nest, Headlands was beaten to death on
the same
day.
Mrs. Gumura, MDC Womens Assembly, was severely beaten and died
today
in Rusape Hospital ICU.
Mr. Sandros Mandizha was beaten to
death in village 17 Headlands on
Wed. 25th June, 2008.
FOUR MURDERS
in the same area on the same day. And these are only the
reported and
verified ones.
It has been reported that 7 bodies were recovered
from Epworth Dam two
days ago by Police. Confirmation of this information
is being sought.
OhMyNews
Summit resolution no solution to the ongoing humanitarian crisis
Amin George Forji
Published 2008-07-03 03:21 (KST)
The
leaders, delegates and diplomats from 53 African countries who converged
at
the Egyptian resort town of Sharm el-Sheik beginning June 24 for the 11th
summit of the African Union (AU) finalized discussions on Monday with a
resolution calling for a government of national unity in Zimbabwe, as well
as the continuation of regional mediation talks.
For an organization
whose delegates hardly ever criticize their fellow
colleagues or the
internal affairs of member states, the resolution probably
the most
far-reaching adopted on a member since its creation 11 years ago.
It shows
that the organization can deliberate on its own crises and possibly
throw a
few stones, too. It is the first time other African leaders have
refrained
from treating Mugabe as a liberation hero.
Still, the resolution on
Zimbabwe is so weak in authority that one can state
that the African Union
has once more failed the credibility test.
The resolution is deficient on
several counts. First, it is more or less a
moral request. It merely
recommends a government of national unity and
encourages regional actors to
engage in mediation talks. This just toes the
line to the maximum criticism
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe could
tolerate.
Upon arriving at
the summit just a day after being sworn in for a
controversial sixth term,
following a grossly defective presidential
election, Mugabe made it clear
that other African leaders had no grounds to
comment on Zimbabwe because
they have had even less credible elections than
Zimbabwe. Shamefully enough,
it is the truth.
Second, the resolution failed to condemn and declare the
current regime in
Zimbabwe illegitimate, and proceed to suspend the country
from the Union, as
stipulated in its charter. By asking Mugabe to form a
government of national
unity, the Union is in a way legitimizing a regime
that restored its greed
to power by outright fraud and violence.
The
opposition in Zimbabwe was technically prevented from taking part in the
second round presidential ballot after Mugabe launched a military assault on
the opposition leaders and their sympathizers, shooting, beating and
torturing all "culprits." Local militias were even armed to burn the homes
of opposition supporters. The main opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai of
the Movement for Democratic Change, who actually won the first round, was
forced to escape to the Dutch embassy for his security.
The country
is under a brutal military state of emergency and, to say the
least, is not
far from becoming a second Darfur.
Moreover, the resolution has no
enforcement mechanisms, in case Mugabe
chooses to ignore the act altogether
and go his barbaric way. Instead, it
expressed an impossible optimism, which
can be of no good to the suffering
people of Zimbabwe: "The A.U. remains
convinced that the people of Zimbabwe
will be able to resolve their
differences and work together once again as
one nation," the resolution read
in part.
Although this year's African Union summit was initially planned
to focus on
developmental issues and rising food prices, these objectives
were
overshadowed at the last moment by the alarming Zimbabwean crisis.
International criticism of Mugabe's brutal rule and gross violations of
human rights put pressure on the Union to deliberate on the
crises.
Prior to the opening of the summit, the deputy secretary general
of the
United Nations, Asha-Rose Migiro, suspecting that African leaders
might
chose to ignore the situation in Zimbabwe altogether, warned the Union
that
the crisis was a "moment of truth" for the continent and the
organization.
Unless they dealt with it squarely, their credibility would be
put to
question:
"We are facing an extremely grave crisis. This is
the single greatest
challenge to regional stability in southern Africa, not
only because of its
terrible humanitarian and security consequences, but
because of the
dangerous political precedent it sets," Migiro told the
leaders present.
"It is our hope . African leaders can get their act
together to address
Zimbabwe," She added.
Zimbabwe has been in
perpetual economic decline ever since Mugabe began
seizing large commercial
farms from white farmers in 2000. Since then it has
become, Zambian
President Levy Mwanawasa's words, a "sinking titanic."
Christian Today
by Jenna Lyle
Posted: Wednesday, July 2, 2008, 15:48
(BST)
The Archbishop of York has called for people across Britain to
unite in a
new civil rights movement to help bring about the restoration of
Zimbabwe.
Dr John Sentamu urged people to offer prayer, money and
practical support as
part of the effort.
"I am inviting people to
work with me for the restoration of Zimbabwe in
order that peace, prosperity
and the rule of law are restored to that once
great and prosperous land of
hope for Africa which has become a waste land
of oppression, poverty and
disease," he said.
The Archbishop made the appeal as he announced a
special service for the
people of Zimabwe, to be held at the historic St
Margaret's Church in
Westminster on Friday 11 July.
'Restore-Zim' has
been organised in conjunction with Westminster Abbey to
support troubled
Zimbabwe and its people as they continue to face economic,
political and
social turmoil.
Dr Sentamu has been a fierce critic of Zimbabwe President
Robert Mugabe.
Last December, the Archbishop made headlines when he cut up
his clerical
collar during a television interview, vowing that he would not
wear one
again until Mugabe is ousted from power.
In a statement on
Tuesday, Dr Sentamu appealed to the British public to live
up to their
reputation for compassion by speaking out on Zimbabwe.
"People from
Britain have a proud record of making a difference in the lives
of people
around the world. Whether it be the anti-apartheid movement, the
ending of
Ian Smith's UDI, the Jubilee Debt Campaign or countless other
campaigns,
British men and women have shown how their compassion and outrage
over
injustice can be channelled positively into bringing about new life and
new
hope," he said.
"This is an opportunity for civil society to engage - not
by proxy through
Government - but as ordinary British citizens joining their
voices together
with those from Africa to form a chorus calling for
restoration in Zimbabwe
and an end to the brutalisation of its
people."
Dr Sentamu said the campaign for Zimbabwe's restoration was not
a party
political venture.
"It is not pro-MDC or anti-Zanu PF. Rather
it is for the people of Zimbabwe,
black and white, being helped by those
here in Britain, white and black," he
said.
"We need to remember
there is only one race - the human race - and in
joining together to restore
Zimbabwe, we ease the sufferings of our brothers
and sisters."
Dr
Sentamu's call came as opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai ruled out on
Wednesday the possibility of talks on a power-sharing government until
President Mugabe puts a stop to violence against MDC leaders and supporters
and declares him as the rightful election winner.
Tsvangirai won the
first round of the presidential election in March but
pulled out of the June
27 run-off because of attacks on his supporters.
The Citizen, SA
02/07/2008 21:07:12
KIM HELFRICH
JOHANNESBURG - Political correctness has
reached the stage in Zimbabwe where
white elderly people and the needy are
not receiving any assistance at all.
"Donations distributed by the United
Nations (UN) World Food Programme are
apparently being withheld from these
people," said Dr Danie Langner,
executive of the Solidarity Helping Hand
Fund.
"That means, this group of people is entirely dependent on the
Zimbabwe
Pension Support Fund, which we are supporting."
Information
received from Zimbabwe by the fund indicates colour - not need -
is being
used as a measure to decide who should receive food and other
aid.
"Surely, colour should not enter the equation when it comes to
aiding the
many who need it in Zimbabwe," Langner said.
kimh@citizen.co.za
International Herald Tribune
The Associated
PressPublished: July 2, 2008
LONDON: British Prime Minister
Gordon Brown says the United Nations must
send an envoy to Zimbabwe to
discuss a power sharing government.
Brown says that he had talks on
Wednesday with U.N. Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon on Zimbabwe's presidential
runoff election.
Brown says President Robert Mugabe's victory was not
legitimate. Brown calls
the Zimbabwe result a travesty at the hands of a
bloodstained regime.
Zimbabwe opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai dropped
out of the runoff vote
amid what he said were state-sponsored killings and
beatings of his
supporters.
Brown says talks on establishing a
democratic government are urgently
needed.
SW Radio
Africa (London)
ANALYSIS
2 July 2008
Posted to the web 2 July
2008
Violet Gonda
Sydney Masamvu, a senior analyst for the
International Crisis Group has said
the resolution by the African Union
calling for the parties in Zimbabwe to
negotiate is the way
forward.
He said the very fact that the AU declared there should be a
national unity
government is admittance that Robert Mugabe has no mandate to
carry on and
form a government of his own.
But the analyst
rejected the idea of a government of national unity and said
he believed a
transitional authority would be the only way to resolve the
crisis. He said
a transitional phase should lay the grounds for fresh
elections under a new
constitution, at an agreed time frame. Masamvu said
this transitional
authority should be mandated to stabilize the economy and
allow Zimbabweans
to heal emotionally, physically and mentally.
There is mixed reaction on
the outcome of the AU summit, where it had been
hoped the continental body
would step up pressure on the ZANU PF government.
Mugabe did not contest the
details of the AU resolution, a move that seems
to show he is satisfied with
their decision as he maintains the role of
President and it delays stronger
measures against the regime.
Meanwhile, the MDC announced on Wednesday
that it will reject a government
of national unity, saying it does not
address the problems of Zimbabweans.
The party said it remains committed to
negotiations that move towards a
transitional agreement. The MDC said in a
statement; "Our commitment to a
negotiated settlement is not about
power-sharing or power deals but about
democracy, freedom and
justice."
Many observers are extremely skeptical about the AU resolution
saying it's
not known how inclusive any negotiations will be, as
stakeholders from civil
society have always been left out in the past.
History has also shown that
Mugabe cannot be trusted at the negotiating
table and is well known for
bullying opponents.
Masamvu said: "It is
important that the AU and the UN is involved in the
broader mediation for
the simple reason that whatever comes out of these
negotiations is not a
question of it being brought by Zimbabweans alone or
by the region, but
Zimbabwe needs an international re-engagement... even in
a transitional
phase."
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
July 2, 2008
By Simon
Jenkins
EXHORTATIONS to stop buying from Zimbabwe may sound bold but such
a strategy
makes the poor poorer and the evil richer
The supermarket
group Tesco has decided to stop buying produce from
Zimbabwe, "while the
political crisis exists". Its competitor, Waitrose, has
decided not to stop
buying from Zimbabwe. It believes withdrawal would
devastate "the workers
and their extended families". They cannot both be
right. They are not.
Waitrose is right.
Economic sanctions are a coward's war. They do not
work but are a way in
which rich elites feel they are "committed" to some
distant struggle. They
enjoy lasting appeal to politicians because they cost
them nothing and are
rhetorically macho. They embody the spirit of
"something must be done", the
last refuge of stupidity in foreign
policy.
Tesco's decision followed a flurry of publicity about an Anglo
American
platinum mine, the cancellation of which would throw hundreds of
families
into abject poverty, and about the shareholdings of some Tory MPs
in
Zimbabwe-based companies. The minister for Africa, Lord Malloch Brown,
told
these companies at the weekend to "look very carefully at their
investment
portfolio" as "the game is changing". Sanctions should be
upgraded.
The African, Commonwealth and international communities have
bolstered and
cosseted Robert Mugabe's one-party state for 25 years. Only
now the
dictatorship has become blatant does this cosseting look
tasteless.
Tesco will stop buying from Zimbabwe, "while the political
crisis exists".
The misnomer is instructive. A crisis is a moment, not a
continuum. Zimbabwe
is a long continuum and Tesco is abusing language. It is
an accessory after
the fact of Mugabe's selective impoverishment of his
people. The idea that
such gestures will make him and his henchmen suddenly
see the error of their
ways is ludicrous. But Tesco is concerned for its
image, not for Zimbabwe.
Champions of economic sanctions can find hardly
a shred of evidence in their
favour, as indicated in the celebrated 1999
Congressional evidence of
Richard Haass of Brookings. He was reduced to
admitting they were a "blunt
instrument that often produces unintentional
and undesirable consequences".
Their first use in modern times, against
Italy over Abyssinia in 1935,
crashed the lira but did not free the
Abyssinians. The US's most ferocious
sanctions drove Cuba into the arms of
Russia and came near to precipitating
a nuclear war - and cemented Castro in
power.
The same futility was seen in action against Russia, Poland,
Rhodesia,
Afghanistan, Nicaragua, Iraq and Iran. Subjecting a political
economy to
siege leads to consequences. It enforces a command economy, in
which the
rulers keep what they want for themselves, skimming every deal and
corrupting every transaction. It made Saddam Hussein the sixth richest man
in the world, as it enriched the Taliban warlords, the Burmese generals and
Robert Mugabe.
Sanctions over time destroy the mercantile, managerial
and professional
classes, the rootstock of opposition to totalitarian
government. They push
power into the hands of brute force. The withdrawal of
trade closes
factories, farms and mines, and debilitates the political
effectiveness of
those dependent on them. More people must rely on state
handouts - that is,
on the regime.
Disinvestment transfers local
assets to the ruler's cronies and prevents
foreign traders ameliorating the
condition of the people. In South Africa,
sanctions tore up the
international code of practice enjoined on foreign
firms. The recent
evolution of "smart sanctions", supposedly aimed at the
rich, indicates the
absurdity of "dumb" ones.
Rhodesian sanctions created a command economy
that supported the white
regime for a decade. This was after Harold Wilson,
the British prime
minister, predicted the rebel downfall in "weeks not
months".
Enthusiasts regularly cite South Africa, for the reason that it
was subject
to sanctions and its government eventually fell, as if the one
led to the
other. I reported this process during the 80s and found the
embargos
counter-productive. I was guided by such anti-apartheid activists
as Desmond
Tutu and Helen Suzman, who dismissed sanctions as a liberal
feelgood gesture
that was merely putting people out of jobs. (Tutu later
changed his mind
under pressure from US sanctions lobbyists.)
South
African sanctions, starting with that most fatuous of gestures, a
sports
boycott, led to a burst of white entrepreneurship and import
substitution.
The arms manufacturer Armscor had to direct its investment to
counter-insurgency and fast became a world leader in the (illegal) export of
field weapons.
Indeed, the best thing to be said for sanctions was
that they postponed
majority rule while a new generation of black people was
educated and
advanced, as firms realised apartheid was coming to an
end.
Those Anglicans, including the Archbishop of York, who call for such
economic aggression, cannot be aware of the implications. They seem to
regard it as clean and anti-capitalist, a phantom revolution, a pacifist
path to political change.
In almost every case sanctions make the
evil richer and more secure, and the
poor poorer. What have they done for
the Burmese or the Cubans? It was war
that brought change, albeit chaos, to
Iraq and Afghanistan after sanctions
had failed. South Africa was
transformed not by sanctions but by the
collapse of the moral coherence of
Afrikanerdom, leading to an orderly
transfer of power. It is arrogant for
outsiders to claim any part in that
remarkable process.
The only
clearcut case of a sanction working was the US's sabotage of
sterling during
the 1956 Suez crisis. It was effective because Britain was a
democracy whose
government knew it could not survive a collapsing currency.
This is the true
paradox: to be susceptible to such pressure a state must
have a responsive
government, but then such a government should not need
sanctioning.
The dictionary definition of the word is "a specific
penalty enacted in
order to enforce obedience to the law". It is fine for
Malloch Brown to sit
in a London TV studio and talk the pseudo-enforcement
talk of "the game is
changing" and "upping the repertoire of sanctions".
This will not enforce
obedience to any law.
Only invasion would do
that. But invasion, in this post-Iraq age, is rightly
considered a step too
far. So instead we pretend. We toss gestures that will
not bring about
Mugabe's downfall, only make the poor less able to resist
his thugs. And all
so that Tesco can feel better for a day.
(This article first appeared in
The Guardian, on July 2, 2008.)
http://www.sundaystandard.info
by REUBEN PITSE
02.07.2008 9:01:39 A
The
Government of Botswana has approved a decision to deploy a Botswana
Defence
Force (BDF) contingent along the Botswana-Zimbabwe border.
Information
leaked to The Sunday Standard suggests that both the government
and Defence
Council have taken a decision to deploy members of the BDF,
allegedly with
heavy artillery, along the long boarder between the two
neighbours.
It is
understood that the heavy deployment of BDF is to repel any military
attack
that might erupt due to the political unrest and tension prevailing
in
Zimbabwe.
In a brief interview with Sunday Standard on Friday evening,
the minister of
Defence, Justice and Security, Brigadier Dikgakgamatso
Seretse, said, "This
is a very sensitive matter, therefore, I can neither
confirm nor deny any
deployment of soldiers along the Zimbabwe-Botswana
boarder."
Botswana has been at the centre of war talk as the Zimbabwean
crisis
escalates. Bloomberg this week alleged that President Lt Gen Ian
Khama had
said Botswana would act unilaterally against the Robert Mugabe
regime.
The Office of the President on Thursday issued a press statement
rebutting
"the content contained in an article published by Bloomberg news
service
under the provocative headline:
"Botswana Threatens to take
action in Zimbabwe Political crisis".
The statement, signed by government
spokesperson, Jeff Ramsay, explained
that "The opening paragraph of the said
article misleadingly implies that
His Excellency the President, Lt. Gen.
Seretse Khama Ian Khama, at a meeting
with business leaders yesterday,
"threatened to take action against Zimbabwe
if southern African leaders fail
to address the political crisis in the
neighbouring country".
"The
implication of both the headline and opening paragraph are a serious
distortion of the actual content, as well as evident intent, of His
Excellency's observations.
It has never been the policy of Botswana to
threaten any other member of the
international community. In this respect,
we would humbly note that the
publication of the above text, without its
proper context, can all too
easily become a pretext for distorting Botswana's
true position.
"At yesterday's gathering, the President, in fact,
indicated that Botswana
was, for its part, prepared to continue to make its
own modest contribution
to wider mediation efforts.
"Botswana has been
engaged in discussions with officials from Zimbabwe and
other stakeholders
in an ongoing effort to achieve greater understanding."
A political
analyst at the University of Botswana, Dr Wazha Morapedi, said,
"It is clear
that civil war is looming and each country has to protect its
territory by
all means but Botswana cannot manage to go it alone in military
action."
He further said that once the situation is out of control,
Zimbabweans might
then flock into Botswana and that might cause problems
like the escalation
of crime, triggering xenophobia.
Dr Christian
Makgala said Botswana can only afford military intervention in
partnership
with South Africa, which is more experienced and resourced.
Makgala said it
is possible that civil war might erupt and Zimbabweans might
experience
xenophobic attacks from Batswana but not on a scale comparable to
the one in
South Africa several weeks ago.
IOL
July 02 2008
at 07:58PM
Zimbabwe's president Robert Mugabe has not objected to
an African
Union request that he hold talks with the Movement for Democratic
Change,
President Thabo Mbeki said on Wednesday.
Mbeki told the
SABC in an interview at the end of the AU Summit in
Egypt: "He (Mugabe) said
they were committed to that and that indeed, even
as we were sitting at the
meeting, the Zimbabweans were interacting amongst
themselves."
According to a transcript of the interview provided by the department
of
foreign affairs, Mbeki described Mugabe as "fully supportive" of
co-operation and dialogue between Zimbabwe's political parties to find a
solution to their challenges.
Asked about the European Union's
refusal to accept a unity government
not headed by MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai, Mbeki responded that his
Southern African Development Community
(SADC) mandate, as confirmed by the
AU, required him to facilitate
discussions between Zimbabwe's political
parties.
The outcome
of this was "not a result that the facilitation can
dictate", he
said.
"The result that comes out of that process of dialogue must
be a
result that is agreed by the Zimbabweans.
"Certainly SADC
and certainly the African continent has not made any
prescriptions about the
outcome of what the Zimbabweans must negotiate
amongst themselves...
"
Mbeki was also questioned about criticism of him and the AU for
their
acceptance of Mugabe back into the AU when he was perceived by some to
be an
illegitimate president.
"What the AU focused upon was how
does Zimbabwe move forward to emerge
from its crisis," Mbeki
replied.
It was concluded that the only way out was to encourage
Zimbabweans to
engage with each other and produce an inclusive
government.
"...everybody is convinced that it is only via the
instrument of an
inclusive government that includes all the Zimbabwean
political parties
within a framework that they themselves have agreed to,
that this is the
only way that you can take Zimbabwe forward," he
said.
Mbeki pointed out that the AU had criticised the violence in
Zimbabwe,
and had noted reports prepared by observer missions on the
negative
circumstances surrounding the June 27 run-off presidential
election. - Sapa
http://www.hararetribune.com
By Karen MacGregor and Tom Masland (newsweek) | Harare
Tribune
Wednesday, July 2, 2008 13:29
news@hararetribune.com
"Use my name--it doesn't matter, I'm on the run anyway," says Tapera
Kapuya,
21. "There's a warrant out for my arrest." His crime: helping
organize
student demonstrations last year at the University of Zimbabwe in
Harare.
Some of these rallies were in support of the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change, others protested the murders of fellow student activists
Batanai Hadzizi, beaten to death in his dorm room, and Lameck Chemvura,
strangled with a shoe lace and thrown off a moving train.
In
the tense run-up to Zimbabwe's presidential elections this weekend,
Kapuya
now sleeps on friends' couches, a few hours at a time. "Police are
harassing
my mother," he said. "I feel terrible, but I really don't see that
we have a
chance when it comes to fighting for our rights. There are many of
us who
will always do that, now and under any other future government."
These are not idle boasts. Though often melodramatic and disorganized,
the
pro-democracy student movement in Zimbabwe helped ignite the outrage
over
the Mugabe government's excesses that now threatens its survival.
Ever since, the best and the brightest of Zimbabwe have paid a heavy
price.
Last week a magistrate's inquest found that overzealous police had
beaten,
bludgeoned and kicked Hadzizi to death last year. Chemvura, say
eyewitnesses, was killed by a group of soldiers. One soldier who was
arrested is now out released on bail. But in the current climate of
political repression, nobody expects the guilty to be brought to justice.
Security forces and thugs have operated against President Robert Mugabe's
political enemies for two years with near-total impunity. In January alone,
16 people died in political violence--nearly all of them supporters of
opposition candidate Morgan Tsvangirai.
Students were among the
first to rise up against Mugabe. Beginning in
1989, they rallied in support
of a new political party, the Zimbabwe Unity
Movement, founded by a former
Mugabe crony who split with the ruling party
over unpunished corruption and
economic decline. Police shut down his first
campaign, for a parliamentary
by-election, and the state-controlled press
ignored it. When students took
up his cause, the repression was brutal. The
police fired tear gas in the
dorms, beat students and set up a makeshift
jail outside the university
entrance. For the first time ever, authorities
shut down the institution,
just two weeks before exams. Tsvangirai, then a
labor leader, took the
occasion to issue his first broadside against the
Mugabe government--and
promptly was locked up.
The police evidently learned their lesson.
As the presidential
election campaign reached a peak last week, the campus
was quiet: the
mid-term break has been expanded past election day. So has
the start of the
main soccer season. Other students in the capital who
haven't already headed
home plan to do so for their own safety. "The cops
may come on campus and
beat up the teachers," said Vusa Ncube, 15, who
attends a nearby boarding
school.
He said he had largely
escaped the pre-election climate of
intimidation. The only close call came
one day when he was walking on a
street with his father, and a group of
passing youths demanded to know why
the father was carrying an independent
newspaper they said was "full of
lies." (He escaped a beating by saying he
only reads the sports section.)
Last weekend,Ncube and some friends
were shooting hoops on the
University campus; someone had tried to rip down
pro-Mugabe posters pasted
to the glass backboards. He was planning to go
home two days before the
voting on March 9 and 10. "I think I'll be home a
while," he said. "Most
probably there will be violence." It's a good
guess.
International Herald Tribune
By Roger Cohen
Published: July 2, 2008
NEW YORK: Sometimes stubbornness gets
measured in blood, and sometimes the
wounds of race are
blinding.
That's the kindest verdict I can find for the listless
mediation in a
devastated Zimbabwe of Thabo Mbeki, the South African
president. Faced by
all the brutal expressions of his neighbor Robert
Mugabe's megalomania,
Mbeki has prodded here and there, like a learned
physician mildly intrigued
by a corpse.
As a once flourishing economy
has imploded, as inflation has assumed Weimar
proportions, as millions have
fled to South Africa, and as an octogenarian
tyrant has dispatched goons to
murder and ravage, Mbeki has gone on mumbling
that the people of Zimbabwe
must solve their own problems.
They tried by giving a clear victory to
the opposition leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai, in the March 29 election. But the
48-to-43 percent margin over
Mugabe fell short of an absolute majority,
conveniently so, allowing the
liberator-turned-despot to terrorize his way
to a sham second-round victory
and sixth term.
Enough already! Mugabe
in his labyrinth is a study in ruin. That, however,
has scarcely bestirred
Mbeki of "What crisis?" fame. As Georgina Godwin, a
Zimbabwean journalist,
put it, "Mbeki's quiet diplomacy is comatose."
Herding cats is easier
than finding significance in the Delphic utterances
of Africa's Mr.
Imperturbable. I interviewed Mbeki back in 2003, along with
my New York
Times colleague Felicity Barringer. The conversation yielded a
345-word
story, huge given Mbeki's erudite-sounding vacuity, worthy of a
Soviet
apparatchik.
Mbeki did, however, say he'd been urging Mugabe to meet with his
political
opponents - sound familiar? - and declared of Zimbabwe: "The
political
problems and conflicts they've experienced, I think they'll get
over that."
Right.
That was five years ago. Now, we hear that
Mbeki is hopeful of arranging a
meeting between Mugabe and Tsvangirai and we
have the African Union calling
this week for a Zimbabwean "government of
national unity."
Fine sentiments, but it's late in the day. I can't see
Tsvangirai, even if
he were offered the post of prime minister, finding any
"unity" with Mugabe
and his militarized ZANU-PF party, which he wants to
disarm.
This mess is Mugabe's but Mbeki has been his enabler. Why? The
filial
respect of a fellow African liberation fighter? Distaste for
Tsvangirai, a
former trade union leader, at a time when Mbeki's own power
has been
undermined by South African trade unions and their man, Jacob Zuma?
A
loathing of Western interventionism?
I'm sure all the above play a
part, but I think the real clue lies in
Mbeki's previous act of blind
stubbornness, whose harvest was not the blood
of neighbors but of his fellow
citizens.
For more than three years Mbeki indulged in a bout of AIDS
denialism that
stopped antiretroviral drugs getting to millions infected
with HIV. Hundreds
of thousands of avoidable deaths ensued.
Mbeki was
never specific about the roots of his dissent, now sidelined if
never
disavowed. But when asked in Parliament in 2004 if he believed
widespread
rape played any role in spreading AIDS, he exploded:
"The disease of
racism," he said, led to blacks being portrayed as "lazy,
liars,
foul-smelling, diseased, corrupt, violent, amoral, sexually depraved,
animalistic, savage and rapist."
The link between HIV and AIDS, in
this angry vision, was a fabrication
foisted on Africans by whites
determined to distract the continent from real
problems of racism and
poverty, and accepted by blacks still afflicted with
the slave mentality
engendered by apartheid.
Mbeki's pseudo-science was death-propagating
nonsense. But his theories of
sexuality under apartheid were not.
I
spent enough time under apartheid to see that the portrayal of blacks as
sexual animals was integral to a white policy of dehumanizing them. More
than once I was asked with a boozy sneer by South African whites if I could
ever imagine being attracted to a black woman.
So when Mugabe rails
against the white colonialists, and expropriates
white-owned farms, and
portrays himself as the African fighting back white
intrusion - when he
resurrects the core of the long struggle - I suspect he
strikes a chord with
Mbeki, whose own pragmatism is no Mandela-like
conciliation.
"The
racial petulance lives on in Mbeki," said Peter Godwin, whose superb
book,
"When a Crocodile Eats the Sun," chronicles how he and his sister
Georgina
saw their family's life in Harare destroyed. "He's the black
intellectual
living with the fact that whites think they are better."
Mbeki should
read Godwin's book. It might even inspire him to criticize
Mugabe. But then,
he'd say, it's a white man's work. And that's the truth.
But what the
disaster of Mugabe and of Mbeki's non-mediation teaches is that
the wounds
of a racist past, however deep, cannot justify the dismemberment
of a
nation. Mugabe must go, South Africa move on, and Mbeki must consider
the
blot that tarnishes his legacy.
Yahoo News
12 minutes
ago
JOHANNESBURG, South Africa - South African President Thabo Mbeki says
only
Zimbabweans can resolve their crisis.
Mbeki spoke to his
state broadcaster Tuesday after an African Union summit.
The summit
reconfirmed Mbeki as mediator between Zimbabwean President Robert
Mugabe and
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai - though Tsvangirai has
repeatedly
called on Mbeki to step down.
Mbeki was asked about European Union calls
for Tsvangirai to lead any
coalition government. Mbeki says that is a
question for Zimbabweans.
AU leaders said they were "deeply concerned"
about political violence and
reports that Zimbabwe's presidential runoff was
not free and not fair.
Mugabe claimed victory after a campaign of violence
against the opposition
that was so intense, Tsvangirai withdrew from the
balloting.
Toronto Star
Jul 02,
2008 04:30 AM
Associated Press
SHARM EL-SHEIK, EGYPT-African
efforts to encourage a deal between Zimbabwe
President Robert Mugabe and his
opponents showed no results yesterday, while
Mugabe's spokesperson conveyed
a message from his boss that Western critics
can "go
hang."
Zimbabwe's opposition also dampened hopes for a coalition
government, saying
Mugabe had shut the door on talks by going ahead with
last week's
presidential runoff election that he won after a campaign
tainted by brutal
attacks on his political foes.
Some leaders at the
African Union summit here had harsh words for Mugabe,
producing sharp
exchanges during closed-door meetings, participants said.
Vice-President
Mompati Merafhe of Botswana said Mugabe's government should
not be
recognized and Zimbabwe should be barred from AU gatherings.
Officials from
Liberia, Nigeria and Sierra Leone also criticized Mugabe. On
the final day
of their summit yesterday, AU leaders adopted a resolution
calling for
dialogue in Zimbabwe while not directly criticizing Mugabe or
the runoff.
The leaders said they were "deeply concerned" about the
situation.
New Vision
(Kampala)
EDITORIAL
1 July 2008
Posted to the web 2 July
2008
Kampala
Questioned about Zimbabwe after Morgan Tsvangirai of
the Movement for the
Democratic Change had withdrawn from the presidential
elections, President
Yoweri Museveni wondered why all the talk was on
'power, power' and little
on the economy.
He has a point, for one of
the major problems Zimbabweans face is an
economic one. Many people who had
emigrated to South Africa only to be
subjected to vicious attack and forced
to return or flee to refugee camps
did so for economic
reasons.
Inflation in Zimbabwe is at two million percent, while one
British pound is
equivalent to 4 billion Zimbabwean dollars. It baffles the
imagination. It
is reminiscent of Europe during the Great Depression when
one needed a
wheelbarrow full of paper money to buy a loaf of bread. So
Zimbabwe is faced
with a colossal economic problem.
However, the
political question and the economic condition are directly
related.
President Mugabe ruined the economy by mismanaging the land reform
programme. He gave tracts of land to his cronies and to people who had no
experience in farming. He has used food as a political weapon, denying it to
those who do not support him or his ZANU-PF.
Mugabe has used the
police to destroy the livelihoods of people who lived in
urban structures
and banish them to remote places where there is no water or
sanitation.
The reasons for doing so were political, although he
called it 'cleaning out
the city'. The Zimbabwean police and so-called war
veterans have created
acute insecurity preventing people from engaging in
productive activities.
As Nelson Mandela has aptly put it, Mugabe is an
example of a tragic failure
of leadership.
There has been famine, but
famine is not a purely natural phenomenon. In
Zimbabwe, the situation has
been exacerbated by Mugabe's megalomania.
Political stability, social and
economic justice go together. The economic
situation will only get worse as
long as Mugabe remains in power.
Zimbabwe went to the polls on 27 June to vote in a presidential run-off in
which Robert Mugabe was the only candidate. One Harare resident, who asked to remain anonymous, has been keeping a diary
on the elections.
08:00 That's why everything was being hurriedly done - he wanted to be seen
attending the summit as the legitimate leader of Zimbabwe. He really is thick-skinned. After all he's done, how does he dare to show his
face like this? But I am hopeful. I just can't wait to see his embarrassment when he is
rebuked by fellow African Leaders at the summit. She tells me we must dash to the local supermarket to buy whatever we can.
There is a rumour that Mugabe will slash the prices again upon his return
from the African Union summit as a conciliatory gesture to the electorate. We quickly dash out of the office, but by the time we get to the supermarket,
it's empty shelves again. We try several other supermarkets and all their shelves are already bare.
Everyone is trying to get anything that they can lay their hands on.
I wonder when the so called 'people's shops' will come to my neighbourhood or
were they just another campaign tool. 13:00 Mugabe is shown walking gracefully like an African giraffe into the AU
summit, side by side with the host. I just can't believe this. It was my last
hope that someone at this summit was going to knock some sense into this old
man's head. I know that the AU is toothless, but surely it must at least have a few false
teeth. My hope for the formation of some sort of government of national unity or
meaningful intervention by an AU special envoy is falling away. ZBC reports that the meeting is on Millennium Development Goals and not about
Zimbabwe. They forget that it is dictators like Mugabe who are making it hard
for the continent to achieve those very goals. 10:00 We share our grief after the service. Church is the only place where one can
enjoy relative freedom. To make matters worse one of our church members who has been out in the rural
areas tells me that the violence against opposition supporters is continuing
there even though Mugabe has already declared himself the winner. We are shocked and promise to keep praying. One thing that never ceases to
amaze me about Zimbabweans is the level of resilience and hope here. We're all
convinced that eventually things will get better. 14:00 I have to live with this for now. Mugabe is the newly elected President for
the next five years, by hook and crook. I do my calculations - he will be 90
before we can vote him out. I just feel like staying indoors but I have to go to the bank to pay 'top-up
fees' for my son. The school fees are never fixed these days, it is reviewed almost every
fortnight to catch up with the runaway inflation. 10:00 One young man picks up a conversation with his friend on the other side of
the banking hall . "Man your local soccer team is a star, it played against
itself and emerged a winner." People start to giggle; they know exactly what this guy is referring to. I am
impressed. He is one of the brave ones. Few dare to draw such an analogy in
public given the awful violence being meted out by Zanu PF. 13:00 He claims the government doesn't need any help in looking after these people
especially from foreign aid agencies. He claims that such organisations always
bring their assistance 'with strings attached'. This doesn't make sense to me. If these people are seeking sanctuary from
Zanu PF, how can the same party be trusted to look after them?
I reflect on the events of the March 2008 elections, when it took them more
than five weeks to announce the results. Yet after Mugabe's one man election
they're ready in two days? As usual around this time my brother calls, the family safety check again. He
tells me the Zanu PF youths have run out of food at their bases and are forcing
civil servants and villagers to give them maize, meal and other foods. "If this continues, I'm going to have to join those seeking help at South
African embassy," my brother threatens. 20:00 But that's very short notice. How will all these millions of people that Zanu
PF claimed voted for Mugabe be able to celebrate this occasion? When will all the transport arrangements be made to ferry this huge army of
supporters to the traditional Rufaro Stadium for his inauguration? So, how, I ask myself, have they managed all this fast tracking? My cousin,
who works for the Zimbabwe Election Commission, says he knows the answer. "There was no proper counting," he says. "They simply made up figures to
speed up Mugabe's victory. After all, the man should not be kept waiting!" Is this some kind of defiance on the part of the electorate? Only the events
of the day will tell. I walk back to my house but the quietness is really making me very
uncomfortable. When I get back I find there's no power, as I look around for an old
newspaper to make a fire, I see a headline that shouts: "Your vote, your voice,
speak out!" I realise I have been robbed of both my vote and my voice. I'll only
vote if I'm frog-marched to the polls. Elections here are meaningless and worth
nothing - just like the Zim dollar - democracy here has been totally devalued.
10:00 The road to the polling station looks deserted. As I walk down the road I see
a pile of discarded fliers…some being blown by the wind. I pick one up and find
that they're MDC leaflets asking people not to vote. They say "We will not rest
until we have a new Zimbabwe". I'm amazed at the way they've just been dumped,
an indication that all is not well. It seems likely that whoever brought them
here was threatened or arrested. At the polling station, I only see a few adults and some children. It's clear
that I'm certainly not the only one who is refusing to vote. This gives me
courage and fresh hope that I won't walk alone through this journey. 11:00 When, I start to wonder, did the authorities set up a polling station here?
But I soon discover that people are not actually queuing to vote. They're
queuing for bread. It dawns on me that people are more worried about their
stomachs than this shameful election. I join the queue with a big smile. Bread
is worth the wait. 13:00 14:30 We find people sitting in groups of about 15 to 20 at the polling station
waiting to vote. They don't look very enthusiastic. When we leave we give a
local teacher a lift. She's a former school mate of my friend. She quietly tells
us that polling officers are writing down the names and serial numbers of
everyone who votes. These details are then passed on to local Zanu PF youths.
Everyone here, she tells us, is threatened with violence if they don't vote for
Mugabe. 20:00
I admit that I'm scared of what might happen to those who are found without
ballot paper ink on their fingers. But, I have a plan. I'll just put nail polish
or mulberry juice on mine and hope that it fools them. The struggle goes on.
The guy hands him a leaflet and instructs him to tell his family that the
election is still on June 27 and that anyone who say it isn't is telling lies.
He is warned not to destroy the leaflet and is given a little sticker of
Mugabe's face to stick on his shirt. As soon as they've gone he runs back into the house and gives me the leaflet.
It reads "Vote RG Mugabe, President. In 1980 we did it, now lets do it again,
Save the heritage, Save the Revolution" and all the other propaganda. I want to
throw it in the bin but I quickly think, no, let me keep it in case they come
back and ask to be shown it again. 12:00 14:00 17:00 That is the ink that shows that one has been through the voting process. He
also tells me the local youths are also polling officers. When they get trained
do to this, I wonder. 19:00
20:00 Then, the grand finale, Mugabe's final rally in Chitungwiza. He castigates
the West, SADC, AU and MDC. A small sigh of relief - at least he says he might
talk with the MDC - but only when the elections are over. I wonder what will
become of this country. Should I go and vote or just stay indoors. I don't know. I really don't know.
I kneel down to pray and seek God's protection. I am not sure what the coming
hours hold. I am amazed- a demonstration, how has this been allowed? Of course because it
is them! Some even have babies on their backs. The lyrics of their songs all
point to the fact that Tsvangirai is a puppet of the West and that the
Presidential run-off will go on as planned. One guy who looks like he has as just come back from the 'war' seems to be
the leader and as the group hums on he threatens that they will deal with anyone
who does not go and vote. 13:00 I enquire around and I am told that the Zanu PF youth have burnt the filling
station because it is owned by a white couple. 17:00 As I walk through the streets I am terrified by the heavy presence of armed
police. If they were just carrying small arms I'm sure I would not have been so
terrified, but a huge AK 47? I can't hide my terror.
I go out to buy my local newspaper and am shocked by
the headline: "Mugabe has gone to attend the AU Summit in Egypt."
One
of my colleagues runs into my office.
It is all panic
buying. Where will we get food for our families? We have to brace ourselves for
severe food shortages and stores with nothing to sell again.
Lunch time news on ZBC leaves me eating my words.
I
listen to the news and hear that the MDC leader has been officially invited to
attend Mugabe's inauguration. My goodness, I cannot imagine whose idea that was.
It is just like adding salt to an open wound.
I attend the Sunday service at my local church. It's the only
hope, God will surely answer our prayers one day.
Mugabe's swearing in ceremony is on television. I'm surprised
it's at State House. Why? Where has all the 'pomp and fanfare' of yesteryear?
This is unlike Zanu PF, they always love big venues and big crowds.
The
events leading to the run off are now taking a toll on me. I wake up exhausted
in the knowledge that Robert Mugabe will, indeed, emerge as the unchallenged
winner.
The queues at the bank are very long. People look devastated.
I realise it is not only me who has been affected by this shameless run-off.
Lunch time news: the deputy minister of information is shown
at the South African embassy where a large number of opposition supporters are
seeking refuge. Most of them are still clad in bandages.
19:00
The
Zimbabwe Election Commission starts announcing the results. Is this necessary in
a one man election I wonder?
I hear the obvious. Surprise, surprise, Mugabe is the winner.
He's to be sworn in the tomorrow.
I
wake up to a bright sunny morning. I'm curious to know what is happening
outside. I take a short walk to the local polling station. It's unusually quiet
- nothing like the hustle and bustle of the last elections in March.
I decide to take
another look at what is happening at the polling station. I've made up my mind
that I am not going to vote but I'm just curious to see how many people here
feel the same way.
I run out of air time on my mobile phone and go into town to
top it up. I find that all the shops are closed. As I approach the corner of the
street, I notice a long winding queue.
Lunchtime news on ZBC.
Mugabe's daughter is shown casting her vote. Later it's Mugabe and his wife.
Mugabe is in a jovial mood and jokes that he is hungry. I find this joke
unpalatable. So many people where he is casting his vote are hungry. Why did he
choose to joke that way? Well, that's Mugabe. He never ceases to amaze me.
My friend, who is discreetly monitoring the elections, asks
me to escort her to a polling station 40km away in a rural area. This is where
she grew up so it's easy for us to pretend we are at home.
The eight o'clock news refers to the elections as "historic".
Indeed they are, because I've never seen an election where voters have only one
person to choose from and that man then declares himself the rightful winner.
A colleague tells me
there are rumours the results will be out by tomorrow. Last time, when there was
an opposition, Zimbabwe's Election Commission waited weeks to release the
result. Now they're eager to announce them early. Stolen elections aren't the
answer to our crisis - we need food, fuel and electricity.
There
is a banging knock at my gate. I ask my son to tell whoever is there that I am
not at home. As he opens the gate he is greeted by four young men who ask him if
there is an adult at home. My son tells them he is all by himself and everyone
is at work.
I turn on the radio
and the jingles continue on the elections. But the opposition has withdrawn. I
am confused. How will these elections go on? The Zimbabwe Election Commission
still urges people to go and vote.
I pass through the local butchery, it's closed: but why? It
usually closes at 5pm. I ask the vendor and she looks surprised and says to me:
"Are you not aware that there are elections tomorrow? They have closed early
today in case violence breaks out." I soon realise that most places and offices
have closed too.
My brother, a nurse at a local clinic, telephones me. It has
become our family tradition now that each night we have to check on each other's
safety. He tells me he has just come from a meeting where the Zanu PF youth have
threatened to deal with anyone who will not have a 'pink finger' by 7pm
tomorrow.
My maid who left early in the morning to travel to her rural
home returns unexpectedly. She narrates her ordeal and tells me she has been
barred from entering her village by Zanu PF Youths.
They ordered her to go
back to town where she is registered to vote so that she can go to the polls
tomorrow. She is in a state of shock and failed to see her daughter. I calm her
down. She tells me she will have to go and vote because everyone says the regime
will know if she doesn't. I look at her in disbelief. "It's not true", I tell
her, but I know I am not making much sense. They have instilled so much fear in
her, she will surely go.
On the ZBC news the Minister of Information reports that
Zimbabwe is a sovereign state and its elections are not dictated by the SADC or
AU. He dismisses Mandela's criticism of the violence in Zimbabwe as simply
'Western pressure'.
I
hear some people chanting liberation war songs. I peep through the window of my
office and see Zanu PF youths in their party regalia carrying placards.
I hear a big bang
and see a thick black smoke about 100m from where I'm standing. I see everyone
running towards that direction and I join in. Oh my God - the local filling
station is up in smoke.
On my way home I pass through the local supermarket. Next to
it a group of Zanu PF youths wearing their party regalia are drinking beer in
public.
BBC
Wednesday, 2 July 2008 08:35 UK
Esther (not her real name), 28, a
professional living and working in
Zimbabwe's capital, Harare, is writing a
regular diary on the challenges of
leading a normal life.
Zimbabwe is suffering from an acute economic crisis. The country has
the
world's highest rate of inflation and just one in five has an official
job.
Every Zimbabwean with media access is following the
African Union
summit going on in Egypt with baited breath following Friday's
election.
The day itself was a non-event really - with only one
candidate, the
result was a forgone conclusion.
That did
not stop people from going to the polls though: Some to vote
their beloved
president back into office; others to vote for opposition
leader Morgan
Tsvangirai, even though that was futile as he had withdrawn.
Yet
others voted to avoid the much talked about retribution for not
voting.
A friend told me he was so overcome with frustration in
the polling
booth, he gouged out Robert Mugabe's eyes on his ballot
paper.
By Sunday, the results were out, which was pretty amazing
considering
it took the electoral commission five weeks to release the 29
March
presidential election results.
And 30 minutes after the
announcement, Mr Mugabe was being sworn in as
president.
I
watched the ceremony as it was broadcast live on TV and marvelled at
the
state's efficiency.
All the Zanu-PF dignitaries were gathered at
State House together with
the chief justice ready to do the
swearing-in.
We should have known all the threats and condemnation
were not going
to stop Mr Mugabe, after all that is exactly why some people
admire him so.
He just does not care what "the international
community" has to say.
On the other hand, the reeling Zimbabwean is
looking to that very same
international community to do something to get out
of this mess.
I can hear the Mugabe loyalists out there asking:
"What mess?"
'Disaster'
But people are frustrated.
World food and oil prices are rising and
together with hyperinflation you
have disaster.
Prices change here every week for most
commodities and every day for
goods pegged to the US dollar such as
fuel.
Five litres of fuel is selling for Z$200bn at the moment; it
was
Z$170bn on Monday and it will probably be Z$300bn by the end of the
week.
At one private school in Harare, parents have been asked to
pay
supplementary fees of Z$2.1 trillion by the end of the week, and Z$3
trillion if they pay next week.
That's how fast our dollar is
losing value. You cannot afford to
extend credit in local
currency.
Twenty eight years of Zanu-PF rule has brought us here,
where will
another five years take us?
So my family was
really excited when the AU summit started, thinking,
surely this is
it?
Everyone has seen the photos of pre-27 June election violence;
African
election observers condemned the poll as not being a reflection of
the
Zimbabweans' will by African standards; a lot of noises have been coming
out
of London, Washington and the UN in New York and the Italian ambassador
has
been recalled over the poll.
Surely now there is no way
anyone can stand by Mr Mugabe, and thus
declare that in his shoes, they
would have acted exactly the same?
Yet I watched one foreign
minister, from Angola I think, saying
condemnation was not the
answer.
Granted, Mr Mugabe was very involved in bringing about
peace to a
number of African nations, and some people cannot see past that
history.
So, it is looking like the eagerly awaited help from the
international
community that we were banking on is not coming at
all.
We are fast losing hope in them, especially the African part
of that
community.
It is looking more like Mr Mugabe knew what
he was talking about when
he said: "Only God can remove me from
power.
Dispatch, SA
2008/07/02
A
STRONG hint that the US might cast a wider sanctions net on "those who
support" Zimbabwe's shaky regime came yesterday as President Robert Mugabe
continued to shrug off global condemnation of his hold on
power.
White House spokesperson Dana Perino told a press briefing that
President
George W Bush was pressing for "strong action" in the form of
sanctions by
the United Nations - "but we could also act
unilaterally".
However, she said: "What we would like is for people,
first and foremost, to
feel safe in their own country and to let their
voices be heard."
A reporter suggested the US was being "so namby-pamby",
and asked: "Isn't
there some mechanism to arrest him as a war criminal?"
Perino countered,
saying that the president had taken a " very firm
stand".
"Would the Bush administration be upset if he were detained and
not allowed
to leave Egypt," a reporter asked.
Perino responded: "I'm
just not going to speculate on any such action. I don't
know of any that's
being contemplated."
The sanctions threat came as the ATP fund, a
Danish R718 billion (92bn)
pension fund, confirmed it may divest from
resources giant Anglo American
because of its continuing activity in
Zimbabwe.
Last week Anglo said it was pressing head with a R3.2bn
investment in the
Unki platinum mine in Zimbabwe despite the British
government's pressure on
companies to withdraw from the
country.
Yesterday, Britain's biggest supermarket, Tesco, said it is to
stop sourcing
products from Zimbabwe - worth about R16m in
exports.
Zimbabwean workers affected by the decision would be supported
"by other
means", they added. - DDR with additional reporting by Sapa-AFP
and I-Net
Bridge
Cape Argus
July 02, 2008 Edition
1
By LAVERN DE VRIES and Sapa
Nobel laureate Archbishop
Emeritus Desmond Tutu has suggested the government
consider deploying armed
personnel in Zimbabwe to restore stability to the
troubled
state.
Speaking at last night's Difficult Dialogues debate at UCT, Tutu
said South
Africa had failed its apartheid-era friends by supporting Russia
and China
in the UN Security Council vote with regards to Burma and
Zimbabwe.
"Who would ever have imagined that Zimbabwe, our proud showcase
country, a
great country that used to export food, would today be a dream
turned into a
horrible nightmare? Mr Mugabe and his cohorts have become
corrupted," Tutu
said.
Addressing a packed audience at Jameson Hall,
Tutu said he wanted peace and
calm restored to Zimbabwe.
"We want all
the refugees who are here unwillingly to be able to return home
to a safe
and secure place in their home country."
One of the ways of achieving
the goal would be for African leaders to
reprimand Mugabe and insist on
negotiations for a transitional government in
which the Movement for
Democratic Change would have a prominent role, said
Tutu.
"Perhaps we
have to consider deploying armed personnel to oversee a return
to normalcy
in Zimbabwe," he said.
Last night's two-hour session also featured former
UCT vice-chancellor
Mamphela Ramphele, Dinner with Mugabe author Heidi
Holland and Economic
Justice Initiative co-founder Wilmot James.
The
Cape Argus is a partner in the Difficult Dialogues debate series (see
page
15 for the full Tutu text).
The "horrid nightmare" in Zimbabwe showed
what happened when people were
prepared to kill for their leaders, Tutu
said.
His comment followed assertions by leaders of the ANC Youth League
and
Cosatu last month that they were ready to kill for ANC president Jacob
Zuma.
Ghana News Agency
July 02,
2008
From Kwaku Osei Bonsu, GNA Special Correspondent, Sharm El-Sheikh,
Egypt
Sharm El-Sheikh, GNA - The 11th Summit of the African Union (AU)
opened in
the Egyptian Red Sea Resort of Sharm El-Sheikh on Monday with a
call on the
Continent's political leaders not to turn their backs on
Zimbabwe.
Mr. Jean Ping, Chairperson of the AU Commission, said Africa
must assume its
responsibilities and do all within its power to help the
Zimbabwean parties
to find a common ground and work together in the supreme
interest of their
country to overcome the current challenges.
The
call comes just a day after President Robert Mugabe had been sworn-in
for
another term following his sweeping victory of the internationally
discredited presidential run-off.
Mr Ping said the election crises
that continued to haunt the democratic
process on the continent should
compel "us to exert more sustained efforts
to entrench the democratic
culture in each of our countries and challenge
our ability to face up to the
electoral crises and disputes on the
continent."
President John
Agyekum Kufuor is among the leaders of the 53-member
Pan-African Regional
bloc attending the two-day meeting, which is being held
under the theme:
"Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) on Water and
Sanitation."
The
year 2008 is the mid-point of the path towards achieving the MDGs but
there
is growing anxiety that many African nations are off track in
realising the
goals.
The leaders are also discussing regional political and economic
integration
as well as Africa's response to the global emergency caused by
the food and
crude oil price hike.
The AU Commission Chairperson,
pledged his determination to introduce the
needed reforms to enhance the
performance of the Commission and build its
initiative and implementation
capacity.
The exercise entailed putting premium on competence,
experience, efficiency
and strengthening measures to render transparent and
credible management of
financial and material resources provided by the
member states and partners
of the AU.
He said the objective was to
create an efficient structure commensurate with
the clear visibility and
strong credibility achieved by the Union within a
short period of
time.
President Jikaya Kikwete, Tanzanian President and Chairman of the
AU, also
made reference to the Zimbabwean situation and urged the
international
community to work with the South African Development
Cooperation (SADC) to
return political normalcy to the
country.
Africans, he said, had suffered a lot of conflicts and were
tired of this.
The leaders therefore have a responsibility to end the
suffering.
Dr. Asha Rose Migro, Deputy United Nations (UN) Secretary
General, said
Africa's partnership with the world body was as crucial as its
regional
integration.
"We must act together and act quickly. Our work
in helping Kenya to resolve
its political crisis, shows that when political
leaders are willing, the AU
and the UN can form a powerful coalition to live
up to our founding ideals."
Host President Hosni Mubarak, said there was
the need for increased
solidarity and cooperation among Africans, adding
that, they should speak
with one voice to defend the interests of the
continent.
GNA
http://www.thoughtleader.co.za
Michael
Trapido
Loading ...
The African Union
conference at Sharm el-Shekh was a fitting response to the
sham Zimbabwean
election. In essence, a wishy washy call by African
"leaders" for some form
of negotiations despite the fact that the parties
concerned have effectively
ruled it out.
While the USA has confirmed that it is headed for full
blown sanctions, and
the European Union confirmed that it would only
recognise a unity government
headed by Tsvangirai, African leaders proved
conclusively that the people of
Africa are the last thing on their
minds.
Indeed, even as they were espousing that the solutions lay with
the people
of Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwean government was ignoring aid agencies'
desperate
efforts to resume feeding the five million at risk as a result of
the
government blocking their vital work.
The Zimbabweans I have to
admit did us proud.
They told the world and Africa that they had no right
to deter them in what
is headed for genocide because very few African
leaders have clean hands. In
other words because other leaders are
barbarians not worthy of the
description 'civilised', that that justifies
decimating your own population.
The African way, or so I'm proudly
told.
Their "spokesman" (pity Charles Manson wasn't available - he could
not have
done worse) proudly telling the west to go hang themselves a
thousand times.
Not for Zimbabwe a Kenyan type solution, it must be
Zimbabweans resolving
their own problems. I need not set out what that means
the whole world knows
what Zimbabweans do to each other, or let us say, what
the government does
to its population.
Is the world going to tighten
the sanctions or intervene?
Yes and no. Intervention is unlikely but
strong sanctions are on the cards.
Because my only concern is the masses I
pray that sanctions are very
seriously considered before they are applied.
The people have been reduced
to a life expectancy of 37, and they can hardly
endure that any more. I
would (for what it's worth) ask world leaders to
assess the impact on these
poor people. They really are not up to current
sanctions.
Of course, with inflation already over a million percent and
the economy
beyond local redemption the Zanu-PF will be confronted with an
implosion of
their own making.
No doubt, as South Africans we can
brace ourselves for a huge increase in
pressure on our poorest communities,
and a massive headache in the making
for the next government. Added pressure
on our economy, in the midst of a
global economic crisis, we can anticipate
an enormous increase in the fight
for food and jobs with its inevitable
increase in xenophobia and unrest.
An African "solution" displaying the
wisdom and insight of the builders of
the Titanic.
Up the creek
without a paddle.
This entry was posted on Tuesday, July 1st, 2008 at
10:52 pm
Today's Zaman
by
LORD MALLOCH
BROWN*
For a long time Robert Mugabe has kept alive the falsehood that Africa
and
much of the rest of the world remains on his side in what he claims is a
colonial dispute with Britain and, to a lesser extent, Europe.
The events
of the past few weeks have transformed that view. It is
unequivocally clear
that the world is united in its condemnation of the
violence perpetrated by
Zimbabwe's leaders. This is now Mugabe and his
regime versus the
world.
African leaders have one by one come out and shown their opposition to
what
Mugabe is doing: Tanzania, Senegal, Rwanda, Botswana, Angola, South
Africa
and Zambia most recently. Last week an open letter signed by more
than 40
African leaders, including many former presidents, former
secretary-generals
and civil society leaders called for an end to the
violence. African leaders
know that Mugabe's rule is now illegitimate by his
own constitution, by the
South Africa Development Community (SADC)
principles of elections and by the
African Union, which requires that its
members are democratically elected.
And Africans are ashamed. Kofi Annan
wrote that "Zimbabwe is tarnishing the
reputation of Africa." Kenyan Prime
Minister Raila Odinga called Zimbabwe
"an eyesore."
The UN Security
Council was also this week unanimous in its verdict that
"conditions do not
exist for free and fair elections right now in Zimbabwe.
There has been too
much violence, too much intimidation." Among the 15
Security Council members
who unanimously signed up to the statement were
China, Russia and South
Africa, three countries previously reluctant to join
in this kind of
international condemnation of Zimbabwe.
What has brought this decisive
change in world opinion? The facts speak for
themselves. Eighty-four
opposition supporters are confirmed murdered, 2,700
injured, 34,000
displaced. Tragically, these grim figures continue to grow,
even despite the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change's (MDC)
withdrawal from the vote.
It is no longer an election campaign. It is a
campaign of violence and
intimidation against innocent men, women and
children whose only crime is to
wish to express their democratic right to
vote. To do so as they did on
March 29 in the election that, according to
the African observers, the MDC
rightfully won.
And it is a campaign that takes place against a
catastrophic economic
background. Inflation is estimated at 2 million
percent. Zimbabwe has just
reaped its worst harvest in 60 years. Electricity
and water shortages last
for days at a time in some areas. Meanwhile the
ruling ZANU-PF government
has suspended life-saving NGO humanitarian
activities. Even hunger has
become a political weapon. Europe has a critical
role to play in bringing
change to Zimbabwe. The EU's existing targeted
measures of travel bans and
asset freezing against Mugabe and 130 senior
ZANU-PF leaders must be
deepened and broadened to include a wider range of
individuals involved in
perpetrating the violence. Beyond this the EU must
consider how best it can
ratchet up the pressure without adversely affecting
ordinary Zimbabweans.
The British marketing company WPP has properly decided
to divest its stake
in a local advertising company responsible for ZANU-PF
advertising. But is
it right that a European company continues to print the
banknotes that allow
Mugabe's regime to keep the machinery of state
oppression going while
feeding the intolerable habit of hyperinflation? Most
importantly, Europe
must work to support the African and global leadership
demonstrated by the
SADC, the African Union and the UN. Europe must do more
to build a global
effort to isolate and delegitimize Mugabe's regime: to
document human rights
abuses and seek remedies and to force Mugabe's regime
to allow the emergence
of a government that represents the will of the
people.
In recent weeks Mugabe and his inner circle have succeeded in
uniting the
world against them. They have put themselves beyond the pale.
They have
scorned international norms and values. And they should know that
they must
face the
consequences.
---
*Lord
Malloch Brown is the UK Foreign Office minister for Africa, Asia and
the
UN.
26 June 2008, Thursday