SignOnSanDiego
By Donna Bryson
ASSOCIATED PRESS
5:04 a.m. July 6, 2008
JOHANNESBURG,
South Africa - Britain called Sunday for tough action as
well as talk in the
face of Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's defiance
and signs of disunity
among his opposition.
British Foreign Secretary David Miliband urged
South Africa and the
rest of the international community to "unite behind a
tough, strong, clear
(U.N.) Security Council resolution" calling for
international sanctions
against Mugabe.
Miliband spoke
to reporters after visiting a downtown Johannesburg
church that is a refuge
for Zimbabweans fleeing their homeland's political
and economic
crises.
South Africa, though, has said the proposed resolution could
undermine
President Thabo Mbeki's attempt to mediate between Mugabe and
Zimbabwean
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
The
U.S.-drafted resolution backed by Britain would require nations to
freeze
the financial assets of Mugabe and 11 of his officials, and to
restrict
their travel to within Zimbabwe.
Miliband said such targeted
sanctions would spare the majority of
Zimbabweans, already suffering in a
collapsed economy, and could result in
those closest to Mugabe pressuring
him to yield at the negotiating table.
Mugabe is accused of holding onto
power through violence and fraud.
Miliband also said he supported
Tsvangirai's calls for the African
Union to appoint a mediator to work with
Mbeki. Tsvangirai accuses the South
African leader of siding with Mugabe,
who has extolled Mbeki's role.
"There has got to be a clear mix of
diplomacy and sanctions," Miliband
said, adding that the suffering
Zimbabweans described to him during his tour
of the Central Methodist Church
would spur anyone to try to find a solution.
"I've seen the human
toll and the human face of the catastrophe,"
Miliband said.
Church officials say thousands of Zimbabweans have found a temporary
haven
at the church over the past four years, and the numbers coming have
increased in recent weeks.
Around 2,000 Zimbabweans, double the
usual number at any one time,
were sheltering in the church's hallways,
stairwells and storerooms Sunday.
The main chapel has been kept clear for
services, and some worshippers
wearing their church best paused to greet
Miliband.
Church officials said despair over the impasse in
Zimbabwe was
resulting in more people crossing the border. They also said
Zimbabweans
were heading downtown after fleeing areas elsewhere in South
Africa where
immigrants were attacked by poor South Africans who accused
them of taking
scarce jobs and housing - an example of the far-reaching
impact of
Zimbabwe's troubles.
Mbeki made a brief, unannounced
visit to Zimbabwe on Saturday. His
spokesman, Mukoni Ratshitanga, said Mbeki
met with Mugabe and Arthur
Mutambara, leader of a small faction of
Tsvangirai's party, but not with
Tsvangirai.
Mutambara's
meeting with Mbeki could signal dissension within the
opposition,
complicating already dim prospects for the success of mediation.
Nelson Chamisa, spokesman for Tsvangirai, said Sunday that Tsvangirai
wants
a negotiated settlement but did not meet Mbeki because of questions
over how
"the process will proceed." Chamisa accused Mugabe of giving
"conflicting
messages" about his readiness to talk.
Zimbabwe's Sunday Mail
newspaper, a government mouthpiece, quoted
Mugabe as calling Tsvangirai's
failure to meet with Mbeki "a show of utter
disrespect."
Tsvangirai beat Mugabe and two other candidates in a first round of
presidential balloting in March. But he failed to win the 50 percent plus
one vote needed to avoid a runoff against the second-place finisher,
Mugabe.
International observers said the runoff, held June 27, was
not free or
fair, largely because of violence against opposition supporters.
The attacks
were so intense that Tsvangirai pulled out of the race in
protest days
before the vote. Mugabe went ahead, keeping Tsvangirai's name
on the ballot.
Mugabe was declared the winner June 29 and took the
oath of office for
a sixth term within hours of the release of
results.
At Johannesburg's Central Methodist Church, Zimbabweans
offered a
range of opinions on resolving their country's
crisis.
Wellington Sithole, a 20-year-old tiler who has been at the
church for
four months, called on South Africa to send in troops to topple
Mugabe.
Kudakwashe Mirandu, a 30-year-old electrician, agreed with
Sithole
that Mugabe's tenacity was a challenge, but said there must be a
peaceful
way out. She called on the U.N. to send a mediator, someone "who
could talk
to Robert Mugabe, so that we can have free elections. ... Then,
when he
loses, he can give up power."
The Telegraph
By
Christopher Munnion in Johannesburg
Last Updated: 8:15PM BST
06/07/2008
The crisis in Zimbabwe was "infecting the whole of southern
Africa" and it
was now "imperative" that there was a legitimate government
in that country,
David Miliband said.
In his first visit to the region ,
the Foreign Secretary was speaking after
visiting refugees from Zimbabwe in
central Johannesburg.
He said he had seen the "human face" of the
catastrophe in Zimbabwe during
his tour of the Central Methodist Church,
having met many orphans among
those fleeing the country.
Around 2,000
Zimbabweans, double the usual number at any one time, were
sheltering in the
church's hallways, stairwells and storerooms during the
tour. Many had fled
beatings and pre-election violence that has seen more
than 100 opponents of
the Mugabe regime killed.
"No one who meets the people here could do
anything other than redouble
their efforts to secure international consensus
that the Mugabe regime is
not a legitimate representation of the will of the
people of Zimbabwe," he
said.
"At the heart of President Mugabe's
rhetoric is the idea that this is a
fight between Zimbabwe and Britain. It
is not.
"It is a fight between two different visions for the future of
Zimbabwe, one
of which has the support of the Zimbabwean people and the
other which is
held together by a small clique that holds power on the basis
of violence
and intimidation today."
Mr Miliband will meet his South
African counterpart, Nkosazan Dlamini Zuma,
tomorrow (TUES) to discuss the
situation in Zimbabwe.
The Foreign Minister said the international
community, including South
Africa, had to rally behind touch new UN Security
Council resolutions in New
York next week to target individuals within the
Mugabe regime.
President Thabo Mbeki, supposedly the mediator on behalf
of the Southern
Africa Development Community (SADC) in Zimbabwe, has come
under increasingly
harsh criticism in recent week for his seeming support of
the Mugabe regime.
Mr Mbeki flew to Harare on Saturday in an attempt to
persuade Mr Mugabe to
form a government of national unity. Morgan
Tsvangirai, leader of the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC),
refused to meet the South
African leader.
Mr Tsvangirai said that if
he met Mr Mbeki it would imply his party's
recognition of Mr Mugabe as
president following his controversial and
disputed
re-election.
Zimbabwe's Sunday Mail newspaper, a government mouthpiece,
quoted Mr Mugabe
as calling Mr Tsvangirai's refusal to meet "a show of utter
disrespect."
Leaders of the G8 group of nations, meanwhile, were expected
to "strongly
condemn" Mr Mugabe in their final statement of a three day
summit in Japan,
the White House said.
Reuters
Sun 6 Jul 2008, 14:40
GMT
BRUSSELS (Reuters) - The European Commission is ready to provide up
to 250
million euros (199 million pounds) in development aid for Zimbabwe's
worst-hit sectors if the country gets a legitimate, credible government, the
EU's aid chief said.
The European Union's executive arm would then
also call for an international
lifting of debt owed by the country, EU Aid
Commissioner Louis Michel said.
"I would encourage the rest of the
international donor community to make it
clear today that it is ready to
provide substantial and immediate assistance
to Zimbabwe in the wake of a
transition towards democracy," Michel said.
The EU aid would go towards
supporting hospitals, schools or the farming
sector, he said in an opinion
piece distributed to media.
The 27-country European Union called on
Friday for a new election as soon as
possible in Zimbabwe after a short
transition from the rule of President
Robert Mugabe.
Mugabe was
declared re-elected after a June 27 runoff in which he was the
only
candidate once the opposition withdrew in protest at violence and
intimidation by the security forces and government-backed
militia.
The European Commission is the most important aid donor to
Zimbabwe and last
year provided 91 million euros in humanitarian aid and
other assistance.
SABC
July 06, 2008,
19:00
By Thulasizwe Simelane
Zimbabwe's ruling Zanu-PF has accused
opposition Movement of Democratic
Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai of
disrespecting the Southern African
Development Community, (SADC) appointed
mediator, President Thabo Mbeki.
Tsvangirai yesterday failed to attend a
meeting scheduled by Mbeki between
his Zimbabwean counterpart Robert Mugabe
and opposition leaders. Mbeki says
Tsvangirai pulled out of the meeting at
the last minute saying he had been
advised by African Union (AU) leaders to
hold off until Mbeki's mediation
effort is reinforced.
Meanwhile, a
milestone moment occurred in Zimbabwean politics when Mugabe
was seen
shaking hands with MDC faction leader Arthur Mutambara. However,
the picture
would resonate even more, if the hand Mugabe shook was that of
his
arch-rival Morgan Tsvangirai. The leader of the bigger MDC faction
apparently withdrew at the last minute from a meeting facilitated by Mbeki
with Mugabe yesterday.
The ruling party wasted no time in attacking
Tsvangirai over his snub of the
dialogue mediator.
While some
analysts say Tsvangirai let a golden opportunity slip to give the
dialogue
the momentum it needs, others believe his snub of Mbeki makes a
powerful
statement to the international community.
Jakarta Post
The Associated Press , Rusutsu, Japan |
Sun, 07/06/2008 4:34 PM |
World
Climate change, soaring oil prices
and possible steps against Zimbabwe were
high on the agenda as leaders from
the Group of Eight economic powers
gathered in Japan for their annual
summit.
With fewer than 200 days left in his term, U.S. President George
W. Bush was
to meet Sunday with Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda, who is
hosting the
three-day meeting at the picturesque lakeside resort of Toyako
on the
northern island of Hokkaido.
Security kicked into high gear on
the weekend, with riot police in body
armor monitoring checkpoints along
roads leading to he summit site through
the rolling farmland.
Japan
has mobilized roughly 20,000 police officers in Hokkaido, many of them
brought in from other parts of the country, to avert any terrorist attacks.
The Yomiuri newspaper reported that F-15 fighter jets will patrol during the
summit.
Protesters gathered Sunday for a second day of demonstrations
against the
G-8 in Sapporo, about 100 kilometers northeast of Toyako. On
Saturday,
thousands of demonstrators representing a range of causes, from
fighting
poverty to stopping global warming, marched through the city.
Police briefly
clashed with marchers, detaining four people.
German
Chancellor Angela Merkel said the G-8 leaders will discuss how they
can
toughen sanctions on Zimbabwe in the wake of President Robert Mugabe's
widely denounced presidential election runoff victory.
"We will
confer on how we can toughen sanctions against Zimbabwe, and I hope
that we
will also get support from our African colleagues here," Merkel said
in her
weekly video message.
South African President Thabo Mbeki, whom
Zimbabwe's opposition has accused
of bias toward Mugabe, and Nigerian
President Umaru Yar'Adua have been
invited to meet with the Group of Eight
leaders on Monday.
The EU already has travel bans and an asset freeze in
place on Mugabe and
other senior Zimbabwean officials. The U.S. also is
seeking international
sanctions against Mugabe and his top
aides.
Climate change is a key topic at the meeting, and many hope the
G-8 will
give some indication of its commitment to cutting greenhouse gases
to move
forward the U.N.-led talks aimed at
replacing the Kyoto protocol
on climate change, which expires 2012.
Negotiators face a deadline of
December 2009, when some 190 nations will
meet in Denmark.
Host
Fukuda would like to emerge from the summit with an agreement on 50
percent
overall reductions in greenhouse gases by 2050. Some European
countries and
developing nations favor establishing targets for cutting
emissions by 2020.
Scientists say those targets are needed to avoid the
worst effects of global
warming.
But few expect major headway or concessions from Bush. He
insists on holding
China and India, fast-growing economies and among the
world's biggest
polluters, to emission-reduction standards as
well.
Bush himself says a priority of this year's summit is not advancing
new
initiatives but making good on ones from previous summits, especially
promises for health aid for countries in Africa and other underdeveloped
nations.
"We need to show the world that the G-8 can be accountable
for its promises
and deliver results," Bush said ahead of the summit.
"America is on track
to meet our commitments. And in Japan, I'll urge other
leaders to fulfill
their commitments, as well."
With global oil
prices surging, the G-8 leaders are expected to urge major
oil producers to
increase supplies while also calling for steps to improve
energy efficiency
and develop
alternative sources of energy within their own economies. Oil
spiked to a
record US$145.85 a barrel on Thursday.
However, observers
have questioned the effectiveness of any calls by the G-8
to boost oil
production when the group does not include Saudi Arabia, the
world's largest
exporter of crude, or any OPEC members.
Likewise, there is growing
criticism that the G-8 excludes other major
economies such as China, India,
Brazil, Mexico and South Africa. Leaders of
those nations are due to meet
with the G-8 leaders on Wednesday.(**)
Monsters and Critics
Jul 6, 2008, 12:53 GMT
Johannesburg - Following
his meeting Sunday with Zimbabwean refugees in
South Africa, British Foreign
Secretary David Miliband said it was
'imperative' to find a solution to the
worsening crisis in Zimbabwe.
After meeting with around 2,000 refugees at
a centre in Johannesburg,
Miliband said Britain would redouble its efforts
to ensure that Zimbabwean
President Robert Mugabe's regime was not seen as
'a legitimate
representation of the will of the people of
Zimbabwe.'
Miliband also called for the international community to
support US-proposed
sanctions on Zimbabwe to be tabled in the coming days at
the United Nations
Security Council in New York.
Miliband arrived in
South Africa earlier Sunday for talks with Foreign
Minister Nkosazana
Dlamini-Zuma under the auspices of the South Africa-UK
Bilateral
Forum.
His visit follows South African President Thabo Mbeki's attempt
Saturday to
kickstart talks between Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai on a
proposed government of national unity.
Mbeki held
talks in Harare with Mugabe and members of a smaller faction of
Tsvangirai's
Movement for Democratic Change led by Arthur Mutambara.
Tsvangirai
boycotted the talks. An MDC spokesman, Nelson Chamisa, said the
conditions
Tsvangirai had set out for talks, including the presence of an
African Union
(AU) envoy, had not been met.
African Union heads of state meeting in
Egypt during the week called on
Mugabe and Tsvangirai to share power after
Mugabe claimed victory in a
controversial presidential run-off election he
alone contested.
Tsvangirai, who won the first round of voting for
president in March,
withdrew from the run-off over a spate of attacks on his
supporters by
Mugabe supporters in the wake of the March
election.
The MDC, the West and a handful of African countries are
refusing to
recognize Mugabe's victory.
The impasse in Zimbabwe is
expected to feature prominently in talks between
leaders of the Group of
Eight leading industrialized nations in Tokyo this
week.
The Australian
Jan
Raath, Bulawayo | July 07, 2008
ZIMBABWE is on the brink of an
unprecedented famine after its worst harvest
since independence in 1980. The
plight of Zimbabweans is compounded by the
deliberate starvation of most of
the population because of their support for
the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change.
A crop assessment by the United Nations Food and
Agriculture Organisation
says the country that once fed scores of
famine-stricken African nations
will harvest only 575,000 tonnes of maize,
the national staple, from last
summer's crop - only 28 per cent of the grain
needed to feed the country's
11.8 million people.
Already 29 per cent
of the population are "chronically malnourished,"
according to the Health
Ministry and the UN. A similar percentage of
children suffer
stunting.
In Bulawayo, cases of malnutrition in hospitals have increased
110 per cent
in two months.
Rural stocks of food will start running
out next month, according to the
FAO, when more than two million will have
to be fed or face starvation.
By January, the number will have risen to
5.1 million.
The Government gives assurances that it has imported 500,000
tonnes of
maize, but there is no evidence of it. The FAO has forecast a
shortfall of
one million tonnes of grain.
In spite of the dire
situation, President Robert Mugabe's regime is
maintaining a total ban on
famine relief by local and international aid
agencies. What little food the
Government has for distribution is handed to
supporters of the ruling
ZANU-PF party.
"It's a catastrophe," said an aid worker who asked not to
be named. "It is
much worse than the drought of 1991-92 (when thousands of
head of cattle and
wildlife died of starvation but people were fed from
ample food reserves).
Now there is no preparedness."
After being
subjected to three months of savage political violence before
the
universally condemned presidential run-off elections last week, and
trapped
by an economy in collapse, Zimbabweans are about to be afflicted by
chronic
hunger. "There is no village (in the low-rainfall western provinces
of
Matabeleland and Midlands) that is not touched by hunger and
malnutrition,"
said Effie Ncube, the director of a small local aid agency.
"We go out on
a weekly basis to see what they cook and eat. Many are eating
wild fruits,
nothing you could call a decent meal.
"Only ZANU-PF people have a better
life, because the government gives them
food. The majority support the
opposition and the majority are being starved
by the government."
In
a small office in central Bulawayo, the capital of western Zimbabwe, Mr
Ncube sits at a desk, filling in "history of violence" reports as he
interviews a constant stream of rural people needing medical attention after
being assaulted by militias of Mugabe's ZANU-PF party.
In the week
after the elections on June 27, most of the violence in rural
Matabeleland
had subsided, although it continued in several pockets, he
said.
Most
of the rural youths dragooned into youth and "war veteran" militias to
carry
out the violence to force people to vote had drifted away.
The illegal
roadblocks to stop people - especially the injured - from
fleeing their
homes after attack have been taken down, Mr Ncube said. This
had released a
surge of people with broken limbs and lacerated and bruised
backs, buttocks
and legs to seek help for the first time, more than a week
after they were
assaulted.
Gogo (grandmother) Christina Thabani, 68, was dragged out of
her hut at
midnight in Umzinghwane district about 80km south of Bulawayo
last week, and
thrashed until they broke her right arm.
Then she was
forced to dance and sing songs idolising Mugabe for several
hours. Her
broken arm led to a cruel irony. When she got to the polling
station she was
unable to use her hand to write, and officials insisted that
she was
assisted to vote.
"Someone followed me into the polling booth. He put his
X on Mugabe for me.
I don't want Mugabe," she said.
She also told
how, earlier this year, she and everyone in the village went
to their head
man to register for famine relief. "They took our names, but
then the head
man and the war veterans in the area vetted the list. Everyone
who they
thought was MDC had their names crossed off."
A truck from the Grain
Marketing Board, the state monopoly maize dealer,
comes perhaps once a month
and hands out 50kg bags of maize - but only to
ZANU-PF
supporters.
"You see them eating and you get angry, but there is nothing
you can do,"
she said. "Sometimes they sell it to you, for a very high
price, but only at
night, because they will get into trouble for feeding MDC
people."
One after another, the victims in Mr Ncube's office told the
same story, and
also how there was "absolutely no food" after the disastrous
harvest.
"I have eight grandchildren and two children," Mrs Thabani said.
"They are
starving."
On June 5, the government shut down all aid
agencies and charities. Mugabe
claimed they were using their food
distribution to bribe people to vote for
the MDC - exactly the tactic that
ZANU-PF is using.
The Times
Mail and Guardian
JASON MOYO - Jul
06 2008 06:00
Robert Mugabe's widely condemned "re-election"
last weekend appears to have
broken the resolve of many
Zimbabweans.
Two weeks ago there was steely determination among many
voters to reject
him, despite mounting violence and the economic
crisis.
But after a week which began with Morgan Tsvangirai's last-minute
withdrawal
from the poll and ended with Mugabe's whirlwind "inauguration",
resignation
is taking over.
A day after the elections, as state radio
reported Mugabe was heading for a
"landslide", Dadirai, a clerk with a phone
company, was waiting in line to
play last Saturday's Z$100-trillion lotto,
hoping, she joked, for better
luck than Tsvangirai.
"Whatever happens
now has to be about solving the economic crisis. That's
the biggest concern
for most of us," she said.
Few had any hope that the proposed dialogue
between Mugabe and Tsvangirai
would make much difference -- or happen at
all.
"What will they talk about? Just sharing power or solving our
problems?"
asked Charity Njanji, a high school English teacher. Like most
people, she
feels she is on her own. "I don't trust any politician any
longer. They say
one thing and do the other. I have to concentrate on my
family."
Njanji was hired as an election official in March but declined
the job in
the run-off, saying "the job is not worth the money or the
stress".
Some Zimbabweans still see a ray of light. The head of a listed
company
declined to be named but said he is encouraged by what he sees as a
hardening anti-Mugabe sentiment in the region.
"Mugabe can't
continue with things as they are. Even he must realise the
economy will get
him in the end," the businessman said.
Official vote tallies indicate a
sudden doubling in support for Mugabe since
the first-round election and has
become the subject of many jokes on
Harare's streets.
In Harare
central, the postal ballot tally was 14 for Mugabe and none for
Tsvangirai.
But according to Clifton, a young middle-rank officer in
the army who rents
out an apartment in the constituency, Mugabe still has
support in army
ranks.
"But many are a bit impatient, especially
about the economy," he said. "I
don't like Tsvangirai, but I hope the chiefs
[top politicians] will now
really look at how they are running
things."
Three observer groups said the poll was not credible and the
Pan-African
Parliament went further, calling for fresh elections.
But
Zimbabweans have very little appetite for another round of voting.
"New
elections mean more fighting and more bad news for the economy. Who
wants
that?" asked newspaper vendor Nancy, cynically adding: "Let them
rule."
Weeks ago, the buoyancy of MDC supporters was such that
anybody suggesting
dialogue with Mugabe risked a public flogging. But even
the most radical
anti-government activists now grudgingly concede that
Mugabe will be around
for a while longer.
"If talking brings peace,
why not?" said Makusha Chivara, an MDC activist in
Ruwa, a farming area east
of Harare.
Mail and Guardian
PERCY
ZVOMUYA | JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH AFRICA - Jul 06 2008 06:00
The
demand for full-blown sanctions against Zimbabwe grew louder this week
with
the announcement by a Munich-based company, Giesecke & Devrient, that
it
would stop supplying blank paper to make the country's bank notes after
coming under pressure from the German government.
The decision
followed hard on the heels of the decision by British
supermarket group
Tesco to stop buying produce from Zimbabwe "while the
political crisis
exists".
To date, "smart" sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe by the European
Union and the
United States have taken the form of travel bans and of
freezing the foreign
bank accounts of about 130 members of the ruling
elite.
Moves to isolate the country may now be extended to sport. The
International
Cricket Council is set to discuss whether to exclude Zimbabwe
from
international competitions.
This week the United States was
preparing to propose the imposition of
international sanctions at the UN,
including an arms embargo. A draft
resolution, formulated by the American
authorities, says the financial
assets held abroad by Mugabe and 11 other
Zimbabwean officials should be
frozen.
If the resolution is adopted
by the UN Security Council Mugabe and his
associates will also be banned
from travelling anywhere in the world.
Late last month British Prime
Minister Gordon Brown urged British companies
to stop investing in Zimbabwe
and said his government was preparing
"intensified sanctions" against
individual members of Mugabe's government.
This statement followed news
that Anglo American would invest $400-million
in a platinum mine in
Zimbabwe. The investment is equivalent to the total
foreign direct
investment Zimbabwe received in 1998, during relatively more
peaceful
days.
"Businesses and individuals who have any dealing with Zimbabwe must
examine
their own responsibilities and must not make investments that prop
up the
regime," Brown toldthe House of Commons, where some Tory MPs are
known to
have shares in Zimbabwe-based companies.
Brown's
Minister for Africa, Lord Malloch Brown, warned companies active in
Zimbabwe
to "look very carefully at their investment portfolio".
Despite Mugabe's
ranting about British imperialist designs on Zimbabwe,
British companies
still control vast swathes of the country's economy, with
interests ranging
from petroleum to banking.
Standard Chartered and Barclays Bank are among
the biggest British-owned
banks. British American Tobacco has cornered what
remains of the tobacco
crop, while BP has a large slice of the fuel retail
sector and Rio Tinto and
Falgold are involved in gold mining.
US
companies Chevron and Coca Cola also have a presence, as does the
Canadian-owned Bata shoe company.
South African capital is another
big player in Zimbabwe, with many
continuing to do business there while no
longer reflecting the performances
of their Zimbabwean operations on their
books.
These include AngloAmerican Corporation, which has interests in
agro-industry and mining; Standard Bank, whose Zimbabwean subsidiary is
Stanbic; Old Mutual, which is involved in real estate and insurance; PPC
Cement; Murray and Roberts; Truworths; Edcon, which owns the Edgars clothes
retail chain;
Hulett-Tongaat, which has a stake in Hippo Valley Sugar
Estates; grocery
chain Spar; and SAB Miller, which has a stake in Zimbabwe's
Delta Beverages.
The country's mining sector is dominated by foreign
companies that include
South Africa's Impala Platinum and Mzi Khumalo's
Metallon Gold.
Mugabe has in the past threatened to nationalise
British-owned companies. He
has also passed a law compelling foreign-owned
companies to cede 51% of
their shares to Zimbabweans.
Zimbabwe's
total export revenue last year was $1,7-billion, to which mining
contributed
$850-million and agriculture $500-million, tobacco exports
accounting for
half of this.
Metallon Gold, which owns five gold mines in the country,
produced more than
50% of the country's revenue from gold
production.
In the last six months of last year, Zimplats, the Zimbabwean
arm of South
Africa's Impala Platinum, recorded revenues of $99-million
(about
R750-million).
http://www.star-telegram.com
On July 6: Reminders that
not every country is blessed with a political
system like that of the United
States
By PAUL COLLIER
Special to The Washington Post
OXFORD,
England - The government of Zimbabwe recently ordered foreign aid
groups to
halt their operations within its borders, thereby blocking the
food aid that
the United Nations funnels through such organizations from
getting to the
country's starving people.
Earlier, the government of Myanmar issued a
similar ban. Of course, when we
say "the government of Zimbabwe," what we
really mean is President Robert
Mugabe, just as "the government of Myanmar"
these days means Senior Gen.
Than Shwe, the leader of the ruling junta. In
justifying the bans, each
ruler harrumphed that outsiders should not be
allowed to tell his nation
what to do.
But the real obstacle blocking
international food aid is not the principle
of national sovereignty; it is
the insistence of dictators on being left to
call their own shots. Mugabe
decided that his citizens were better dead than
fed; his nation had no part
in the decision.
This murderous outrage reminds us of a central problem
in trying to help
ease the misery of the developing world, especially the
"bottom billion"
inhabitants of countries being left behind by global
prosperity: Leaders in
such sad little states as Zimbabwe and Myanmar are
quite ridiculously
powerful. They have turned parliament, the news media and
the judiciary into
mere implementers of their strangling systems of control.
But the
extraordinary lack of external restraints on these dictators is
poorly
understood.
Many people are still trapped in a politically
correct mindset that sees a
strong rich world bullying a weak poor world.
The disastrous 2003 U.S.
invasion of Iraq played straight into this
mentality of seeing wealthy
countries as bullies.
Yet the planet's
key power imbalance is not between rich and poor; it is
between confident,
open governments willing to pool sovereignty to help
their publics and
crabbed, defensive governments determined not to give up a
scrap of
sovereignty. The former produce prosperity; the latter manufacture
misery.
Compare the powers of Germany's government to those of
Zimbabwe's.
The German economy is around 400 times larger than the
Zimbabwean. But it is
the Zimbabwean government, not the German, that has
independent monetary,
fiscal, trade and migration policies, an independent
currency and courts
from which one cannot file international appeals. Like
virtually all rich
countries, Germany has learned that there are real
advantages to limiting
its own sovereignty and pooling it with neighbors and
allies.
But the governments of failing states such as Zimbabwe and
Myanmar have
refused to share any sovereignty with anyone. And remember, in
these
countries, "government" means the president or other head of state:
Mugabe
and Shwe have powers that eclipse those of President Bush, let alone
those
of German Chancellor Angela Merkel.
So how can the grossly
excessive powers of the Mugabes and Shwes of the
world be curtailed? After
Iraq, there is no international appetite for using
the threat of military
force to pressure thugs. But only military pressure
is likely to be
effective; tyrants can almost always shield themselves from
economic
sanctions. So there is only one credible counter to dictatorial
power: the
country's own army.
Realistically, Mugabe and Shwe can be toppled only by
a military coup.
Of course, they are fully aware of this danger, and thus
have appointed
their cronies as generals and kept a watchful eye on any
potentially
restless junior officers. Such tactics reduce the risk of a
coup, but they
cannot eliminate it: On average, there have been two
successful coups per
year in the developing world in recent
decades.
A truly bad government in a developing country is more likely to
be replaced
by a coup than by an election.
I find it a little awkward
to be writing in praise, however faint, of coups.
They are unguided
missiles, as likely to topple a democracy as a
dictatorship. But there is
still something to be said for them.
Since the fall of the Soviet Union,
the international community has taken
the rather simplistic position that
armies should stay out of politics. That
view is understandable but
premature. Rather than trying to freeze coups out
of the international
system, we should try to provide them with a guidance
system.
In
contexts such as Zimbabwe and Myanmar, coups should be encouraged because
they are likely to lead to improved governance. (It's hard to imagine things
getting much worse.) The question then becomes how to provide encouragement
for some potentially helpful coups while staying within the bounds of proper
international conduct.
In fact, some basic principles are not that
hard to draw. For starters,
governments that have crossed the red line of
banning U.N. food aid - a
ghastly breach of any basic contract between the
governors and the
governed - should temporarily lose international
recognition of their
legitimacy. Ideally, such moves should come from the
United Nations itself;
surely banning U.N. help constitutes a breach of
rudimentary global
obligations. But realistically, other dictators, worried
that they might
wind up in the same boat, would rally to block action at the
United Nations,
so we must look elsewhere.
Which brings us to the
obvious locus of international action: Europe.
The European Union has a
long tradition of setting minimum standards of
political decency for its
members, who must protect their minorities and
defend basic rights. A
collective E.U. withdrawal of recognition from the
Mugabe or Shwe regimes
would be an obvious and modest extension of the
values that underpin the
European project.
Making any such suspension of recognition temporary -
say, for three
months - would present potential coup plotters within an army
with a brief
window of legitimacy. They would know that it was now or never,
which could
spur them to act. And even if the loss of recognition did not
induce a quick
coup, E.U. recognition would be restored after the three
months were up.
This would spare the world the gradual accumulation of a
club of
unrecognized regimes, something both problematic and
unrealistic.
The scope of the torment in Myanmar and Zimbabwe should be
more than enough
of a goad to action. We need to move away from impotent
political protest,
but we must also face the severe limitations on our own
power. The real
might lies with a dictator's own forces of repression. Our
best hope - and
the best hope of suffering citizens - is to turn those very
forces against
the men they now protect.
Paul Collier, an economics
professor at Oxford University, is the author of
The Bottom Billion: Why the
Poorest Countries Are Failing and What Can Be
Done About It .
A big crowd attended the Vigil to
launch our new petition calling on FIFA to
move the World Cup from South
Africa in 2010. It reads: "A Petition to the
International Federation of
Football Associations (FIFA). With the
deteriorating situation in Zimbabwe
and the likelihood of unrest spreading
to South Africa we call upon FIFA to
move the 2010 World Cup from South
Africa to a safer venue. By the time the
World Cup takes place President
Mbeki's support of the Mugabe regime will
have made the whole region unsafe
because millions more refugees will flee
Zimbabwe prompting further
xenophobic violence in neighbouring countries.
FIFA must ensure that World
Cup teams and their supporters are not
endangered."
People queued up to sign the petition, showing the same
support as they have
for our other petition, which calls for aid to SADC
governments to be
suspended because of their failure to hold Mugabe to
account. For example we
do not see why British taxpayers should give the
Malawi government more than
sixty million pounds a year when it supports
Mugabe. We suggest that Malawi
asks him for the money. We want the aid that
the UK and other countries are
giving to SADC to be used instead to pay for
refugee camps in the countries
bordering Zimbabwe so that those forced to
flee the country can find food
and medical attention in safety.
We
were joined by the Reverend Canon Nicholas Sagovsky of Westminster Abbey
who
invited us to a service 'Restore Zimbabwe' led by the Archbishop of
York,
John Sentamu, on Friday 11th July at 12 noon at St Margaret's Church,
Parliament Square, Westminster. It will be followed by a rally 'Free UK
Zimbabweans from Limbo!' at 1.30 and a walk to the nearby Home Office
(Ministry of Internal Affairs). The event is being organised by the group
'Strangers into Citizens' who are calling on the Home Office to allow
Zimbabwean asylum seekers in the UK to be able to work and have access to
training (www.londoncitizens.org).
People
might have the impression that the British are united in their
attitude to
Zimbabwe but we must draw attention to the latest edition (30th
June) of the
best-selling black newspaper in the UK, 'New Nation'. The front
page lead
was "Second War of Liberation. Black Brits ready to fight for
Mugabe against
Western Military". Website: www.newnation.co.uk. The Mugabe
people
are out in force in the UK and their propaganda is quite effective,
particularly among the Afro-Caribbean community. However we are pleased to
note that a pan-African campaign has been launched calling for vigils
outside Zimbabwean Embassies continent-wide next Saturday.
We
welcomed the Zimbabwean actress Ulla Mahaka and her partner Mike Auret
(son
of Mike Auret, the former MDC MP). They live in the UK but say their
votes
were hijacked in the election. Ulla's uncle Gideon Mahaka was a
well-known
fighter in the liberation war and her father, Solomon, was an
ambassador.
Ulla was one of the stars of the film "Flame" about two young
female
liberation fighters. Many at the Vigil recognised her.
We were sorry to
hear from supporter Pauline Mushangwe that her uncle has
died after being
severely beaten by Zanu-PF thugs in Masvingo. He had head
wounds which were
not treated. We were impressed that Irene Muswaka, a
faithful supporter,
came to the Vigil fresh from hospital after an
operation
yesterday.
We have been asked by another supporter to join in collective
thought and
prayer at 12 noon UK time on Monday 7th July (the anniversary of
the London
bombings) for a minute to focus on the eradication of terror in
Zimbabwe and
the restoration of peace.
MPORTANT ANNOUNCEMENT. We
have a new page on the website for reports from
our partner organisation,
Restoration of Human Rights in Zimbabwe (ROHR).
They speak from the ground
in Zimbabwe. We will post any reports they send
us on this page.
For
latest Vigil pictures check:
http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/.
FOR
THE RECORD: 161 signed the register.
FOR YOUR DIARY:
·
'Restore Zimbabwe' Service and 'Free UK Zimbabweans from Limbo!'
Rally and
Walk. Friday 11th July from 11.30 am - 2.30 pm. 12 noon: service
at St
Margaret's Church, Parliament Square, Westminster led by the
Archbishop of
York, John Sentamu. 1.30 pm: rally 'Free UK Zimbabweans from
Limbo!' at 1.30
and a walk to the Home Office. The event is being organised
by the group
'Strangers into Citizens' who are calling on the Home Office to
allow
Zimbabwean asylum seekers in the UK to be able to work and have access
to
training. www.londoncitizens.org.
·
Shona / Ndebele Mass in Southwark. Sunday 13th July at 6.30 pm,
Southwark
Cathedral will be holding a special Eucharist for the Zimbabwean
community
in the Shona and Ndebele languages with a Zimbabwean choir.
· Next
Glasgow Vigil. Saturday 19th July, 2 - 6 pm Venue: Argyle
Street Precinct.
For more information contact: Ancilla Chifamba, 07770 291
150, Patrick
Dzimba, 07990 724 137 or Jonathan Chireka, 07504 724 471.
· Zimbabwe
Association's Women's Weekly Drop-in Centre. Fridays
10.30 am - 4 pm. Venue:
The Fire Station Community and ICT Centre, 84 Mayton
Street, London N7 6QT,
Tel: 020 7607 9764. Nearest underground: Finsbury
Park. For more information
contact the Zimbabwe Association 020 7549 0355
(open Tuesdays and
Thursdays).
Vigil co-ordinators
The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe
Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place
every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00
to protest against gross violations of
human rights by the current regime in
Zimbabwe. The Vigil which started in
October 2002 will continue until
internationally-monitored, free and fair
elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk.
VOA
By Akwei
Thompson
Washington, DC
06 July 2008
South
African President Thabo Mbeki has held talks in Harare with Zimbabwe's
President Robert Mugabe and Arthur Mutambara, leader of a breakaway
opposition faction. Mr Mbeki, the chief regional negotiator on the Zimbabwe
crisis, has been trying to persuade Mr Mugabe to form a government of
national unity. However, Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the main opposition
party, declined to meet Mr Mbeki. Before Saturday's meeting VOA's Akwei
Thompson spoke with John Makumbe, senior lecturer of political science at
the University of Zimbabwe the country's political future.
Makumbe
said that, technically, President Mugabe will rule Zimbabwe for the
next
five years, however, "it will be interesting to see how he rules this
country with an illegitimate presidency that he has acquired " he
added.
On the issue of negotiations for a possible unity government in
Zimbabwe
Makumbe said that would be possible only if the conditions laid
down by the
Movement for Democratic change are met.
"Their members
who are in prison should be released. The violence should
stop and the
military bases that have been set up throughout the country
should be
dismantled and the charges that are being faced by all MDC
supporters and
members should be dropped. Then I think the MDC will be
willing to talk to
Robert Mugabe as President of ZANU-PF, but not as
President of Zimbabwe."
Makumbe said.
He went on to say that if the AU and SADC want a government
of national
unity they would have to mediate between the MDC and ZANU_PF. He
said while
sanctions against Mugabe's government may be effective, a
military option is
very unlikely.
Extract:
Monday, 7 July 2008, 7:28 am
Press Release: US State
Department
Secretary Condoleezza Rice
Washington, DC
July
1, 2008
QUESTION: Well, we know the Chinese continue to supply arms,
among others,
to the repressive Zimbabwean dictator, Robert Mugabe. If the
Chinese are not
going to change their policies on an issue as clear cut as
that one, do you
think they can be expected to cooperate on these other
issues?
SECRETARY RICE: Well, I wouldn't say that the Chinese are not
changing some
of their policies. They've been somewhat more helpful on
Darfur, pressuring
the regime there. Not as much as we would like, but
they've been better than
they had been. We talked about Zimbabwe and we
talked about the fact that an
arms shipment that was to go to the Zimbabwean
Government was turned around
because people refused to offload it. I think
that was actually something of
an embarrassment for the Chinese, and I found
them on Zimbabwe recognizing
that the international community, even many
African states, are condemning
what Mugabe is doing.
http://www.hararetribune.com
By Godwin Murunga | Harare
Tribune Contibutor
July 6, 2008 12:38
opinion@hararetribune.com
The red flag one is most likely to be confronted with for criticising
the
thoroughly illegitimate leader of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe, is
imperialism
and racism.
If you are an African criticising Mugabe, you are
likely to be accused
of being guilty of working in cahoots with
racist-imperialists.
The names of George Bush, Tony Blair and
Gordon Brown are consequently
spoken of in the same breath with those of
proven and uncompromising critics
of imperialism like Horace Campbell
(author of Reclaiming Zimbabwe: The
Exhaustion of the Patriarchal Model of
Liberation, 2003) run the risk of
being lumped together with pro-imperialism
because they dared criticise
Mugabe. In other words, one is guilty of racist
imperialism by the simple
fact of voicing a demand for democracy in
Zimbabwe, which Mugabe has avidly
abrogated.
Unfortunately, the
people who tend to raise the race/imperialism flag,
especially on the
list-serves, tend not to be Zimbabweans. Like me, most do
not have a serious
radical and revolutionary record and connection to the
country. They are
actually late entrants into the anti-racism and
anti-imperialism hall of
fame.
Since they hardly have any serious connection to Zimbabwe,
they may
not understand the plight of the average Zimbabwean who has to deal
with the
daily consequences of a ravaged economy and a dictatorial
regime.
The tragedy is that they have transformed the debate on
Zimbabwe to a
shouting match between pro-imperialism and anti-imperialism
with little
regard to what is the more crucial thing; the reality of dreams
deferred for
average people in Zimbabwe due largely to autocracy and
mismanagement.
THIS CLAIM OF DEFERRED DRE-ams for average
Zimbabweans is countered by
the exaggerated and misleading assumption that
the West is responsible for
the collapsing economy in Zimbabwe.
Others, like the editors at New Africa, used to rely on the excuse of
the
drought that ravaged the region. They argued that all would be well once
the
drought is over.
The first argument regarding the culpability of
the West is partially
true and many have expended enough energy dissecting
it. But the argument is
only partially valid! The argument about the drought
was shortsighted
because it was temporary. The time for a reality check has
come and gone and
Mugabe has failed to acquit himself.
Let me
start with a brief anecdote that recently brought home the
tragedy of
Zimbabwe under Mugabe. I was asked to speak at the Africa
Liberation Day
celebrations last month at the same venue where our Samuel
Kivuitu and his
Electoral Commission of Kenya commissioners bungled the
Kenyan election. I
spoke generally about getting the basics right in
developing an African
Union government.
I emphasised the need for Africans to be able to
freely move across
the continent. Somewhere in my argument, I mentioned the
then ongoing
xenophobic attacks in South Africa. I also noted how Mugabe
learned from and
benefited from the pan-African vision.
I was
not forceful enough in taking a critical stand on xenophobia and
dictatorship. In the audience were two keen observers who pointed out my
rather lukewarm interest in these two issues.
One of them, a
Zimbabwean, was very eloquent about the atrocious
Mugabe ways. He claimed to
have resisted British colonialism and was met
with violent reprisals. He
also claimed to have opposed Ian Smith's white
minority rule and was met
with violent reprisals.
HE NOW CLAIMS TO BE OPPOSED to Mugabe's
dictatorship and has been met
by violent retaliation. In both instances, he
observed, the reactions to his
resistance have been similar and they have
included brutal police responses
leading to torture, maiming and political
murders. He concluded by arguing
that all he would have expected was that
Mugabe's response should have been
different.
I use this
anecdote to re-centre the plight of Zimbabweans in the
discussion on Mugabe.
To my mind, a different and better way of framing the
Zimbabwean problem is
to ask whether anti-racism and anti-imperialism are
incompatible with
pro-democracy and pro-development.
In other words, is it possible
to be against the machinations of
George Bush, Tony Blair and Gordon Brown
and still expect and demand that
African leaders remain democratic, ensure
development and social
inclusivity?
My answer to this question
is affirmative. It is also my reason why
Mugabe deserves to be chastised and
dismissed as a first step to
constructing a different future for
Zimbabwe.
As of last year, I was willing to cut Mugabe some slack
on the issue
of anti-imperialism. As of this year, and especially following
the
just-ended electoral fraud of which (I think) Tsvangirai is partly
responsible, I will have none of his manipulation of anti-imperialism to
drive Zimbabwe down.
First, Mugabe's big failure has been his
inability to effectively use
the severing of relations with the West to
institute some forms of
autonomous development for Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe,
indeed Africa, deserves
autonomy from the West.
Those who shout
anti-imperialism hardly remember that sanctions
constituted a golden
opportunity for Mugabe to show the dreaded West that
without foreign aid,
Zimbabwe could still remain a shinning example in the
middle of Africa of
how to prosper without dependency on the West.
Instead, what we
have is hyper-inflation and dictatorship of the
highest order. Rather than
protect citizens, Mugabe's regime has become the
chief perpetrator of
human-rights abuses against citizens, in some instances
hiring thugs to
abuse basic citizen rights.
MANY OF THOSE WHO SHOUT IMP-erialism to
critics of Mugabe will also
write paying glowingly tribute to Fidel Castro.
It is lost to most of them
that Castro faced similar sanctions like Mugabe
from the West but has
acquitted himself with credit in Cuba.
He
took advantage of the US-led sanctions to install a form of
leadership that
may not be democratic in the manner in which imperialists
expect but in
which all social indicators suggest that Cubans enjoy better
education and
medical services than many so-called developed Western
countries.
Land reform was crucial for Cuba and Castro did not
carry out land
reform in the inequitable manner in which Mugabe has. These
indicators and
the social inclusivity involved have vindicated Castro and
endeared him to
all of us.
What does Mugabe have to
show?
All he has misleadingly managed to illustrate is that
dependency on
the West is critical to survival of the Zimbabwean economy.
This is what
makes Gordon Brown feel vindicated to arrogantly lecture us on
democracy.
The US and others cannot evince a similar sense of vindication
towards Cuba
because Castro's success has been a good lesson.
Secondly, and here I am using discussions I recently had with my
colleague
Jimi Adesina of Rhodes University, Zimbabwe had capacity for
independent
economic development in the mineral commodity boom which
counter-balanced
the decline of white commercial farming.
If Zimbabwe lost its
foreign exchange earnings from commercial
farming, it gained in mining. Less
than a week ago, Anglo-American was
defending investing $400 million in
platinum mining in Zimbabwe.
WHAT CAN MUGABE SHOW FOR the mineral
wealth? Consistency is part of
the deal and Mugabe should not just be
anti-imperialist when talking about
Blair and Brown and not when dealing
with a London-based miner like Anglo
American!
Other than
counter-balancing foreign exchange loss from commercial
farming, shouldn't
earnings from the mining boom have been used to
significantly improve food
security in Zimbabwe? After all, commercial
farming has never sufficiently
supplied Zimbabwe with subsistence needs.
The country has
historically depended on small-scale African
cultivators for food. As
Adesina notes, "while agricultural tradables
depended on the white
commercial farmers, food production in Zimbabwe had
always depended on
small-scale African cultivators or agriculturalists.
The claim of
drought does not explain why Malawi, in the same
geographical zone, is fully
back with food surplus and Zimbabwe is not. The
claim of sanction also does
not help, since these are small-scale
cultivators rather than combine
harvester cultivators.
And the re-appropriation of land is from
white settlers cannot explain
the crisis of food production." It is about
mismanagement and the excessive
avarice of the elite around
Mugabe.
Adesina's argument is by far more solid than a thousand red
flags by
newfound anti-imperialists who do not seem to appreciate how
demeaning and
dehumanizing life has become for Zimbabweans forced to cross
borders into
neighbouring countries that are unwilling to host
them.
In such places, they are derogatorily referred to as "the
Zimbabweans"
and, in other instances, have become targets of xenophobia in
many Southern
African states. When the name of your country is reduced to a
derogatory
reference and your self-confidence demeaned, that is obviously
very
dehumanizing experience.
THE SAME PEOPLE WHO WAX lyrical
about racist imperialism come from
countries where foreigner from Somalia,
Uganda, Sudan and DRC have
historically been haunted and repatriated into
refugee camps and where few
of us are willing to stand up and be counted for
this basic denials of human
rights.
The late Archie Mafeje
reminded all who cared to listen that it was
never the intention of African
nationalism to replace imperialism with
dictatorships and mediocrity.
African nationalism aspired for higher goals.
Pan-Africanism was
never about defending mediocre leaders just because
they were black.
Nationalist African leaders needed to be better, not the
same or worse, than
the imperialist. They needed to guarantee freedom based
on democracy,
economic growth and social inclusivity. Robert Mugabe has
failed on all
these tests.
Zmbabwe Today
How new film backs up our
claims of organised Zanu-PF corruption
Video evidence currently being
broadcast on western media, shows members of
the Zimbabwe prison service
being officially supervised as they vote for
Robert Mugabe well in advance
of the recent presidential run-off poll. The
film serves to verify our
reports of the practice published here a month
ago.
On June 11 this
blog, under the headline "It hasn't begun - but Mugabe is
winning!" reported
that "thousands of police and associated uniformed thugs"
had been lined up
by their officers, presented with postal voting slips, and
ordered to put
their mark against Mugabe's name.
We quoted a source within the police as
saying that Senior Assistant
Commissioner Lee Muchemwa "told us we would
vote for Mugabe whether we liked
it or not. We voted in front of the Police
Internal Security Intelligence
(PISI), who checked our ballot
papers."
The process was carried out at that early date to avoid any
scrutiny by
outside observers, who had yet to arrive in the country. It was
also
conducted without the presence of any officials from the Zimbabwe
Electoral
Commission.
The new video, taken with a hidden camera by a
member of the prison service,
confirms that the practice was widespread
amongst all sections of the
military, the militia, and the security
services, and undoubtedly helped to
give Mugabe his huge majority in the
sham election.
In my report at the time I quoted Assistant Police
Commissioner Nyakutsika,
who made this striking forecast in front of his
men: "Even if you tell the
foreign press, even if you tell the western
governments, we do not care.
They will do nothing."
As I said then,
and as I say again now, he's got that right.
Posted on Sunday, 06 July
2008 at 07:30
l'express, Mauritius
By Louis Michel, European
Commissioner
for Development and Humanitarian Aid
This week, Mugabe fired a shot at the international community saying
its
members « could shout as loud as they like » but that it wouldn't make a
blind bit of differen-ce to election plans in the country since it was for
the people to decide.
It is very unnerving to find myself
agreeing, even if it is just in
part, with Robert Mugabe.
Democracy is indeed the voice of the people being heard and respected.
It's
just that Mugabe has chosen to muffle that democratic voice.
Let's
not forget that Opposition MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai won the
first round
of elections back in late March. Mugabe and his cronies may like
to think
that such a resounding call for change can just be forgotten amid
the chaos
and bloody terror of present day Zimbabwe - but it cannot. The
people of
Zimbabwe will not forget. We will not forget. Saturday March 29th
marked the
first day of the end of this regime. Mugabe's posturing as a hero
of
anti-colonialism which once earned him some popularity in Zimbabwe and
throughout Africa is fooling no-one anymore. The African voices of democracy
and justice are being heard.
And let me also calmly point out
to Mr Mugabe that the international
community has no need to shout because
the truth can be heard even when it's
a whisper.
The truth is
that the international community will continue to stand
united with the
people of Zimbabwe with actions and not just words. The
ordinary citizens of
Zimbabwe want and need the international community to
maintain the pressure
on Mugabe and his cronies.
One of the clearest signals of our
intentions to do so would be to
publicly commit to a post-Mugabe assistance
plan in union with our African
partners.
Of course, there are
several scenarios that could play out including
that of so-me form of
transitional government. When that time for change
comes, which I hope is
sooner rather than later, the only guarantee is that
any future legitimate
government will face an incredibly daunting task of
rebuilding a state that
has been brought to its knees following years of
neglect. Mil-lions of
people are on the brink of starvation - a situation
made worse by Mugabe's
recent decision to prevent European Commission
life-saving humanitarian aid
from being distributed. The economy is gasping
for its last breath. The
inflation rate is out of control, unemployment is
the norm rather than the
exception. And despite all this, I sincerely
believe Zim-babwe has the
potential to recover from this crisis as long as
Africa, Euro-pe and the
rest of the international community stand at the
ready.
The
European Commission, on behalf of the EU, is the most important
donor
towards the people of Zimbabwe providing more than 90 million euros in
aid
last year that targeted areas from emergency food aid to basic needs in
the
health and education sectors.
Let me, here and now, assure the
citizens of Zimbabwe that we are
ready to help when change comes - no matter
what it takes.
Within the framework of the European Development
Fund, the European
Com-mission stands ready with at least 250 million euros
available to assist
in the stabilization of the country. This funding could
focus on supporting
hospitals, schools or on the farming sector that was
once the pride of the
nation. Of course, we would work with our partners
within SADC and the
African Union to identify other key areas of the economy
needing our
financial, structural and programmed support. One key area will
be ensuring
significant debt-relief to free any incoming and legitimate
government of
the massive debts accumulated by the Mugabe regime. These are
just some of
the practical reasons why I would encourage the rest of the
international
donor community to make it clear today that it is ready to
provide
substantial and immediate assistance to Zimbabwe in the wake of a
transition
towards democracy.
But there is a much more
fundamental and politically rooted reason
that the international community
must continue to signal its solidarity
towards the citizens of Zimbabwe.
Right now, the people on the streets of
Harare or in the countryside need to
know that there is a vision for their
future and that any transitional
government will get the support that it
would so inevitably need. These
ordinary people need to know that their
lives can get better once again.
These people need hope.
Such open declarations may also just help
to rekindle a spirit of
belief among Mugabe supporters that there is an
alternative to the brutal
violence being inflicted on their fellow men and
women. In short, even they
may once again be able to believe that they can
be part of building a
brighter future for their country.
As
Zimbabwe lies battered and bruised from the fist of Mugabe, the
country must
know that it is surrounded by friends ready to come to its aid
: whether
from the region of SADC, across the African Union or, of course,
here in
Europe.
It is essential that we keep repeating our message of
reassurance and
support during this and democratic and economic coma for
Zimbabwe.
And I'd remind Mr Mugabe, that we've no need to shout
because even
with the country in such a desperate state, the truth reaches
the people.
The truth is that the international community is ready for
action with any
future legitimate government.
And it's exactly
this kind of positive message - one of hope for
change, hope for a better
life - that Mugabe fears the most.
Billings Gazette
Published on Sunday, July 06, 2008
By NAT HENTOFF
Voting early on the
morning of Election Day in Zimbabwe, the only candidate,
Robert Mugabe,
smiling broadly, said he was "happy and hungry for victory."
In his wake are
the corpses of at least 80 members of the Movement for
Democratic Change and
thousands of tortured and beaten opposition
Zimbabweans. Among them - seen
on the front page of the June 26 New York
Times - is an 11-month-old boy
whose legs were shattered by the "Green
Bombers," Mugabe's youth
militia.
Following Mugabe's Stalinesque triumph, the U.N. Security
Council expressed
"deep regrets" that the election was conducted "in these
circumstances."
That language would have been a tad more critical, but South
Africa, not
wanting to hurt Mugabe's feelings, objected to describing the
elections as
"illegitimate."
On the very day before, hospitals in
Harare, the capital, were overflowing,
as there weren't enough doctors. Some
hospitals, responding to threats by
the military, refused to take any more
victims of torture.
Not at all surprisingly, the U.N. Human Rights
Council has yet to even put
on its agenda Mugabe's extended version of the
Nazis' Kristillnacht that
presaged the Holocaust, when the world also
declined to intervene.
As the June 25 Times of London reported, Mugabe
the Liberator of his country
crowed: "Other people can say what they want,
but the elections are ours. We
are a sovereign state, and that is
it."
The United Nations insists that the sovereignty of its members -
even those
who terrorize their own people - is inviolable. Savoring that
guarantee,
Mugabe declared during his solo "campaign": "We will not accept
any meddling
in Zimbabwe's internal affairs, even from fellow
Africans."
Horrific suffering
Among the millions of Zimbabweans
abandoned by the world are the survivors -
in Chitungwiza, 18 miles south of
Harare - of an attack on a home that was a
refuge for Movement for
Democratic Change members. Said one of them,
57-year-old Georgina
Nyamutsamba, in a June 27 Washington Post report:
"There are so many boys
buried in (nearby) Warren Hills Cemetery, killed by
Mugabe. Please help us
suffering in Zimbabwe. What can we do?"
One of the owners of that refuge,
Annastasia Chipiyo, has given up any hope
of deliverance from Zimbabwe's
Liberator. She says: "I have nothing to fear.
I've just lost my son" - one
of the four murdered in the June 17 attack on
her home. She has nothing left
to lose. Untold numbers of Zimbabweans are
also frozen in
hopelessness.
Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic
Change, withdrew
from the runoff election because he did not want to add to
the broken bodies
of his supporters, saying in the June 25 The Guardian
newspaper in London:
"Zimbabwe will break if the world does not come to our
aid."
Tsvangirai has called on the United Nations to send peacekeepers to
Mugabeland to clear the way for the new elections so that he could campaign
as a "legitimate candidate," for whom Zimbabweans can vote without putting
their very lives in danger.
But if the United Nations were to do more
than express "deep regrets" and
only impose more economic sanctions on
Mugabe and his primary accomplices,
that would hardly cause fear in the
Hitler of Africa. Though well-intended,
Queen Elizabeth's ruling on June 25
to strip Mugabe of his 1994 knighthood -
Knight Grand Cross in the Order of
Bath - must have been derisively received
by the cashiered knight. You think
he cares?
Sarah Childress of the Wall Street Journal has been covering
this satanic
"election" - one that has shamed Africa and the world - with
consistent
accuracy. "Mr. Mugabe," she wrote on June 26, "has long
disregarded what the
world thinks of him. Unless Mr. Mugabe is pressured by
his African
counterparts, there is apparently little diplomats can do to
sway him."
An African response?
Will the African Union expel
Zimbabwe, as Mugabe is strangling that nation?
What actions will now be
taken by the Southern African Development
Community, which Childress
describes as "the most powerful international
(economic) actor in Zimbabwe's
drama"?
How about military intervention, if all else fails, by Zimbabwe's
African
leaders, an increasing number of whom are dismayed and repelled by
Mugabe's
literally getting away with murder? Even the revered Nelson Mandela
had, at
long last, conquered his acute desire not to criticize another
former
freedom-fighter against European colonizers. (The white rulers of
Rhodesia
kept Mugabe in prison for 10 years before he was out, and Rhodesia
became
Zimbabwe.)
Celebrating his 90th birthday at a dinner in
London, Mandela faced the
naked, barbaric truth, and said there is "a tragic
failure of leadership" in
Zimbabwe. He didn't speak the dreaded name, but
the message was clear. Maybe
Mugabe, on hearing Mandela's irreverence,
shrugged.
To be continued: Are there specific, realizable answers to
Zimbabwean
Georgina Nyamutsamba, mourning "so many boys buried ... killed by
Mugabe"?
"What can we do?" she asks. Will there be no reply except more
deep
regrets - and the impossibility of first having to get permission from
U.N.
Security Council members China and Russia to actually intervene with
armed
forces?
Nat Hentoff is a nationally renowned authority on the
First Amendment and
the Bill of Rights and author of many books, including
"The War on the Bill
of Rights and the Gathering Resistance" (Seven Stories
Press, 2004).
Sunday, July 6th
2008 | |
Brother Valentino, the Mighty Duke, Bob Marley (if he were alive), and others who sang their hearts out in support of Zimbabwe and the anti-colonial struggle in Southern Africa, must be wondering what ever happened to their dream. Why has the fulfillment of their dream been deferred? Is it merely that we are dealing with a mad or a power crazed man? Many African leaders have betrayed the African people on the continent and in the diaspora. There was much posturing and shouting about African unity and African socialism, but behind the rhetoric, there was a great deal of political fakery and fraud. Robert Gabriel Mugabe, who Amnesty International listed among the 10 most unsavoury political characters of our time, is the most recent of them. How did Mugabe happen? How do well meaning leaders become evil? The Zimbabwean problem has a sordid history and a demographic reality which one needs to know a little about in order to make balanced judgements about what is happening today. Zimbabwe is sharply divided between two tribes, the Shonas, the numerically dominant group which occupied Mashonal and the Ndebeles who occupied Matabeleland The groups, which were historic rivals, were fused into a unitary state by the colonial settlers who were playing one group off against the other in the old game of divide and rule. Rivalries between the Zimbabwe African Peoples Party (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) was destabilising the new state of Zimbabwe which became independent in April 1980. It was in this context that Mugabe, a Shona, forged coalitional links with the Ndebeles led by Joshua Nkomo, his rival for the leadership. Mugabe, a prison and a university graduate who projected himself as a militant radical Marxist, also sought to appease the settler community by adopting a gradualist approach to the economy, much of which was left virtually intact. The critical land issue was also put on ice. These policies did not, however, defuse the demographic and political crises that continued to simmer. Mugabe saw seditious ghosts on every shamba. He accused the settlers of conspiring to engineer his overthrow by encouraging elements in the army, which was still led by a white officer, to assassinate him. He also accused ZAPU of instigating guerrilla activity, and of waging a clandestine low intensity civil war in the countryside. The post independence entente collapsed dramatically in 1983 and thousands fled their homes. Many also died and were secretly buried in mass graves. Fearing for his own life, Nkomo fled to the United Kingdom from where he accused Mugabe of ethnic cleansing and generally of seeking to create a Shona-based ethnic state. Zimbabwe, the Ndebeles noted, was a Shona word which had no historical significance for the Shona people. The rivalry between Mugabe and Nkomo was at bottom a struggle between two ethnic groups struggling for political dominance and cultural hegemony and the struggle continues. The current opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change, is a successor to ZAPU. Its leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, is a Ndebele. Thus, when Mugabe and his supporters in the ruling party and the army stubbornly refuse to give up power, they do so because that would involve handing over power to a traditional rival. Western analysts judge political systems as being democratic or not in terms of whether elections are free and fair and whether there is turnover when the results are declared. Turnover is the litmus test of Western liberal democracy. In Africa and in other ethnically-based states such as Guyana, one cheats openly in order to stay in power. Turnover involves not merely changing a leader, a government or a political party. One is also changing a tribally-based regime that is rooted in the misty part. The land issue is also critical to an understanding of the dynamics of political succession in Zimbabwe. Prior to Mugabe,s land grab, one per cent of the population controlled 70 per cent of the arable land. Understandably, Mugabe believes that it was his historic responsibility to right that wrong, both symbolically and economically. What is in question is the method used to effect that correction. According to one narrative, Mugabe provoked the current economic crisis when he openly supported the seizure of lands without the payment of compensation. This served to precipitate a major food and currency crisis in Zimbabwe since it led to an accelerated exodus of white farmers from a country that was once known as the bread basket of southern Africa. The seizure of land also served to internationalise the issue in that it brought the IMF, the World Bank, the European Union, and the American and British governments on to the negotiating table. Britain refused to accept liability for compensating the settlers. The claim was that no one was occupying the land when the settlers came, and that they made no promise of compensation at the Lancaster House independence conference. Economic collapse was the by-product of Mugabe's economic adventurism, but so were the harsh fiscal measures that were taken by the American and British governments and the international agencies which they controlled. Mugabe destroyed his own credibility by presiding over a Shona land grab, notwithstanding much talk about "one man, one farm" and the land being the "birthright of the sons and daughters of Zimbabwe, regardless of race or class," There was no transparency and most of the land ended up in the hands of so called "war veterans", most of whom never saw any "battle." Zimbabwe is now at an impasse and the victims are Zimbabweans of all ethnicities. One is very concerned about collateral damage that the Western Alliance would inflict if it tightens the rope around Mugabe's neck. Africa is also at an impasse. Like Mbeki, many African leaders are embarrassed by Mugabe's unacceptable political behaviour, but they know that they too have cheated electorally and done much more to stay in power. They also know that many dispossessed and landless blacks are still chanting "Stay up Zimbabwe," even if to another tune. |
|
It is with sincerest sympathy that I extend my deepest
condolences to the people of Zimbabwe on the unfortunate loss of their most
precious inheritance. Democracy was won after a hard and bitter fight against
colonialism and white supremacy that included a frightening confrontation with
an Apartheid style government of the kith and kin of Ian Smith.
It must have been with a sense of euphoria that the
black Shona and Ndebele peoples – 98% of the population – awaited the dawn of
freedom as independence came in 1980. It must have been with a sense of
tremendous pride that they coronated their leader who had stood with them
through the darkest night of struggle and named Robert Mugabe as president. I
can hardly imagine the tears of jubilation that were shed as Zimbabwe itself
emerged from the ashes of Rhodesia and the work of the ancient African people
who built the fabulous ruins found at Great Zimbabwe received the recognition
that was cruelly lavished on the vicious colonialist Cecil Rhodes. After all,
scientists actually insisted in the early years of the 20th century that aliens
had to be responsible for the Great Zimbabwe monuments because Africans simply
were not capable of building a great
civilization!
It truly breaks my heart to even try to imagine the
depths of despair into which the people of Zimbabwe have been plunged as they
tried desperately to put their democracy on life support earlier this year only
to be forced to watch helplessly as it was stolen away by the brutal dictator
that their once beloved leader had become.
However, despite my grief I am strengthened by a hope
that resurrection is possible for our brothers and sisters in Zimbabwe and that
they will once again feel the comforting embrace of a truly representative
democracy. That hope will come as they learn of their brothers and sisters in
the wider world in places like St. Kitts and Nevis protecting with our vote our
own democracies. They will be encouraged as they learn that everywhere in the
world people are struggling to keep democracy alive and well. So, we all must do
our part to send this beacon of hope.
We cannot afford to be complacent about registering or confirming and voting. We cannot allow our own would be rulers here to make us apathetic and resigned to losing our lives and land. We must register or confirm and vote despite the evident and deliberate flaws in the system because voting is our only defense against the seduction of violence. We must vote to send a message at home and abroad that yes we can bring change. We cannot afford another funeral.
New Zealand Herald
5:00AM Saturday July 05, 2008
By Paul Thomas
These
days, obscene is an overused word. Once It was a stuffy legal term
meaning
dirty in the sexual sense, as in the Obscene Publications Act. What
we now
refer to as "Having a Jimmy" - acting like a complete pork chop at
four in
the morning - would land you in court charged with using obscene
language.
As much of what we used to find dirty in the sexual sense
became acceptable,
if not enviable, the word fell into disuse. Then came the
Age of Money - the
stock market boom, hedge funds, greed is good. The
combination of overnight
wealth, celebrity culture and conspicuous
consumption created a new
dimension of offensiveness.
Without a touch
of class and a sense of what's seemly, vast wealth and
extravagant
lifestyles can be perceived as obscene. This is obviously a
subjective area:
you need more than a calculator to work out how much is too
much and,
judging by the fanfare that accompanies the publication of the
Rich List,
New Zealand's most loaded haven't crossed that threshold. Perhaps
obscene
wealth, like terrorism and high concept blockbuster movies, really
requires
critical mass.
Because of this imprecision I normally avoid
using obscene in the sense of a
brazen affront to the mythical
right-thinking person but if the reception
granted Robert Mugabe at this
week's meeting of the African Union wasn't
obscene, then we might as well
retire the word.
There wasn't a hint of censure for the old fraud who
stole an election from
under the world's nose, the thug dispatching goons to
whip voters into line,
the lunatic ideologue who turned the breadbasket of
Africa into a barren
land, the psychopath who preens and struts in
tailor-made suits while the
currency collapses and his people
starve.
Instead there was the silence of collusion and hugs all round.
Instead
President Omar Bongo of Gabon called Mugabe a "hero".
To
understand where Bongo's coming from, it's necessary to grasp that for
many
African leaders the object of the exercise is to cling to power by
whatever
means for as long as possible, in the process making yourself
obscenely rich
at the expense of your compatriots.
Bongo is being uncharacteristically
modest, for if anyone is a role model
for the restless colonels and
apparatchiks who comprise Africa's political
class, it's him. Now that Fidel
Castro has shuffled off the stage, Bongo is
the world's longest-serving
leader and one of the richest - his family owns
33 properties in France
alone. Apart from the routine scam of diverting
international aid money into
his Swiss bank account, Bongo supposedly
pockets more than $100 million a
year for allowing French company Elf
Aquitaine access to Gabon's oil
reserves.
Contemplating these ghastly old kleptocrats brings to mind Rob
Muldoon's
counter-punch to black African leaders' attacks on this country
over
sporting contacts with South Africa during the apartheid era, which was
that
they were in no position to lecture anyone about morality and human
rights.
Muldoon had a point but it was a diversionary one. Being stubborn to
the
point of bloody-mindedness didn't make his cause right any more than
some
African leaders' hypocrisy made the sporting boycott campaign wrong.
Besides, it's arguable that the stance which cost New Zealand dear was
shaped at least as much by domestic political considerations, ego and a
virtual addiction to confrontation as a commitment to the rights of the
individual.
Over the succeeding three decades there's been little
discernible
improvement in the quality of African leaders, with the luminous
exception
of Nelson Mandela. Africa often seems trapped in a post-colonial
mindset in
which self-determination is seen as its own reward, even when it
delivers
misery. Black pride has eclipsed good government, tribalism has
eclipsed
democracy, power has eclipsed legitimacy and greed has eclipsed
public
service.
There's an understandable desire for the
international community to 'do
something' in Zimbabwe, even intervene to
terminate Mugabe's misrule and put
the country back on its feet. Don't hold
your breath.
Zimbabwe's neighbours aren't likely to intervene because
that would create a
precedent which would cause sleepless nights in many a
presidential palace.
Nor could they accept intervention by a Western-backed
UN force because that
would smack of re-colonisation.
The leaders who
hugged Mugabe at Sharm el-Sheikh would give up their pads on
the Cote D'Azur
and their hidden millions and tear down every statue of
themselves they've
ever erected rather than say or do anything which could
be interpreted as a
tacit admission that their people were better off under
colonialism.
Rudyard Kipling famously portrayed imperialism as "the
white man's burden".
All the miseries of Africa are now largely the black
man's burden. It's
their land, their people, their problems, their
opportunities, their
destiny.
Mmegi, Botswana
Friday, 04 July 2008
Zimbabweans and indeed Africans have just witnessed one of the most
bizarre
electoral processes in their beloved country.
This sham of an election did
not come as a surprise, not when you have a
mediator who fails to call a
spade a spade and takes sides like Thabo Mbeki.
Mbeki's parliamentarians
in Cape Town can take hours debating the
Israeli/Palestinian crisis, but the
same amount of time is rarely spent
debating problems facing their neighbour
Zimbabwe. It is in that parliament
where I first heard him coin the term
quiet diplomacy in relation to
Zimbabwe. It dawned on me then that the
mediation process, assigned to him
by SADC, would never see the light of
day, not with him at the helm. We
cannot be fooled by the lull in the March
elections. The mere fact that
results were withheld for over one month and
the command center moved and
ballot boxes kept in a secret location clearly
demonstrates that if ever
there was a solution prior to the elections it was
half baked not
comprehensive.
Thabo Mbeki, the SADC "chief mediator"
has always chosen to look the other
way. It was and still is clear to him
that the joint operations command
(army, police etc) is holding that country
at ransom. Their tendency to make
political statements, without being
reprimanded by their political heads, is
worrisome. These are the issues you
would expect a credible mediator to
address thoroughly. Soldiers belong to
the barracks and should remain a non
political because in a democracy they
are subordinate to civilian rule, they
do not choose who to
salute.
President Cde Thabo says the solution lies solely with the
Zimbabweans. Such
statements hold true in a normal situation where citizens
are allowed to
express their views and wishes freely, not when they are
suppressed in the
clutches of army commanders.
When the boers had
declared him a "terrorist" and he was criss-crossing the
world, he used to
plead with the world to take action against Pretoria
including calling for
sanctions because the solution did not lie with the
South Africans alone.
Whenever sanctions are mentioned, he is quick to
dismiss them saying the
would hurt ordinary people, why then was he calling
for them in those
protest marches in London.
He is busy beating the drum for a unity
government, now what is this? You
see the problem with Mbeki is to think
that what worked in his country will
work elsewhere. The government of
national unity in SA came to being because
there were willing
partners.
FW de Klerk risked everything and went to the extent of calling
for that all
white referendum. We did not see commissioner Fivaz (SAPS) or
general
meiring (SADF) calling a press conference and saying "over our dead
bodies,
an X mark on a paper cannot elevate a black man to occupy union
buildings".
A unity government on the basis of what? The March or June
election? The MDC
if it is to tread the path of negotiations must put
forward serious demands.
They should not listen to Mbeki or anybody else,
but do what is best for
their country. They should demand a transitional
administration, which will
be tasked with drawing up a new constitution and
preparing for new
elections. This administration should be in office for 18
months before
elections are held. A UN peacekeeping force should be on the
ground six
months before the elections and such an election should be
supervised by the
UN. The peacekeeping force should remain in the country 12
months after such
an election and should be tasked with re-organising the
army to flush out
all political remark.
If SADC still wants to retain
Mbeki then the MDC should insist on having two
more people alongside him to
dispel any notion of favouritism.
My own personal opinion is that SADC
has failed dismally, people like Thabo
have held it back, disunity is
evident among SADC members on the way forward
for Zimbabwe. I have no
illusions about the AU, of being passive on lookers
or at worst
collaborators in these situations.
If Cde Mbeki denies the existence of a
crisis in Zimbabwe, can he explain to
the world why people choose to swim
across the crocodile infested waters of
the Limpopo where most have been
devoured by these reptiles. Mbeki must
desire for Zimbabwe what he desires
for SA.
There is no such thing as Zimbabweans coming up with solutions on
their own
under the current circumstances, neither is there such a thing as
quiet
diplomacy because that amounts to nothing else but silent
approval.
History will judge you harshly Cde T.M. Mbeki because you are
equally
culpable.
Terence Thebe
MOCHUDI
Mmegi, Botswana
Friday, 04 July 2008
STRYKER MOTLALOSO
Staff Writer
In what could be a true
show of character, the Botswana government has taken
a strong stand against
Zimbabwe, based on a report of the findings of the
Pan African Parliament
and the SADC Election Observers.
The two reports say the
presidential run-off did not meet the minimum
standards of a fair election.
The observers said the elections did not meet
the unfettered will of the
people of Zimbabwe.
Botswana concluded that the current representatives
of the Zimbabwe
government be excluded from attending both SADC and AU
meetings. Though
laudable, Botswana's support will not carry much weight if
it is not
supported by a reasonable number of both SADC and the AU members.
It will
perhaps serve the purpose of disassociating the country from the
Mugabe
regime. And more importantly, it will be more felt at the level of
state to
state, particularly if Botswana recalls its envoy from Zimbabwe.
The other
step would be for Botswana to close its border with Zimbabwe. But
would
Botswana do this?
To some extent, the problem is that the AU
has not adequately pronounced its
position regarding the Zimbabwe situation
along the lines that Botswana has.
However, the AU has a clear set up
outlining measures that can be taken
against wayward members.
Looking
at Article 29 of the Constitutive Act of the AU, it is clear what
fate would
befall a wayward member of the continental body. A member can be
suspended
or stopped if its government comes to power through
unconstitutional means.
Such member shall not be allowed to participate in
the activities of the
union. Secondly if a state decides to renounce its
membership, it shall
inform the chairman of the commission in writing of its
intention to do
so.
For example, Mauritania was suspended from the AU after a coup in
2005,
while Madagascar was slapped with a suspension during the dissolution
of the
OAU immediately after the formation of the AU. For purposes of
clarity, the
AU or SADC has not pronounced that Zimbabwe should stop
participating in it
their activities though President Robert Mugabe has
retained power through
means that raise questions. It also not clear as to
whether Mugabe's recent
win in the presidential run-off falls within the
category of
unconstitutional means of taking state power. Even if there were
common
understandings of the issues, it does not seem to be clear whether
both SADC
and AU are in agreement on the form of punishment to be meted out
to Mugabe.
This raises questions about the extent and ramifications of
Botswana's
position to the AU and to some extent SADC. On the local scene,
it has
served to unite the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) and the
opposition parties that have so far spoken with a united voice against
Mugabe's regime.
That should be celebrated largely because Batswana
are really showing that
to them democracy is not something imaginary, an
integral party of their
society to the extent that they would not hesitate
if it is being trampled
upon, including by some countries that happen to be
neighbours. Clearly,
Botswana's position will go a long way in the annals of
history in
demonstrating to the world and the internal community that the
country is
fully committed to democracy and the rule of law.
But at
the regional and continental level, the country might have to do a
lot to
ensure that it lobbies for support on its position. The country needs
to get
some allies in its stand against Zimbabwe so that it does not appear
to be
just on the side of those who do not agree with the Mugabe regime. It
is
clear there are divisions at both SADC and AU on Zimbabwe. And it would
be
critical for Botswana to court those that matter in the region and the
continent for its position to have meaningful implications.
A nation
does not really have friends but interests. Hence it would only be
wise for
Botswana to look around for allies which it shares the same
interests with
on Zimbabwe.
Already Zimbabwe has been suspended from the Commonwealth
and the country
complicated matters by withdrawing from the
organisation.
The East African
July 7, 2008
By TERENCE RANGER
The state-controlled press in Zimbabwe is
hailing the June 27 election
"result" with jubilant relief. Now normal
revolutionary service can be
resumed.
In March, it says, the
Zimbabwean people forgot themselves, laid aside their
revolutionary
commitment, voted a majority of opposition MDC candidates into
the Assembly,
and gave the MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai considerably more
votes in the
presidential election than Robert Mugabe.
The "revolution" was saved by
one technicality - the requirement for a
run-off if no one candidate for the
presidency got more than 50 per cent of
the votes cast. During the weeks
before the run-off, the state press
severely warned the people to take
advantage of their "second chance." The
voter's cross, they warned, could
not be allowed to overrule the gun - "We
may have to shoot the ballot
box."
PRESIDENT MUGABE HIMself threatened to return to the bush to lead a
war if
he were to lose the re-run. And so now, after quite a lot of guns and
other
weapons have been used to kill and wound and cow the electorate, the
ballot
box has behaved itself, even miraculously allowing the vote to be
counted in
two days rather than the three-week delay of the June
election.
Mugabe is back, sworn in, and defying grim-faced the
disapproval of the
Botswana government at the AU meeting.
But can
normal service be resumed? It is hard to comprehend how abnormal the
situation in Zimbabwe has been between the March and June elections.
Zimbabwe has had no parliament although all the MPs have been
elected.
The new parliamentarians have not met to elect a Speaker.
Several MDC MPs
have been arrested on charges ranging from child abduction
to organising
violence; many others are in hiding.
There have been no
functioning city councils or mayors even though a full
slate of councillors
was elected in March. The elected councillors in Harare
met on private
premises and chose themselves a mayor, but the only - and
terrible - result
of that was that his wife was abducted and brutally
killed. Not
surprisingly, no mayors have been elected elsewhere. Zimbabwe's
cities have
been "in commission."
Zimbabwe has hardly had a functioning civil
society. Its human rights bodies
have been raided and all non-governmental
organisations have been prevented
from operating in rural areas. Journalists
have been beaten, arrested and
killed.
Churches have been under
pressure, as Mugabe has declared his desire to see
every church answerable
only to Zimbabwean leaders and committed to the
Zimbabwean
revolution.
The single thread of legal authority has been the presidency,
even though
since March everyone knew that Mugabe had won only a minority of
votes for
the office. Between March and June people hauled before the courts
for
insulting the president could reasonably argue that they did not know
who
the president was and even some magistrates tended to take the same
line.
Despite this, the doubtful and fragile presidency was invoked more
than ever
before; more people were arrested for insulting it; it became
treasonable to
assert that Tsvangirai won more than 50 per cent of the March
vote.
ALL THIS, TOGETHER WITH the obscenity of violence that has shocked
even
South African generals, has made Zimbabwe's neighbours uneasy to an
unprecedented extent. Can Zimbabwe's relations with Botswana, which has
called for its suspension from SADC, or with Zambia - or with Kenya - be
normalised?
Gradually, no doubt, normal institutions will re-emerge.
Parliament will be
summoned and if enough MDC MPs are still in detention or
hiding, then
Zanu-PF may achieve a majority and elect a Speaker.
The
Senate, equally balanced between the parties after the March vote, will
become dominated by Zanu-PF once the newly legitimated president has
exercised his right to nominate extra members. He may even be able to
nominate men defeated in the elections who have been acting as ministers
ever since.
There will be a cabinet. The military and police joint
command which has
openly dominated in the inter-regnum will be able to move
into the
background. City councils will meet. Now that votes are no longer
at stake,
NGOs may be allowed to resume food aid in rural
areas.
Pressure on the churches may be relaxed. Zimbabwe will begin to
look like a
functioning polity again. Some of Zimbabwe's neighbours will no
doubt come
to an uneasy co-existence with it.
BUT THERE ARE SEVERAL
reasons why even such provisional normality will be
hard to achieve or to
maintain. One is that it is supposed to be a
revolutionary normality. Mugabe
has said he will remain as President until
every scrap of land in Zimbabwe
is owned by Zimbabweans, and a fourth
chimurenga - to take over control of
business and industry - is in the
wings.
Violence, which is
revolutionary normality, will increase. And that is the
second reason.
Violent revenge against those who supported the MDC has been
enormously
costly in lives and it has continued right through Mugabe's
inauguration as
President.
Mugabe's spokesman may charge that Kenya's Prime Minister
Raila Odinga's
hands are stained with African blood, but this is at best
mere name-calling
tit for tat. Zanu PF is often called by its adherents, and
by Mugabe, a
party of blood. It becomes ever more so and in Zimbabwe the
violated dead
will have their revenge.
However hard they try,
Zimbabwe's neighbours will find it impossible to
recognise the façade of
institutions in Zimbabwe as a legitimate state.
There is nothing to be
gained by calling for a government of national unity
in Zimbabwe when Mugabe
makes it clear that it can only come into existence
on his terms. The
Zimbabwean crisis, which Mbeki has denied exists, will
resume and become in
itself the only form of normality.
http://www.post-trib.com
July 6,
2008
By Andy Grimm Post-Tribune staff writer
As jobs
with the State Department go, working as Ambassador to Zimbabwe
these past
six months is not exactly the way to ease into retirement.
Since taking up
residence in the the U.S. Embassy in the capital city,
Harare, in November,
Gary native James McGee has been struck -- but was not
injured -- by a
Zimbabwean police officer's car, his staff have been
repeatedly threatened
by thuggish militiamen and authorities working for
strongman President
Robert Mugabe in power, and has been threatened with
expulsion by Mugabe
himself.
Zimbabweans have fared far worse: To cling to power, Mugabe has
resorted to
a coordinated campaign of vote-rigging and intimidation to keep
his rivals
from the polls in the June elections. Mugabe won a run-off
election after
his chief rival dropped out of the race, and since has begun
violent
reprisals against opposition supporters. McGee last week gave
several
hundred Zimbabweans safe haven on the Embassy grounds.
"I did
not think any government could be quite as brutal against its people
as what
I have seen from this government," said McGee, whose 28-year career
in the
diplomatic corps included a stint in the African nation of Cote
d'Ivoire
during a bloody coup d'etat.
"This government wants to operate in
darkness, and we're trying to show the
world what is happening."
It
isn't diplomacy as the trade is typically practiced, even for the
59-year-old McGee, who will retire later this year.
When McGee left
his post as Ambassador to Madagascar in 2004, the parting
was so amicable
the government awarded him their highest civilian honor.
In Zimbabwe,
Mugabe and his ministers have threatened to throw McGee out,
and have tried
to bar him and his staff from leaving a tiny area surrounding
the Embassy.
McGee and his staff have ignored those edicts, touring the
southern African
nation with cameras and video recorders to document scenes
the pre-electoral
violence. Their work provides a vivid counter point to
Mugabe's insistent
denials of a coordinated campaign of violence by his
ZANU-PF party and "war
veterans" who have formed violent, pro-regime squads.
The work is not
without risk. Journalists have been jailed by Mugabe for
"committing
journalism" that doesn't flatter the regime, and McGee and his
staff have
been threatened with more than expulsion.
Beside the incident with the
police officer who threatened one of McGee's
aides, then bumped the
Ambassador's shins with his car as he drove off,
diplomatic staff have been
detained for hours by police and militia men.
"I do not fear for my own
physical safety, really," McGee said, who says
such courage is common to all
his staff.
In one tense standoff, a paramilitary commander threatened to
set fire to an
Embassy vehicle with a half dozen of McGee's aides
inside.
"(The Embassy workers) said 'then set it on fire and deal with
the
consequences,'" said McGee, who served in the Air Force in Vietnam and
was
three times awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross.
"As bad as
this government is, the last thing they want is the confrontation
with the
United States that (harming a diplomat) would bring."
It is hardly the
picture of life in the diplomatic corps McGee envisioned.
"Back then, I
had no idea," he chuckled. "I was a young guy, and I saw an
Ambassador as
making a lot of money living in an exotic place, and that was
what turned me
on.
"Really, today I see it as one of the premier service organizations
in the
world."
McGee sees slim hopes for a peaceful changeover of
power in Zimbabwe, nor of
significant intervention from the U.S. or other
outside help. Mugabe has
blocked international relief agencies from giving
out supplies in the run-up
to the election, essentially cutting off food and
medicine to a quarter to
half Zimbabwe's population.
When Mugabe
first was elected 28 years earlier, the nation was one of
Africa's most
prosperous, known as the Bread Basket of Southern Africa for
its thriving
agricultural sector. Now, food is scarce, and the rate of
inflation could
reach a staggering 1 million percent by year's end, thanks
in large part to
disastrous economic "reforms" undertaken by Mugabe over the
last eight
years.
"Now, I call it the 'Basket Case,' " McGee said.
Though he
has little hope neighboring nations, or the U.S. or United Nations
will
intervene to help, McGee said he considers his efforts at diplomacy,
however
undiplomatic they might seem, to have been a success.
"We've been able to
keep the international light on Zimbabwe, we've been
successful in that," he
said. "We're not going to let the world forget."
Indiana Gazette
Editorial Roundup
Written by The
Associated Press
Sunday, 06 July 2008
Excerpts from recent
editorials in newspapers in the United States and
abroad:
Stockholm, Sweden
July 2
Dagens Nyheter, on
Zimbabwe:
The tone against (Zimbabwe's President Robert) Mugabe has
hardened and
the criticism is coming from an increasing number of
directions. But that
doesn't appear to be enough. Enough African leaders
still support Zimbabwe's
dictator to keep him from falling.
One
of them is Omar Bongo, president in Gabon. He tells British
newspaper The
Telegraph that Robert Mugabe is a hero and that the West has
acted
clumsily.
The tone from Zimbabwe is - as usual - even more shrill.
The West can
go hang a thousand times, Robert Mugabe's spokesman
said...
But who should help a tortured people if not the
A.U.?
The U.N.? I don't think so. China on Tuesday said the country
might
reject a U.S. proposal for a resolution...
What about an
E.U. that can "go hang a thousand times?" Not them
either. In practice, the
EU has neither the mandate nor many troops to send.
..
What the
west can do is to stop camouflaging the shortcomings. Stop
the aid. Starve
the regime, the police and the military. Give the
Zimbabweans the
opportunity to force their tyrant off his throne, when
nobody else
will.