The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Capitalism Magazine

A Cry from Zimbabwe
by Steven Tennett (July 9, 2003)

Summary: On behalf of the Zimbabweans who desire to live as human
beings, free from the shackles of Mugabe's tyranny, I have a favor to ask of
you, America.


This week President Bush comes to Africa. Though he is rightly not visiting
President Mugabe in Zimbabwe, I wish he could hear from ordinary Zimbabweans
about the terrible violations of our rights. I wish he could hear how
Zimbabwe was recently paralyzed by a week-long mass stayaway that saw the
closure throughout the country of some 98 percent of businesses--in spite of
violence and intimidation by Mugabe's ruling Zanu PF party, which attempted
to force businesses to reopen under threat of losing their trading licenses.

On the last day of the stayaway, I was at Unity Square (the capital Harare's
main meeting place) to take part in the biggest march ever organized by the
opposition party. But around the fountain of the square were arrayed--not
peaceful demonstrators--but a gang of ruling party thugs wearing white
T-shirts with the message "No to Mass Action." These were Mugabe's hired
goons, disparagingly dubbed "Green Bombers" by civilians; terrorists who
beat, torture and murder civilians when instructed to do so by their pay
masters. The march was predictably a non-event, with the army and police
also blocking all major entrances to the city in an act of countrywide mass
repression that cost the government an estimated two billion Zimbabwe tax
dollars. This is just the latest example of the massive violation of rights
in this dying country. I have witnessed thousands of others.

This week, sadly, the computer technician in my transport company had to
take leave from work to attend the funeral of his brother-in-law--murdered
by Zanu PF thugs. Even with his face smashed and his teeth broken, this
innocent twenty-six-year-old man might have lived, if only Harare Central
Hospital had the required expertise, drugs, medicines and equipment to help
him. But the ruling party's corruption and socialist policies had already
destroyed the country's health delivery system, and all this critically
injured man received was a drip.

His is not a lone case. Since the 1980s thousands of individuals have been
displaced from their homes, beaten, tortured, raped or murdered. Recently,
even Morgan Tsvangirai, head of the country's largest opposition party, was
languishing in jail on charges of treason against the Zanu PF party, who are
obliterating their opposition with twists of the law to validate beatings
and arrests.

A commercial farmer in Zimbabwe could once make a fortune exporting coffee.
But now the case of Roy Bennet, a coffee farmer from Melsetter/Chimanimani,
is representative. He lost his farm to another group of Mugabe's thugs
called "war veterans," who evicted him under threat of death and took his
farm over, using the ruling party's "fast-track resettlement program." As I
write, Mr. Bennet's other leased farm in Ruwa is under invasion by a group
of 200 war veterans. To date, more than 3,000 commercial farmers have been
evicted from their farms, and at least seven have actually been murdered.
Only 453 commercial farmers still operate fully in Zimbabwe--out of a total
of 4,137 in 2000.

As a result, the country's maize production has fallen from 810,000 tons in
2000 to an estimated 80,000 tons today, while soybean production has fallen
from 162,000 tons to 30,000 tons. Close to 8 million Zimbabweans are now
facing starvation.

On behalf of the Zimbabweans who desire to live as human beings, free from
the shackles of Mugabe's tyranny, I have a favor to ask of you, America.

No, it is not a request for a check or some other handout. Nor is it a
request to send over your 4th Infantry division to liberate us. Our
suffering does not give us a right to your wealth or to the lives of your
brave soldiers.

No, the favor I have to ask is very different--and far simpler. America,
stop apologizing for your greatness.

Stand up and proudly champion the principles that have enabled you to earn
your wealth and power: capitalism and the individual's inalienable rights to
life, liberty, property and the pursuit of happiness. Condemn every form of
tyranny and tell the world that the political system created by your
founders is the only noble system the world has ever seen. Tell every
individual across the globe that no matter if he is black, white or Arab,
the *only* path to freedom and prosperity is through the ideas contained in
your Constitution and Bill of Rights. To modify a saying from one of your
great founders, George Washington: Proclaim a standard to which the wise and
the just can repair.

To do so costs you nothing--and will achieve much.

You will give hope and inspiration to any individual in Zimbabwe, Iran, Hong
Kong or elsewhere who is actually fighting for his liberty. You will earn
the respect of freedom- loving people the world over--the only "world
opinion" it could ever make sense to win. And by your moral certainty you
will strike fear in the hearts of your enemies--and any tyrant who dares to
violate the rights of the individual.

America, when you refuse to speak out against evil--and worse, when you
apologize for your virtues--you discourage those who love liberty and give
hope to the Mugabes of the world. But when you proudly and guiltlessly stand
up for the good, you help move the world toward your ideals.

America, your moral voice is at once your least costly and your most
powerful weapon. A lonely individual from Zimbabwe asks of you only this:
Won't you please use that voice?

About the Author: Steven Tennett, a computer manager in Harare,
Zimbabwe, is a writer for the Ayn Rand Institute in Irvine, Calif. The
Institute promotes the philosophy of Ayn Rand, author of Atlas Shrugged and
The Fountainhead.
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Bush to Talk Zimbabwe and Business in South Africa
Tue July 8, 2003 11:02 PM ET

By Randall Mikkelsen
PRETORIA (Reuters) - President Bush intends on Wednesday to encourage South
Africa's role as regional power and its trade ties with the United States,
while playing down differences over the war in Iraq.

Bush came to South Africa from Senegal, where he told West African leaders
he would help end Liberia's civil war but said he had not yet decided
whether to send peacekeeping troops to a country founded by freed American

On the second leg of his five-day African tour, Bush was also expected to
urge South African President Thabo Mbeki to step up efforts to promote free
elections and economic reforms in neighboring Zimbabwe.

The differences between Washington and Pretoria over Zimbabwe are stark. The
United States is pushing the troubled southern African state's neighbors to
put more pressure on President Robert Mugabe to reform.

The United States and the European Union criticized Mugabe's re-election
last year as flawed.

Mbeki, however, has chosen "quiet diplomacy" in dealing with Mugabe, a
former liberation fighter and old ally of Mbeki's ruling African National
Congress accused by critics of stifling opposition and running a once
vibrant economy into the ground.

In an interview with the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) on
Tuesday, Mbeki said he would not have "anything new" to tell Bush on

" our view a solution to the problems of Zimbabwe must come from the
leadership of Zimbabwe," he said. But he added that despite their
differences he had a very good relationship with Bush and his

In Harare on Tuesday, Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of Zimbabwe's main
opposition movement, applauded Washington for its tough stance while
attacking Mbeki's approach.

"We want to thank the aggressive approach taken by the American government.
If that is going to help resolve the crisis, then it is most welcome,"
Tsvangirai said.

"Our nation is a pariah nation. Mbeki knows it, everyone on the African
continent knows it, but they choose to be in solidarity with a
dictatorship," he told a meeting.


Other bones of contention between Washington and Pretoria include the
U.S.-led war in Iraq and a number of groups, among them the ANC, plan to
hold protests against Bush's visit.

South African opposition to the war has been expressed most bluntly by
former South African President Nelson Mandela, a Nobel Peace Prize winner
who said Bush was wrong to lead a war without U.N. approval.

Mandela, who has said he had little more to say on Iraq to Bush, will be out
of the country during his visit.

Pretoria has also been rankled by a U.S. decision last week to include South
Africa in a list of 35 countries that will no longer receive military aid
because of its refusal to sign an agreement exempting U.S. citizens from
possible prosecution by the new International Criminal Court.

Bush will dine with South African business leaders and Mbeki told the SABC
he hoped the U.S. president would use his influence to drum up more American
investment in South Africa.

Mbeki's government has pursued market-friendly policies and fiscal prudence
in a bid to woo foreign investors.

Bush's Africa trip is aimed at promoting democracy and economic development
on the continent, and spotlighting U.S. initiatives to fight AIDS and

With an estimated 4.8 million people believed to have the HIV virus that
causes AIDS, South Africa has more sufferers of the disease than any other

Bush will take a day trip to Botswana on Thursday, then leave Pretoria on
Friday for Uganda and Nigeria. He wraps up his African trip in Nigeria and
returns to Washington on Saturday.

(Additional reporting by Stella Mapenzauswa in Harare)
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Farms: Payment 'unsatisfactory'
07/04/2003 22:48 - (SA)

Harare - The Zimbabwe government has offered dozens of white farmers
compensation for their farms acquired under its land reform programme, but
the amounts are unsatisfactory, a farming official told AFP on Monday.

Two weeks ago the government published a list of 290 white farmers it said
had to report to the Ministry of Agriculture, but gave no details.

An official with the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) who requested anonymity
said on Monday the government was "engaging them (the farmers) in
discussions about compensation for improvements to their land."

However, he said "very few people are getting any satisfaction" from the
process or the sums offered by government officials.

"It appears to be nothing much more than a publicity scam," he added.

The CFU official claimed that the offers were not being made in writing, and
were on average less than 50% of anticipated compensation figures.

The Zimbabwe government, which has been widely criticised for its seizure of
around 11 million hectares of white-owned land for redistribution among new
black farmers, is eager to prove it is being fair to the white farming

But it has ruled out paying for the seized land, saying it will only pay for
improvements because the land was grabbed from blacks by white settlers in
the 19th century.

Only 600 white farmers are estimated to still be on their land since the
launch of the land reform programme three years ago.

International outcry

Britain has led an international outcry against President Robert Mugabe's
government over controversial land reforms which have seen about 4 000 white
farmers evicted from their land.

Traditionally a food exporter, Zimbabwe has in recent years been in the
throes of economic recession and is now dealing with a humanitarian

At least 7.2 million people - more than half of the country's population of
11.6 million - including many of the new black farmers and former farm
workers, face hunger, according to UN figures.

International agencies have blamed the famine on a drought and the land
reforms, while the government has camped on its position that the famine is
due solely to a drought.

Anomalies in the list of farmers summoned to discuss compensation were
"phenomenal", the CFU official said on Monday.

He cited examples of some farmers on the list who have already been paid
compensation, while others were still challenging the acquisition of their
farms in court.

The CFU has expressed concern over the continued eviction of farmers and the
acquisition of farms even though the government last year declared that land
acquisition was over.

The government recently hardened its stance against the white-dominated CFU
and its members, claiming the union is composed of "lawless elements".

Information Minister Jonathan Moyo at the weekend accused white farmers of
supporting an opposition-led mass stay-away last month to protest alleged
poor governance.

And in the state-controlled Herald newspaper on Monday, Agriculture Minister
Joseph Made was reported as saying the white farmers' union was irrelevant.
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White farmers 'lawless': report
06/04/2003 13:07 - (SA)

Harare - The Zimbabwe government has rounded on white farmers here, accusing
some of being "British-sponsored lawless elements" behind recent mass action
in the country, a newspaper said on Sunday.

In comments carried by the state-controlled Sunday Mail Information Minister
Jonathan Moyo accused some white farmers of defying government orders to
leave their land.

The comments are likely to be seen as a slap in the face for the
white-dominated Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU) which last year chose to
drop most legal challenges against the government's acquisition of their
land in favour of dialogue.

Moyo also accused the farmers of being "part of the brains" behind an
opposition led job stay-away last month that saw urban areas closed down
across the country.

"The time has come for them to be dealt with in terms of the full wrath of
the law. Their lawlessness will no longer be entertained," he said.

Relations between the government of President Robert Mugabe and Zimbabwe's 4
500 or so white farmers have been testy since the controversial land reform
programme was launched three years ago.

The CFU has recently expressed its concern over the continued eviction of
farmers and the acquisition of farms even though the government last year
declared that land acquisition was over.

Last week, the CFU claimed a farmer in the southern district of Mwenezi was
abducted and beaten by a group of around 200 "settlers" who forced him to
sign a document agreeing to leave his farm.

The union's concerns were included in a letter recently sent to Agriculture
Minister Joseph Made, the Sunday Mail reported. The letter prompted an angry
response from the government, the paper said.

Moyo was quoted as saying that the CFU no longer represents commercial
farmers "but in fact now represents unrepentant Rhodie (former white
minority Rhodesian) farmers and other lawless elements".

Around 11 million hectares of previously white-owned land has so far been
seized by the government for redistribution among new black farmers. Only
around 600 white farmers are reported to still be on their farms.

Moyo accused the farmers' union of being behind the March 18-19 job
stay-away called by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) to
protest alleged mis-governance.

The government has received widespread criticism, including from the US
government, for its alleged crackdown on domestic opponents in the wake of
the mass action. Hundreds of opposition supporters were arrested. - Sapa-AFP
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Zim farmers: Evictions continuing
08/07/2003 22:18 - (SA)

Harare - Zimbabwe's white farmers' union claimed on Tuesday that attempts
are still being made to evict remaining white farmers from their land,
disrupting the production of vital food crops.

In a statement, the president of the white-run Commercial Farmers' Union
(CFU) said the attempts to seize farms had been made during the past two
weeks in two prime farming areas in northern and north western Zimbabwe.

"These illegal evictions have disrupted production extensively, and several
wheat crops, as well as export flower crops and preparations for summer food
crops, have been affected," said Colin Cloete.

He added that some farmers were still receiving government eviction notices,
even on farms that did not qualify for acquisition.

Three years ago the government embarked on the acquisition of white-owned
farms for redistribution to new black farmers.

Aid agencies say the programme has contributed to severe food shortages in
the country, and estimate that 5.5 million people will be in need of
emergency food aid by early next year.

The government says its land reform programme has been successful, with more
than 200 000 black peasant farmers and nearly 15 000 black commercial
farmers said to have been allocated former white-owned land.

The government blames the country's food shortages on drought.

In April Cloete was reported to have said that only 1 000 of the country's
original 4&nbsdp;500 white farmers were still farming.
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The Mercury

Mbeki surprised at Powell's criticism
July 9, 2003

By John Battersby

President Mbeki had a crack at United States Secretary of State Colin
Powell last night over his criticism of South Africa's posture on the crisis
in Zimbabwe, but said he had high expectations that the meeting with US
President George W Bush in Pretoria today would benefit Africa's

Mbeki, in an interview with CNN's Charlayne Hunter-Gault, expressed
surprise at the recent statement by Powell on Zimbabwe which criticised
South Africa for not doing enough to end the political and economic crisis
in that country.

"It came as a bit of surprise," said Mbeki, adding that South Africa
had been in constant contact with Zimbabwe over the African initiative to
secure a peaceful transition in the country.

"They (the Americans) are familiar with what we are doing," Mbeki
said, adding that Foreign Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma had been in touch
with her American counterpart who had explained that he was articulating the
US view.

"But I don't think it was well-advised to give the impression of
directing what South Africa should do," Mbeki said.

Mbeki's put down for Powell fed speculation that there are sharp
differences between the White House and the State Department over how to
deal with Zimbabwe.

Mbeki said that he was confident that the impasse in Zimbabwe would be
resolved through talks between the ruling Zanu-PF government and the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change.

He welcomed the offer of the United States government to provide
economic assistance for the reconstruction of Zimbabwe once the current
problems had been solved. "We are agreed on that and many other aspects,"
Mbeki said.

Mbeki played down sharp political differences between the US and South
Africa over Iraq, and said that he had a good relationship with Bush on

"We may differ but that does not mean that we go to war with each
other," Mbeki said in an interview with the SABC.

He said there had never been any tension over the differences between
the US and South Africa and the leadership had continued a dialogue over
matters of mutual interest.

"I haven't had a sense of them (the Bush administration) coming at us
as a big power . . . as a big brother," Mbeki said in another interview with
Vuyo Mvoko of SABC-TV news last night.

Mbeki said that he had had a good relationship with Bush ever since he
visited him in Austin, Texas, in 2000 before he was elected president.

He said that Bush had made commitments on that occasion to Africa's
development and had been consistent in wanting to carry through his

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Washington Post

In Africa, It Pays To Think Small

By Jim Hoagland
Wednesday, July 9, 2003; Page A27

Africa often overwhelms the first-time visitor. President Bush will need to
keep his impatience in check, his attention focused on what he is not being
told and his compassion in judicious supply as he hopscotches across the
continent this week.

Africa's needs are so vast, its people so deserving and many of its leaders
so corrupt and uncaring that it is easy to zoom to extremes of altruism or
despair when directly confronting the continent's challenges. Or, most
frequently, to come to the latter through the former: to give up on an
entire region because initial, overly ambitious and emotional responses do
not work as planned.

Africa confounds foreign policy realists and idealists in equal measure. It
has absorbed and outlasted colonialists, commissars and good Samaritans for
centuries, burying their acts of human exploitation, ideological competition
and self-motivated kindness in its jungles or desert sands. The continent is
a graveyard for splashy but unsustainable policy initiatives.

It is counterintuitive, but frequently wise, to think small in Africa -- if
you also think long. Time is Africa's essential commodity and its most
effective shield against foreign intruders and foreign ways. Africa is thus
a region in which chipping away at problems offers more chance of success
than do quick political fixes and urgent large aid packages.

But such long-term efforts are frequently at odds with Western political
cycles and needs. A physical metaphor for this disconnection was pointed out
to me by a Liberian doctor nearly 30 years ago during a tour of a gleaming
new hospital built near Monrovia with U.S. aid.

"We will never be able to staff this hospital and keep it supplied," I
recall him saying. "We could have spent the same money on a dozen rural
health clinics that we could sustain. But then there would not have been a
big and well-publicized dedication ceremony attended by your congressmen and
high-level aid administrators, and by our ministers."

George W. Bush's immediate agenda in Africa is a valid one. The
disappearance from power of tyrants like Liberia's Charles Taylor and
Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe would improve those countries and the world
immeasurably. But what follows the sudden regime changes that Bush is
proposing needs to be thought through and crafted with care, and with
international partners, as the administration is learning in Iraq.

The same is true of Bush's laudable effort to prod Congress into providing
billions of dollars to help fight the AIDS epidemic that is devastating some
of the continent's most potentially prosperous societies. Fitting the Bush
AIDS initiative into an overarching and detailed international program that
will last a decade or longer would improve its chances of success.

Bush's chances of sustaining a long-term interest in Africa may actually be
better than they appear on the surface. He was at the White House in 1991
when his father initiated America's most recent experience with the
altruism-to-despair syndrome in Africa by dispatching U.S. troops to Somalia
to reestablish order and get food aid to its starving people.

But that mission -- blessed by the Pentagon in part to avoid U.S. engagement
in the Balkans -- was not sufficient to sustain an American commitment
through a change of administrations. When fighting in Mogadishu in 1993 cost
the lives of 18 American soldiers, President Clinton precipitously withdrew
U.S. forces and left Somalia to sort out its fate.

This sequence illustrates the danger of feel-good politics and policies that
are perceived to be detached from strategic interests. But there was a
double-whammy in the Somali experience that became apparent only on Sept.
11, 2001.

George W. Bush is drawn to this African journey by the overriding imperative
that guides all of his post-9/11 foreign policy: to avoid disaster wherever
he can.

Africa's failed states offer platforms for al Qaeda and other terror
organizations to regroup and attack Americans. Bush's presence this week
shows that the United States has a vital stake in preventing large swaths of
Africa or other continents from becoming no-man's land.

But no American leader can accomplish that task alone or overnight. Bush
will need to patiently coax Africa's leaders and citizens into recognizing
their own long-term stake in rolling back the forces of terror. More
superficial incentives will not accomplish much of a lasting nature.

Bush's journey to Africa should be seen as a first step rather than a quick
stop that can be checked off and forgotten. This president has recently
shown a willingness to jump into raging political torrents abroad. His task
now is to show he can sustain and expand that engagement over time.

2003 The Washington Post Company
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President Bush Speaks at Goree Island in Senegal
Remarks by the President on Goree Island
Goree Island, Senegal

11:47 A.M. (Local)

THE PRESIDENT: Mr. President and Madam First Lady, distinguished guests and
residents of Goree Island, citizens of Senegal, I'm honored to begin my
visit to Africa in your beautiful country.

For hundreds of years on this island peoples of different continents met in
fear and cruelty. Today we gather in respect and friendship, mindful of past
wrongs and dedicated to the advance of human liberty.

At this place, liberty and life were stolen and sold. Human beings were
delivered and sorted, and weighed, and branded with the marks of commercial
enterprises, and loaded as cargo on a voyage without return. One of the
largest migrations of history was also one of the greatest crimes of

Below the decks, the middle passage was a hot, narrow, sunless nightmare;
weeks and months of confinement and abuse and confusion on a strange and
lonely sea. Some refused to eat, preferring death to any future their
captors might prepare for them. Some who were sick were thrown over the
side. Some rose up in violent rebellion, delivering the closest thing to
justice on a slave ship. Many acts of defiance and bravery are recorded.
Countless others, we will never know.

Those who lived to see land again were displayed, examined, and sold at
auctions across nations in the Western Hemisphere. They entered societies
indifferent to their anguish and made prosperous by their unpaid labor.
There was a time in my country's history when one in every seven human
beings was the property of another. In law, they were regarded only as
articles of commerce, having no right to travel, or to marry, or to own
possessions. Because families were often separated, many denied even the
comfort of suffering together.

For 250 years the captives endured an assault on their culture and their
dignity. The spirit of Africans in America did not break. Yet the spirit of
their captors was corrupted. Small men took on the powers and airs of
tyrants and masters. Years of unpunished brutality and bullying and rape
produced a dullness and hardness of conscience. Christian men and women
became blind to the clearest commands of their faith and added hypocrisy to
injustice. A republic founded on equality for all became a prison for
millions. And yet in the words of the African proverb, "no fist is big
enough to hide the sky." All the generations of oppression under the laws of
man could not crush the hope of freedom and defeat the purposes of God.

In America, enslaved Africans learned the story of the exodus from Egypt and
set their own hearts on a promised land of freedom. Enslaved Africans
discovered a suffering Savior and found he was more like themselves than
their masters. Enslaved Africans heard the ringing promises of the
Declaration of Independence and asked the self-evident question, then why
not me?

In the year of America's founding, a man named Olaudah Equiano was taken in
bondage to the New World. He witnessed all of slavery's cruelties, the
ruthless and the petty. He also saw beyond the slave-holding piety of the
time to a higher standard of humanity. "God tells us," wrote Equiano, "that
the oppressor and the oppressed are both in His hands. And if these are not
the poor, the broken-hearted, the blind, the captive, the bruised which our
Savior speaks of, who are they?"

Down through the years, African Americans have upheld the ideals of America
by exposing laws and habits contradicting those ideals. The rights of
African Americans were not the gift of those in authority. Those rights were
granted by the Author of Life, and regained by the persistence and courage
of African Americans, themselves.

Among those Americans was Phyllis Wheatley, who was dragged from her home
here in West Africa in 1761, at the age of seven. In my country, she became
a poet, and the first noted black author in our nation's history. Phyllis
Wheatley said, "In every human breast, God has implanted a principle which
we call love of freedom. It is impatient of oppression and pants for

That deliverance was demanded by escaped slaves named Frederick Douglas and
Sojourner Truth, educators named Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. DuBois, and
ministers of the Gospel named Leon Sullivan and Martin Luther King, Jr. At
every turn, the struggle for equality was resisted by many of the powerful.
And some have said we should not judge their failures by the standards of a
later time. Yet, in every time, there were men and women who clearly saw
this sin and called it by name.

We can fairly judge the past by the standards of President John Adams, who
called slavery "an evil of callosal magnitude." We can discern eternal
standards in the deeds of William Wilberforce and John Quincy Adams, and
Harriet Beecher Stowe, and Abraham Lincoln. These men and women, black and
white, burned with a zeal for freedom, and they left behind a different and
better nation. Their moral vision caused Americans to examine our hearts, to
correct our Constitution, and to teach our children the dignity and equality
of every person of every race. By a plan known only to Providence, the
stolen sons and daughters of Africa helped to awaken the conscience of
America. The very people traded into slavery helped to set America free.

My nation's journey toward justice has not been easy and it is not over. The
racial bigotry fed by slavery did not end with slavery or with segregation.
And many of the issues that still trouble America have roots in the bitter
experience of other times. But however long the journey, our destination is
set: liberty and justice for all.

In the struggle of the centuries, America learned that freedom is not the
possession of one race. We know with equal certainty that freedom is not the
possession of one nation. This belief in the natural rights of man, this
conviction that justice should reach wherever the sun passes leads America
into the world.

With the power and resources given to us, the United States seeks to bring
peace where there is conflict, hope where there is suffering, and liberty
where there is tyranny. And these commitments bring me and other
distinguished leaders of my government across the Atlantic to Africa.

African peoples are now writing your own story of liberty. Africans have
overcome the arrogance of colonial powers, overturned the cruelties of
apartheid, and made it clear that dictatorship is not the future of any
nation on this continent. In the process, Africa has produced heroes of
liberation -- leaders like Mandela, Senghor, Nkrumah, Kenyatta, Selassie and
Sadat. And many visionary African leaders, such as my friend, have grasped
the power of economic and political freedom to lift whole nations and put
forth bold plans for Africa's development.

Because Africans and Americans share a belief in the values of liberty and
dignity, we must share in the labor of advancing those values. In a time of
growing commerce across the globe, we will ensure that the nations of Africa
are full partners in the trade and prosperity of the world. Against the
waste and violence of civil war, we will stand together for peace. Against
the merciless terrorists who threaten every nation, we will wage an
unrelenting campaign of justice. Confronted with desperate hunger, we will
answer with human compassion and the tools of human technology. In the face
of spreading disease, we will join with you in turning the tide against AIDS
in Africa.

We know that these challenges can be overcome, because history moves in the
direction of justice. The evils of slavery were accepted and unchanged for
centuries. Yet, eventually, the human heart would not abide them. There is a
voice of conscience and hope in every man and woman that will not be
silenced -- what Martin Luther King called a certain kind of fire that no
water could put out. That flame could not be extinguished at the Birmingham
jail. It could not be stamped out at Robben Island Prison. It was seen in
the darkness here at Goree Island, where no chain could bind the soul. This
untamed fire of justice continues to burn in the affairs of man, and it
lights the way before us.

May God bless you all. (Applause.)

END 11:55 A.M. (Local)
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