The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Catholic News

Zimbabwe police detain outspoken Archbishop before peace service

Archbishop Pius Ncube was detained briefly on Friday in his Bulawayo chapel,
by state security agents, who warned him to desist from discussing political
issues before the start of interdenominational prayers for justice and peace
in Zimbabwe.

"They warned that no political party regalia should be worn during the
prayers, they also said inflammatory statements were not to be allowed
during the church service," Pius Ncube told a packed city cathedral before
the beginning of the prayers.

"We told them that this is purely a church event with no party politics to
be addressed, but we can not avoid addressing political issues affecting the
people of Zimbabwe, politics is about food, shelter, school fees for your
children, jobs and everything to do with our normal day to day activities,"
he said.

The church service, held amidst hovering sounds of military helicopters, was
attended by human rights activists, Christians from all denominations and
opposition MDC Members of Parliament, who included Paul Themba Nyathi, David
Coltart and party Vice President, Gibson Sibanda.

Ncube is a strong and outspoken critic of President Mugabe's scorched earth
policies and has shown concern for flouting of human rights by the

As Ncube led prayers, police were arresting the opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai for leading five day marches to protest Mugabe's misrule.

The Archbishop returned last week from a visit to the USA where he was
praised by the US Secretary of State, Collin Powell, for the role he is
playing in speaking out against Mugabe's misrule and his blatant flouting of
human rights.

10 Jun 2003
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            Commonwealth denies paying for Zimbabwean delegation
            June 09, 2003, 23:30

            James Robertson, the Commonwealth Secretariate spokesperson, has
refuted reports that the Secreatariate has paid for a Zimbabwean delegation
to attend a two-day Commonwealth Science Council meeting in Johannesburg,
starting today.

            Olivia Muchena, Zimbabwe's Science and Technology Minister, who
is already in South Africa, says she is attending the meeting at the
invitation of the South African government.

            Earlier reports said that Paul Themba-Nyati, Zimbabwe's
opposition Movement for Democratic Change spokesperson, accused the
Commonwealth of having paid for Muchena's trip to South Africa.

            Robertson says the Secreatriat could not possibly do that as
Zimbabwe is one of the country's suspended from the Council of the
Commonwealth, and as such they are not eligible to attend a Commonwealth
meeting of this kind

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The Herald

Fuel crisis, load shedding worry association

THE Zimbabwe Seed Trade Association is appealing to the authorities to
ensure availability of diesel and that power load shedding is minimised or
avoided completely in wheat-growing areas up to September 2003.

An association spokesperson at the weekend said they were concerned about
the possible implications of the current diesel and power shortages on this
year’s winter wheat, barley seed production and the 2004-growing season.

He said diesel shortages were affecting farmers’ ability to plant while
electricity load shedding was making it impossible for farmers to irrigate
their crops.

The situation was further compounded by the fact that winter production
coincided with the reaping of summer crops, he said.

"In the circumstances, farmers may be forced to choose between harvesting
their summer crops or planting their winter crops," he said.

"They are obviously unable to do both."

About 300 000 litres of diesel was required for ploughing, planting,
irrigating and combine harvesting of the winter wheat and barley seed
production, he said.

Winter seed production was currently being planted and should have been
completed by the end of May at the latest, he said.

The seed could not be substituted by imports as varieties grown in Zimbabwe
were specifically bred for local conditions.

South African varieties for example, did not adapt to the Zimbabwean
environment, he said.

"The implications of losing the majority or all of the winter seed crops
will very seriously affect ability to feed Zimbabwe and are too ghastly to
contemplate," he said.

"Unlike other crops, wheat and barley are crops that can only be grown
during the winter window period. Any lost chance cannot be recovered and
this has ripple effects for the growing seasons ahead, where it would take
another whole season to grow seed crops before commercial grain could be
grown the following year."

Foreign currency shortages have resulted in the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply
Authority (Zesa) and the National Oil Company of Zimbabwe (Noczim) failing
to import adequate power and fuel for the country.

Load shedding, introduced in March this year, has largely affected
production in industrial areas and the farming community.

Zimbabwe augments power supplies with imports from South Africa’s power
utility Eskom, Mozambique’s Cahora Bassa and Snel in the Democratic Republic
of Congo.

At peak demand, Zimbabwe needs about 2 000 megawatts while Hwange and Kariba
South power stations at full capacity can only generate 920 megawatts and
666 megawatts respectively.

Zesa said last week it has taken major steps to end load shedding following
successful negotiations to settle its debts with regional power suppliers in

It said load shedding was to end soon but did not give a specific date when
this would happen. — Ziana.
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The Herald

Bank notes crisis: Police intercept over $100m

Herald Reporter
POLICE yesterday said they had intercepted over $100 million in four
separate incidences during last week’s crackdown on people and companies
hoarding and illegally holding on to large sums of money.

As a result, an intelligence police task force has been set up to
investigate the sudden increase of people found in possession of large sums.

The task force yesterday disclosed that there were some unlicensed companies
now operating as illegal banks while illegal activities of money trading had
become business for other people.

It also revealed that certain companies were opting to deposit their money
with these unlicensed banks where they easily accessed it for illegal
activities such as foreign currency dealings.

Police had information from some business people that some illegal traders
were holding on to $500 notes for sale locally.

Most travelling business people were now finding it difficult to carry large
sums of money in smaller denominations given to them by banks.

When the shortage of local currency hit the market, banks were issued $100
and $50 notes that proved difficult for most people to carry around.

In Masvingo at the weekend, police intercepted more than $48 million cash,
stashed in the boot of a vehicle.

The two occupants of the vehicle, said police, alleged that they were on
their way to South Africa to bring home two vehicles bought by a Harare

Masvingo police spokesman, Inspector Partson Nyabadza, yesterday said the
money was still in police custody while investigations were now in progress.

"We have the cash with us but we have decided to bank the money in the men’s
bank accounts because we cannot continue holding on to such huge sums of

"We are worried about the explanation that they wanted to go and fetch two
vehicles in South Africa with cash and not certified bank cheques.

"Normally, such huge amounts of money are carried in certified bank cheques
and not cash like that to avoid robberies and losses," said Inspector

The Herald understands that the businessman drove to Masvingo on Sunday to
confirm the two men’s story but was denied his cash by police after failing
to justify the need to travel with such huge cash amounts.

Zimbabwe’s banks have been hit by a critical shortage of cash, resulting in
some of the banks limiting cash withdrawals to between $10 000 and $50 000.

Some banks have even suspended ATM services in the face of bank notes

The task force said such companies risk being fined up to $1 million if
found guilty under the Reserve Bank Act.

Police chief spokesperson Assistant Commissioner Wayne Bvudzijena said the
task force was set up after police discovered large sums of money held by
people at road blocks.

"The incidences coincided with the critical shortage of money in banks
compelling us to investigate anyone found carrying large sums of money,"
Asst Comm Bvudzijena said.

He said those who fail to explain why they are keeping millions of dollars
and not depositing it in banks as required by the law, risk losing their
money to the State.

Asst Comm Bvudzijena said carrying millions of dollars to have vehicles and
other gadgets cleared at Customs offices is not a good enough excuse for
people to carry large sums of money as the Government encourages people to
carry bank cheques for such processes.

"Bank cheques are accepted at all Customs offices and it is in fact another
way of evading corrupt dealings."

Asst Comm Bvudzijena said people keeping money in their houses and in their
vehicles risk being robbed.

"We received many car jacking reports last week and people should be aware
that robbers are aware that they are keeping large sums of money in their
houses and vehicles."

He said people with information about any illegal money dealings should
contact the police at 722770 or 703631.
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The training and lecture course for the Loss document co-ordinators' will
be held at St Lucia Park from the 11th to 13th June, 2003.

Registration will take place from 9:00 am on the 11th and all individuals
are urged to be on time.

Wednesday and Thursday will end at 5pm with Friday ending at lunchtime.
Each participant will be handed a detailed program on arrival at the

REGISTRATION Wednesday - 9:0010:00 11/6/2003

All participants are urged to bring their own pen and paper for notes. You
will not need to bring your computer to the course. You are invited to
contact us if you have any problems with accommodation and we will make
arrangements for you.

All farmers and farmers associations must ensure that they have at least
one person from their area on this course.

DIRECTIONS: Take the Golden Stairs Road; turn left into Harare Drive and
then right into Crichton Avenue - OTT, St. Lucia Park is at the end of
Crichton Avenue.

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Please send any material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to with "For Open Letter Forum" in the subject line.


Letter 1:

Subject: Open letter forum

Date: 07 June, 2003 8:24 AM

Dear Sally

More so than any other year in our history as farmers, this is the year to
have a Farming Oscar!  So many people have done so much to try and help us
survive. At least allow the people who would like to show their
appreciation for these people, the opportunity to express that gratitude
through the Oscar.

Our greatest enemy is bitterness. Our greatest ally is to look forward
with anticipation.

Best regards

Jean Simon


Letter 2:

From: "Martin Ross" <>
To: <>
Subject: Zim trip June 2003
Date: 07 June, 2003 8:12 AM


I will be in Harare from Sunday 15 June until Thursday 19 June.


I will be in Bulawayo from Friday 20 June until Sunday 22 June.

Please email me on if you, or anyone you know, would
like an appointment to discuss Australian immigration.

Very important: I will not be able to take telephone calls while I am in
Zimbabwe. You must email me or leave a message with my office in Australia.
As I will not have much time on this trip to Zimbabwe, the sooner you
contact me, the easier it will be for me to accommodate you.

I will also have a question/answer session in the evening of Monday 16 June
in Harare and in the evening of Friday 20 June in Bulawayo. I will discuss
the different visa categories and open the floor to whatever questions
anyone might have about Australian immigration, as well as what to expect
when you first move to Australia and what life in general is like for an
ex-Zimbo in Australia. The venue for both Harare and Bulawayo
question/answer sessions still to be advised.

Please note that there are no charges to attend an interview or a
question/answer session with me.


Martin Ross

Ross Relocation Services
Unit 8, 115 Grand Boulevard
Joondalup, WA 6027, Australia

In Australia:
Tel: (08) 9301 5345 Fax: (08) 9301 5346
Mobile: 0407 476 899

Tel: +61-8-9301-5345 Fax: +61-8-9301-5346
Mobile: +61-407-476-899
Email: Website:

Registered Migration Agent 0104712


Letter 3:

John Lapham



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'The government is digging its own grave'

Mugabe remains defiant despite week of protest

Tuesday June 10, 2003
The Guardian

Daily News Editorial, Zimbabwe, June 9

"Faced with glaring evidence of the people of Zimbabwe's dissatisfaction
with his government, President Robert Mugabe is maintaining a belligerent
attitude, threatening the opposition and participants in last week's mass
action with retribution. There are already reports of state security agents
and Zanu-PF supporters allegedly assaulting people and destroying their
property as payback for participating in last week's anti-government

"The world is watching Zimbabwe very closely and such a response from the
government speaks volumes about the rule of law and human rights abuses in
the country. It also amply demonstrates, as did the government's harsh
reaction to last week's mass action, Zanu-PF's loss of the people's support
and its inability to come to terms with this loss. The government's
iron-fisted response to the mass action and a violent campaign of
retribution in the next few weeks will only harden the people's hearts
against the ruling party, which is clearly playing into the opposition's
hands. If Zanu-PF continues to display its lack of maturity, it will
ultimately dig its own grave."

Independent Editorial, Zimbabwe, June 6

"At the end of the week the impression that remained was one of a
desperately insecure regime using every means at its disposal to get the
country back to work.

"By treating the public as 'the enemy' and arbitrarily abridging their
freedoms to assemble and express themselves, the authorities have alienated
many otherwise uncommitted citizens. We are all agreed that by its campaign
this week the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) has drawn the attention
of the country and the world to the connection between brutal misrule and
economic collapse. That is the issue successfully dramatised by its
followers in the teeth of repression and which can no longer be ignored, not
even by the delusionist in State House."

Herald Editorial, Zimbabwe, June 9

"The attorney-general's office, police and the armed forces last week rose
to the occasion by ensuring that the country remained stable and peaceful in
spite of the MDC's planned illegal marches to overthrow the government. The
arrest of MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai for making treasonous statements is a
sobering development and a stark reminder that the law in Zimbabwe is not
like a cobweb, which may catch small flies but will let wasps and hornets
break through. No one is above the law."

Munyaradzi Huni Sunday Mail, Zimbabwe, June 8

"Despite a high court order declaring last week's mass action illegal, the
MDC went ahead with its mass action. Mr Tsvangirai told journalists that the
court order was defective and could not force him to stop people from
demonstrating. And true to his words, Mr Tsvangirai, who was the first
respondent in the matter brought by the police, never called off the mass
action as was ordered by the high court.

"Yes, those whose property was destroyed during the several illegal mass
actions are beginning to take Mr Tsvangirai, the MDC and those who supported
the mass actions to court, but the British will just pour money into the
opposition party's coffers to pay for the damages, if ever they are found
guilty. Just look at what the British did when they realised that Mr
Tsvangirai had blundered. They hired the most expensive legal advice from
South Africa. With money the law is nothing. Zimbabwe has two choices here -
it's either the law takes its course and the international community rants
and raves or the loose cannon is left to explode and destroy all that we
have built since 1980."

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Mugabe crackdown keeps main foe in jail

Andrew Meldrum
Tuesday June 10, 2003
The Guardian

The Zimbabwean government stepped up its crackdown on the political
opposition yesterday by denying bail to the opposition leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai, and arresting his deputy.
Mr Tsvangirai, the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), is
facing a second charge of treason and remained in jail yesterday after his
lawyers failed to win his release. The MDC claimed that 800 of its
supporters had been arrested in the five-day national strike last week.

Mr Tsvangirai already faces charges of treason that he plot ted to have
President Robert Mugabe assassinated.

The fresh charge is that he plotted a violent overthrow of the Mugabe
government by calling for mass anti-government demonstrations. Mr Tsvangirai
denies both charges, saying he has always advocated a peaceful change of
government in Zimbabwe.

The opposition party's secretary general, Welshman Ncube, a co-accused in
the first treason trial, was arrested yesterday and may also face new
treason charges. He was questioned yesterday by police, who were expected to
detain him after his appearance in the high court.

Mr Mugabe warned that he would continue his campaign against the opposition
in a rare interview broadcast by the South African Broadcasting Corporation:
"As long as there is that fight, I am for a fight ... And I can still

The 79-year-old president dismissed suggestions that he is ready to retire
after 23 years in power.

South Africa has encouraged him to stand down and hand over to a government
of national unity as part of a deal. But Mr Mugabe rejected the suggestion.
"I don't want to retire in a situation where people are disunited and where
certain of our objectives have not been achieved," he said. "It would be
nonsensical for me, a year after my election, to resign."

Human Rights Watch, a New York-based organisation, warned that the Mugabe
government had increased its abuses of civil rights in recent months.

"Not only have the army and police personnel failed to protect people from
human rights abuses, but they are now carrying out abuses themselves," said
Peter Takirambudde, executive director of the organisation's Africa
division. "Recent legislation has drastically curtailed citizens' rights to
freedom of expression, assembly and association." The report says political
violence, prevalent in rural areas since 2000, has become common in urban
centres, and non-political organisations are being targeted.

Police raided the offices and home of filmmaker Edwina Spicer in the last
few days. "They swooped on our house Friday and again on Monday," said Ms
Spicer, who is currently in London. "They accused me of beaming bad reports
about Zimbabwe from our premises. When staff members said we had not been
here for a week, they were beaten and required hospitalisation."

Ms Spicer said that equipment worth an estimated £20,000 was seized.

Human Rights Watch joined numerous Zimbawean civic organisations in calling
for the Mugabe government to re-establish the rule of law, disband youth
militia, withdraw military personnel from residential areas, and revise
legislation contrary to international human rights law.

The government is confronted with growing opposition. The five-day strike
shut virtually all industrial and commercial activity and prompted a massive
show of intimidatory strength by security forces.

Residents of Harare's townships reported beatings by Mugabe's youth militia
in retribution. Some claimed that the cabinet minister Elliot Manyika
directed the beatings, according to Zimbabwe's Standard newspaper. Mr
Manyika carried a list of hundreds of names of people who were marked for
retaliatory violence, according to the report.

The new treason charges against Mr Tsvangirai centre on two political
rallies last month where the state claims he urged supporters to take to the
streets to oust Mr Mugabe and the Zimbabwean government.

Mr Ncube is accused of calling on supporters, in statements the government
says were made last week, to take part in demonstrations and march to State
House, Mr Mugabe's official residence. Under draconian new security laws the
protests were declared illegal.

Mr Tsvangirai's lawyer, George Bizos, said the latest allegations were
"spurious" and intended to keep his client in custody in the wake of last
week's protests.

"The charges are to prevent him from exercising his rights as a politician
and leader of the opposition," he said.
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Natal Witness

 A farewell to arms

Over 30 years ago a young man from Pretoria exiled in Britain led a campaign
against the denial of civil rights in South Africa that resulted in the
cancellation of a cricket tour. In retrospect this turned out to be a
defining moment in the history of grassroots British politics, a decisive
event in the international sports boycott of South Africa, and a nail (small
perhaps) in the coffin of apartheid. His name, of course, was Peter Hain.

The times are very different now and one must be wary of taking historical
parallels too seriously, but the crisis in Zimbabwe has thrown up Hain's
equivalent in the shape of Henry Olonga.

With Andrew Flower, he wore first a black armband then a wristband in
Cricket World Cup matches to mourn the deliberate destruction (the
cricketers rather charitably called it the death) of democracy by the tyrant
Robert Mugabe. Olonga was expelled by his Harare club, Takashinga, for
"bringing the game into disrepute" and received threatening e-mails,
presumably the modern equivalent of the phone call from the police station
at two in the morning. It was made clear that he faced the possibility of
treason charges if he returned home.

Olonga is now in exile in Britain (like Hain before him) having said
farewell to the Zimbabwe cricket team by way of a moving and important
message to the effect that, in life it is necessary to have the courage of
one's convictions, and listen to the voice of one's conscience.

Olonga's conscience told him that by continuing to play for the national
team he would be condoning human rights abuses in his homeland. In the last
few weeks he has participated in a number of interviews in which he has made
an impression as a thoughtful and courageous individual prepared to confront
personal responsibility in a situation of political, economic and social
implosion. The importance of his stand was illustrated by the recent
kidnapping and forcible deportation of Andrew Meldrum of The Guardian, the
last remaining non-Zimbabwean correspondent in the country, in defiance of a
court order.

Both South Africa and Zimbabwe have, at different times, gone down the same
road of internal destabilisation by their governments in order to preserve
the interests of a particular elite. This entails subversion of the rule of
law, a process in which civil society and fundamental human rights are
challenged by the unrestrained exercise of state power. Under these
circumstances the independence of the judiciary is destroyed, news-papers
are firebombed, journalists, trade unionists and any other significant
representatives of civil society are detained and tortured in police cells,
and state-employed thugs are let loose on the populace in general to maim
and assassinate opponents. The prevailing atmosphere in such societies is
that of fear.

During the apartheid years conservative Western governments took the line
that "building bridges" was the correct way to approach Pretoria and that
diplomacy and encouragement of gradual change would achieve the desired

Thabo Mbeki's government is today taking a similar line with regard to the
Zimbabwe crisis, a strategy so quiet and diplomatic that it could be
interpreted as condoning the current state of affairs engineered by Mugabe.
This apparent indifference is hard to explain when there are strong signals
from governments like that of Sweden, a traditional ally of southern Africa,
to the effect that Nepad stands or falls on events in Zimbabwe.

The destruction of the rule of law and the imposition of state-sponsored
terror raise important questions. Such circumstances throw up unexpectedly
heroic figures, people confronted by events that they had never imagined
likely but which bring out the best in them, often to their great surprise.

Both Hain and Olonga, in different eras, have used the international media
that tyrants so fear to highlight in the public mind the details of the
tragic events affecting their countries. Their profiles, for various
reasons, have been high but they challenge the behaviour of all citizens
under such circumstances.

One of the initial deficiencies of post-liberation societies has been a
widespread failure to understand and put into practice the fact that with
civil rights go civic obligations. The defence of democracy is every
citizen's business. Not everyone has the talents and access to the media of
a Henry Olonga, but even the smallest effort can be a contribution.

In Czechoslovakia, for instance, Communist rule was subject to mocking and
ribald humour sapping the confidence of those in power, their bureaucratic
henchmen and the thugs of the security police. For many years dedicated
groups of democrats, in and out of prison, built and sustained a vision of a
free society around the oppression of ordinary citizens. When the time came
for the people to take to the streets, the structures of the totalitarian
state collapsed like a pack of cards; what had appeared to be made of
granite was nothing more than cardboard.

Henry Olonga's courageous stand will be rewarded, although no-one as yet
knows when or how. Regimes like that of Mugabe, ruling through fear,
manipulation and brute force, have neither legitimacy, nor real mass
support. Ultimately he will be brought down, and if there is justice in this
world brought to trial, by hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans all with the
courage of their convictions. But it takes a person like Henry Olonga to
articulate and symbolise them.
a.. Christopher Merrett is Director of Administration, University of Natal,

Publish Date: 10 June 2003
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No surrender

Zimbabwe's education system used to be the envy of all Africa. Now its
biggest university is at the point of collapse under the pressures of
intimidation and financial crisis. But its teachers haven't given up yet,
says Andrew Meldrum

Tuesday June 10, 2003
The Guardian

Once hailed as the pride of Africa, Zimbabwe's education system has been
engulfed from top to bottom by the country's deepening political and
economic crisis.
The University of Zimbabwe, once the prestigious pinnacle of the system
bequeathed by colonial rule, is now finding it almost impossible to keep
functioning. Meanwhile, in schools across the country teachers are operating
hand to mouth, worrying less about lesson plans than what their pupils have
to eat.

At the university, in Harare's Mount Pleasant suburb, clouds of tear gas
frequently smother the campus, classrooms and dormitories. In the past few
years, police have sealed off the campus so many times that it is almost
routine. Once last year riot police stormed into dormitories, dragged
students from their rooms and beat them. One student died from his injuries
and has become a cause célèbre .

The pay of lecturers and professors is so low that almost all have had to
find other jobs and consultancies to get by. So many university posts remain
vacant after resignations that departments are decimated and knowledgeable
academics say the university is at the point of collapse.

Classes have been suspended and students sent home several times in the past
three years, making it difficult for students to finish their degrees in a
reasonable period of time.

"I used to enjoy teaching at the university, but now the conditions have
become untenable," said a retiring professor. "Now it is a constant
headache. There is political interference from political appointees,
corruption, the continual battles of police on campus. Far from being an
ivory tower removed from everything, the university has become an
encapsulation of Zimbabwe's problems."

Other tertiary institutions across the country have faced similar troubles,
while in schools teachers have been beaten, forced to attend "re-education
camps" and killed, according to union officials. Students of all ages are
sent home if they cannot pay fees or don't have proper uniforms. Education
budgets have been dropping for more than 10 years. Teachers' meagre salaries
have lagged far behind the country's 269% inflation.

This is a far cry from the days in the 1980s when President Robert Mugabe's
government made education its first priority. Zimbabwe's teachers were
respected and relatively well remunerated. Primary education was nearly free
and secondary education was within the reach of almost everyone, in both
urban and rural areas. The country achieved impressive literacy rates, first
of 80% and then above 90%, making Zimbabwe's education system one of the
most effective in Africa and one of the best in the developing world.

But the education system, from primary school up through university, has
suffered 10 years of decline and since 2000 has been one of the main victims
of the country's economic chaos and political repression.

"I worked hard to qualify as a teacher and I was honoured in my community,"
said Tendai M, a veteran of Mugabe's liberation forces, who studied to
become a teacher after independence in 1980. "I got a good education but I
am not satisfied with the schooling my children are receiving."

The hard-working mathematics teacher, who does not want to be named for fear
of retribution, was appointed headteacher of his government boarding school
two years ago. "I thought things would get better, but being a headmaster
has been a nightmare," he said. "With food shortages and inflation we do not
have enough money to get our children and teachers enough to eat. Everyone
here is hungry. I am constantly searching for food and begging for charity.
We try to keep our classes going, but it is very, very difficult."

Zimbabwe's education system has been one of the many casualties of the
country's multiplying troubles, according to Brian Raftopoulos, chairman of
the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, who spoke at the Canon Collins Memorial
Lecture at London's School of Oriental and African Studies on May 28. "After
2000, in the context of the more general political crisis, a whole series of
highly politicised problems emerged in the educational sphere," said
Raftopoulos. "These problems have centred around: the 'disciplining' of
teachers for their support for the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC); the militarisation of youth centres; the struggle by teachers for
better conditions of service in a rapidly declining economy; and struggles
over the curriculum, in particular the teaching of history."

In his lecture, Raftopoulos, who is an associate professor at the Institute
for Development Studies at the University of Zimbabwe, chronicled the
stunning successes of education in the early days of Zimbabwe's

Primary enrolment increased from 820,000 in 1979 to 1.2 million in 1980,
rising to 2.2 million by 1989, according to government statistics. In the
1990s enrolment reached a peak of nearly 2.5 million in 1996 before falling
to 2.4 million in 2000.

At the secondary level the expansion was even more impressive. Enrolment
increased from 66,000 in 1979 to 150,000 in 1981, reaching 670,000 in 1989.
Secondary enrolment rose to a peak of 844,000 by 2000.

"While this quantitative growth of education has been impressive," said
Raftopoulos "there are several problems which confront the future of
educational development in Zimbabwe. These include: the absence of a
comprehensive policy framework; access and gender equity; relevance of the
curriculum; school dropouts and finance." He said the education system was
struggling with tensions because of the government's desire to use schooling
"as an ideological arm of the state".

Raftopoulos said that about 15% of Zimbabwean children remained out of
school in 2000 and a disproportionately high number of those were girls.

The country's spiralling economic crisis in the past three years has caused
many more children to stop going to school because their parents cannot
afford the steeply rising fees and the cost of uniforms and books.
Previously schools noted a decline in attendance when the country suffered
serious drought, such as in 1992.

"This problem of dropouts is directly related to the general problem of
poverty," said Raftopoulos. "In a poverty assessment study survey carried
out by the United Nations Development Programme, it was found that 61% of
Zimbabweans were classified as poor in 1997, rising to 73% in 2003. With
more specific references to dropouts, a study of social policy under
structural adjustment conditions in Zimbabwe carried out in 1997/98 found
that the major reason for children dropping out of school was

The cost of maintaining Zimbabwe's education system is high. Relative to
comparable countries in the southern African region, Zimbabwe spends an
unusually high share of national income on education. "For example, in the
mid-1980s Zimbabwe's budget allocation to the sector was more than twice the
median of that spent by other low-income Anglophone countries and exceeded
the median for medium income countries by about 22%," said Raftopoulos.

Nevertheless in the 1990s real per capita expenditure on education fell
significantly, with the total education budget allocation declining from 6%
of GDP in 1986-87 to 4% in 1993-94. By 2000 real expenditure on primary
education had declined to 2% of GDP.

"It is apparent that, while there has been a remarkable expansion of
educational enrolment over the last 20 years, this expansion has intensified
inequalities in Zimbabwe because of the different forms of educational
provision and the problems of reduced financial expenditure that have placed
an increasing burden on poorer families," said Raftopoulos.

Ironically, Mugabe's success in educating large numbers of Zimbabweans has
added to his troubles in recent years. The vast majority of young
Zimbabweans are educated, but they cannot find jobs. This has created a huge
well of discontent among the articulate youth.

Zimbabwe's drastic economic decline in the past three years has caused the
GDP to lose more than 30% of its value. Inflation is expected to be well
over 300% for 2003. The government responded by carrying out "an
authoritarian restructuring of the state, in order to consolidate its
beleaguered position," said Raftopoulos, who said this affected the
education system in several ways. "Teachers have been targeted on a regular
basis for their alleged support for the opposition party, the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) and because they were considered key informants and
community leaders in the rural areas."

The Progressive Teachers' Union of Zimbabwe has documented the intimidation,
harassment, detention, arrests, torture and the unprecedented unleashing of
state security agents on the schools. As a result of the assaults by state
agencies, the union reported that between the period 2000-2002 five teachers
were killed, 119 raped and "many more were maimed, kidnapped, tortured and
displaced". In addition, many teachers and students have been forced to
attend "re-education camps" where lessons centre on a narrow party-oriented
history of Zimbabwe, including the formation of the ruling party, Zanu-PF,
its military struggle against white- minority Rhodesia and why the party
deserves to remain in power.

"Certainly, state violence against teachers and the narrow nationalist
approach to the teaching of 'patriotic history' are a long way from the tone
of tolerance urged by the Education Commission before the political crisis
began in 2000," said Raftopoulos.

The violence and economic difficulties that have confronted Zimbabwe's
education system in recent years illustrate how deeply the ongoing political
and economic crisis has reached into all sectors of the country. Yet
Raftopoulos and other education specialists believe that the country's
schools can rebound and return to a positive position if Zimbabwe can pull
out of the crisis through a peaceful, negotiated process of transition that
will lead the country to a fresh round of thoroughly free and fair

"The damage to education is severe, but it does not have to be permanent,"
concluded Raftopoulos. "The restoration of democracy will see Zimbabwe enter
a period of reconciliation in which education can once again return to a
place of priority. Teachers can once again have the respect of the
government and the community. Students will once again have the opportunity
to learn."
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Zimbabwean opposition leaders due in court

By Cris Chinaka
HARARE (Reuters) - President Robert Mugabe's two most outspoken critics in
Zimbabwe face another day in court as treason charges against them multiply
following a week of protests that failed to shake the government.

Police said Morgan Tsvangirai, head of the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change, and the MDC's secretary-general Welshman Ncube were both
expected in court on Tuesday.

Both were already on trial for treason for an earlier alleged plot to kill
Mugabe, who was reelected last year in polls the MDC and some Western
governments branded fraudulent.

But after last week's protests, which eventually fizzled out in the face of
an official crackdown, police rearrested Tsvangirai and said they were
hunting for Ncube -- who turned himself in on Monday and was arrested.

Police said Ncube was charged with treason for allegedly inciting five days
of anti-government protests last week, as Tsvangirai was hauled into court
after a weekend in jail -- also to face fresh charges of plotting to
overthrow Mugabe.

The government describes the protests as a bid to foment a coup d'etat.

Ncube spent the weekend in hiding after Tsvangirai was arrested on Friday.

"I denied the charges," he said outside the court on Monday where he was
charged before leaving for more police questioning.

Tsvangirai, a former trade union leader who has mounted the strongest
challenge Mugabe has seen in his 23 years in power, appeared at the same
court in the capital Harare.

He looked exhausted after the weekend in jail but managed a wan smile for
supporters packing the courtroom.

The MDC called for last week's demonstrations as a "final push" against
Mugabe, who they say is repressive and has ruined Zimbabwe's economy. But
the drive was crushed by riot police, tear gas and water cannon in a brutal
drive that the opposition said resulted in hundreds of arrests.

Tsvangirai's lawyers said they would not immediately challenge the
government's effort to bring a second treason case against their client but
were trying to get him freed on bail.

Tsvangirai, back in police custody after Monday's hearing, was expected to
return to the High Court on Tuesday for a hearing on his bail application.
His trial on the existing treason charge was postponed until Wednesday.

Police said Ncube was also due back in court on Tuesday.

Mugabe has said he will not buckle in the face of the opposition challenge,
which he said was being organised by his enemies in London and Washington.

Britain and the United States have led condemnation of Mugabe's government,
and particularly its policy of seizing white-owned farms for distribution to
landless blacks.

The farm crisis, which has seen some of the country's most fertile land left
fallow, has helped push Zimbabwe's economy to the brink of collapse with
food and fuel shortages, soaring inflation and desperately high
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Washington Post

Turning Africa Around

By David Ignatius
Tuesday, June 10, 2003; Page A21

PARIS -- For an early look at what the writer Robert Kaplan has described as
"the coming anarchy," you need only read the daily news reports out of
Africa. They refute the quaint Hegelian notion that history always moves
forward; in Africa, it has been running in reverse for the past two decades.

Things are so bad in Africa that Americans are even willing to allow
themselves to be rescued by the French military. That edifying spectacle
took place Monday, as French helicopters began airlifting stranded Americans
from the besieged Liberian capital of Monrovia to a French ship offshore. A
chorus of the Marseillaise, please.

Meanwhile, French troops are struggling to contain civil wars in Congo and
Ivory Coast, rioters are protesting the despotic rule of Robert Mugabe in
Zimbabwe, and the president of Liberia has just been indicted for war crimes
committed in neighboring Sierra Leone. And we still haven't mentioned the
impact of HIV-AIDS, which has become the continent's silent Holocaust.

For believers in a global market economy, Africa is the confounding
exception. In a world of rising trade flows and economic growth, Africa is
going backward. According to World Bank statistics, gross national income
per-capita in sub-Saharan Africa actually declined by 0.2 percent from 1990
to 2001. Life expectancy has decreased over the past two decades, and the
number of people living in poverty has increased steadily.

It's easy to blame globalization for Africa's nightmare, and that's
precisely the line of many of the protesters who gathered at last week's G-8
summit in Evian, France. But to me, it seems as if the protesters have it
backward: Africa's problem is not that it has too much connection to the
global economy but too little. It needs more globalization, not less.

In simple, financial terms, Africa doesn't attract enough foreign capital to
finance its development needs. Africa has about 10 percent of the world's
population, but in 2001, it received only about 1 percent of the world's
foreign direct investment. For sub-Saharan Africa, the investment share was
only 0.7 percent, and most of that was invested in petroleum and mining.

Global aid agencies such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund
have been trying emergency therapy for a generation, but none of it will
work until Africa has the capital to generate growth and development on its
own. Then, at last, the virtuous cycle of development can begin.

But how to get Africa moving in the right direction? The most sensible
suggestions I've seen recently are about to be released by a blue-ribbon
group called the Commission on Capital Flows to Africa. The chairman is
James Harmon, an investment banker who headed the U.S. Export-Import Bank
during the Clinton administration.

The commission's basic premise is that until private capital begins to flow
into Africa, none of the hand-wringing and aid pledges that are an annual
feature of G-8 summits (including Evian) will make any lasting difference.
The commission argues instead for changes that will increase the return on
capital invested in Africa -- and thereby begin to make such investment more

A draft of the commission's final report that was leaked to me outlines a
10-year program for putting the African economies into forward gear, rather
than reverse. The group stresses putting "globalization" to work as a
reality, rather than a slogan.

The recommendations include a proposal for all products from Africa to enter
the United States duty-free and quota-free. That's discriminatory and unfair
to other nations, but so what? Africa needs some positive discrimination.
The commission will also recommend that the United States negotiate
free-trade agreements with individual African countries and a free-trade
zone within southern Africa.

Perhaps most important, the commission will urge that over the next 10
years, U.S. taxes would be zero for repatriated profits on new investments i
n Africa by U.S. companies. That would instantly make investing in Africa
more attractive.

The commission estimates that if coupled with local African tax reforms, an
overall reduction in business taxes of 10 percentage points could lead to a
20 percent to 40 percent increase in non-energy investment in Africa -- or
an extra $800 million to $1.6 billion annually.

For every dollar lost to the U.S. Treasury, the commission calculates, there
would be a benefit to Africans of five dollars. That's the kind of tax cut I
can get excited about -- one that benefits poor children in Africa.

Globalization is an inescapable and, to me, benign fact of life. But that
case will be clearer when its magic finally touches Africa.
© 2003 The Washington Post Company
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