Reuters
Thu Jun 19,
2008 10:19am BST
By Cris Chinaka
HARARE (Reuters) - South
African President Thabo Mbeki has urged Zimbabwe's
leader Robert Mugabe to
cancel next week's presidential run-off vote and
negotiate a deal with the
opposition, South Africa's Business Day newspaper
said on
Thursday.
Mbeki met Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai
separately in
Zimbabwe on Wednesday to try to mediate an end to an
increasingly violent
crisis.
Mugabe stands accused by opponents,
Western countries and human rights
groups of orchestrating a campaign of
killings and intimidation to keep his
28-year hold on power in the once
prosperous country whose economy is now in
ruins.
Business Day, a
respected financial daily, quoted unnamed sources as saying
that Mbeki tried
to set up a meeting between Mugabe and Tsvangirai -- their
first ever -- but
did not receive a firm commitment from Zimbabwe's
president.
It said
Mbeki attempted to convince Mugabe and Tsvangirai to form a
government of
national unity.
Mugabe lost the first round vote to Tsvangirai on March
29, but the
opposition leader did not get the outright majority needed to
avoid a second
round, according to official results.
Mbeki met with
Mugabe for 3-1/2 hours in Zimbabwe's second biggest city,
Bulawayo, on
Wednesday night but made no comment to reporters after the
talks.
OPPOSITION SEES FARCE
Business Day reported that
Movement for Democratic Change leader Tsvangirai
agreed to meet Mugabe and
told Mbeki that any run-off would be a farce.
"Tsvangirai said the runoff
would be a sham because he has not been allowed
to campaign, his party
officials and supporters are being arrested, harassed
and killed," Business
Day quoted a source as saying.
Tsvangirai's MDC said on Thursday it had
launched an urgent court
application to appeal against a state ban on its
advertisements and media
cover of the party's run-off
campaign.
Spokesman George Sibotshiwe said the party had been told by the
Zimbabwe
Broadcast Corp. and Zimpapers that the state media organisations
had been
instructed not to accept opposition campaign advertisements or
report on the
party's campaign.
There was no immediate comment from
ZBC or the Zimbabwe Newspapers group.
Mbeki, who has led regional
mediation efforts in Zimbabwe, has been
criticised for his quiet diplomatic
approach that has failed to end a
political and economic crisis that has
driven millions of people into
neighbouring states.
Mugabe blames his
foes for the violence and has threatened to arrest
opposition leaders over
the troubles. Tsvangirai's party says at least 66
people have been killed by
ZANU-PF supporters.
The United States and former colonial power Britain
also accuse Mugabe of
trying to intimidate opponents.
(Writing By
Marius Bosch; Editing by Matthew Tostevin)
Times Online
June 19, 2008
Jenny Booth
The bodies of four opposition activists are
reported to have been found near
the Zimbabwean capital Harare this morning,
as violence escalates ahead of
next week's election.
The Movement for
Democratic Change, Zimbabwe's main opposition party, said
that four of its
youth members were abducted on Tuesday. Their bodies were
found discarded in
different places around Chitungwiza, southeast of Harare.
The deaths come
hours after Thabo Mbeki, the South African President, flew
to Zimbabwe to
urge Mr Mugabe to cancel next week's vote and negotiate a
deal with the
opposition in a bid to control the violence.
The MDC said that latest
bodies brought to around 70 the total number of its
activists, their spouses
and children who have been murdered by Zimbabwe's
security forces and
government supporters since the first round of the
presidential election on
March 29 failed to yield a conclusive result.
Nelson Chamisa, an MDC
spokesman, said that the party suspected that the
latest victims had been
beaten to death after being attacked at a local
councillor's residence by
youth supporters of President Mugabe's Zanu-PF
party, armed with clubs and
whips.
"Now it's about 70 we've lost," said Mr Chamisa. "The situation in the
country is getting worse. A free and fair election is
impossible."
The MDC says the ruling party unleashed an army-led campaign
of intimidation
against opposition voters after the first vote, in which its
party leader
Morgan Tsvangirai defeated Mr Mugabe but fell short of an
outright majority.
Mr Tsvangirai has said that Zimbabwe is now run by what
is essentially a
"military junta".
Until the last week the violence
has mainly been confined to rural areas,
but the most recent attacks have
taken mob action from poor townships into
prosperous suburbia.
In the
past week, the wives of at least three MDC officials has been
murdered.
Abigail Chitoro, 27, the wife of Harare's recently elected MDC
mayor, was so
badly beaten by the mob that dragged her and her four-year-old
son from
their home that even her brother-in-law struggled to identify the
body. The
clothes she was wearing, her distinctive haircut and the blindfold
that Zanu
(PF) supporters forced her to wear as they firebombed her home
gave the only
clue to her identity. The child was dumped alive at a police
station.
The UN has blamed Mr Mugabe's supporters for most of the
attacks.
Mr Mugabe, however, has blamed the MDC for the mounting violence
ahead of
the June 27 run-off, and has threatened to arrest opposition
leaders over
it.
Mr Mbeki met Mr Mugabe and Mr Tsvangirai separately
in Zimbabwe yesterday to
try to mediate an end to the increasingly violent
crisis.
South Africa's Business Day newspaper, a respected financial
daily, quoted
unnamed sources as saying that Mr Mbeki tried to set up a
meeting between
the pair - their first ever - but did not receive a firm
commitment from
Zimbabwe's president.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
June 19, 2008
By Owen
Chikari
MASVINGO - Thousands of policemen went to the polls countrywide
yesterday at
the beginning of postal voting ahead of the presidential
election which is
scheduled for Friday, June 27.
They voted under the
watchful eye of their superiors amid reports that the
Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission (ZEC) has engaged war veterans and ruling
party militiamen as
polling officers for the June 27 presidential run-off.
Observers say the
voting of policemen under the supervision of their
superiors will give
President Robert Mugabe, who lost the original
presidential election, unfair
advantage.
In a clear case of vote-rigging, all police officers yesterday
started
voting in the presence of their superiors, who have publicly pledged
their
support for Mugabe and his ruling Zanu-PF party.
"We started
voting yesterday and the process will continue until Friday,"
said Inspector
Kenias Mushaya of Masvingo central police station. "There was
no secrecy
during the voting process since our superiors were watching
closely to
ensure that one votes for President Mugabe."
The rest of Zimbabwe votes
in one day on Friday.
In Masvingo, police officers cast their votes in front
of the officer
commanding Masvingo province Assistant Commissioner Mekia
Tanyanyiwa and
another senior officer only identified as senior assistant
commissioner
Magejo from Police General Headquarters in Harare.
It
also emerged yesterday that ZEC has recruited war veterans and ruling
Zanu-PF militiamen as polling officers during the forth-coming
poll.
Teachers and other civil servants who were polling officers during
the March
29 harmonised polls have been largely dispensed with, under
accusation that
they played a significant role in Mugabe's defeat by the MDC
candidate,
Morgan Tsvangirai, during the first round.
War veterans
and youth militia have unleashed a reign of terror in the rural
districts of
Zimbabwe to strengthen Mugabe's prospects of victory,
especially in former
Zanu-PF strongholds that defected to the MDC in March.
ZEC spokesman
Utloile Silaigwana yesterday confirmed the developments but
denied that the
electoral body wanted to rig the polls in favour of the
84-year old
Mugabe.
Said Silaigwana :"Police officers have started casting their
votes today.
There is nothing sinister about this, since all political
players were
appraised about these postal votes".
Turning to the
issue of engaging war veterans and youth militias as polling
officers
Slaigwana said: " As you are aware that some people who were
engaged last
time ended up in court for different offences it is ZEC's
feeling that such
people should not be retained.
"We have recruited new staff where we feel
those who were engaged last time
did not do a good job. However, we do not
ask people we engage about their
backgrounds. If there are war veterans or
youth militias among those
recruited we cannot dismiss them because of
that.
"What we need are people who will do the job accordingly; just
that."
Zimbabweans go to the polls on June 27 to elect the country's next
president. A bloody and murderous election campaign period has rendered a
free and fair hardly possible.
Mugabe will lock horns with Tsvangirai
of the MDC for the second time in
three months. Tsvangirai won the first
election in March, but not by a clear
enough majority for form the next
government. Meanwhile Mugabe's Zanu-PF
succumbed to its first electoral
defeat since independence in 1980.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
June 19, 2008
By Our
Correspondents
MUTARE - The home of the father of Dr Lovemore Madhuku,
chairman of the
National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), along with 22 other
houses in the
Chipinge area were set ablaze by unidentified persons on
Wednesday.
It is understood that Mr Madhuku Senior was arrested briefly
after the
incident before being released. Efforts to obtain detailed
information from
the NCA leader were in vain.
Meanwhile, an MDC
activist is said to have died in Buhera Wednesday after
being allegedly
subjected to prolonged torture by Zanu PF militiamen, who
were wielding
guns.
The deceased, Sofia Chingozho (65) is said to have died from
injuries she
sustained last week when she was attacked by the Zanu PF
youths.
The militiamen allegedly picked out five people who included
Chingozho's
three children and an uncle and assaulted them.
All five
sustained injuries and Chingozho was taken to hospital where she
remained
until the time of her death.
The youths allegedly said they were
punishing her for being a member of the
MDC, which is now the majority party
in Parliament.
In a statement, Restoration of Human Rights (ROHR) said
Chingozho had just
attended a funeral in her rural home in Buhera North area
when she was
attacked.
ROHR is a voluntary group closely monitoring
Zimbabwe's deteriorating human
rights record in the period leading up to the
June 27 presidential run-off
election between President Robert Mugabe and
Morgan Tsvangirai of MDC.
Zanu-PF militants have reportedly sealed off
most parts of Zimbabwe's rural
areas to prevent any infiltration by town
folk, viewed as being critical of
President Mugabe's continued
rule.
Zimbabwe has seen an increase in the scale of politically motivated
violence
since Mugabe's defeat by Tsvangirai on March 29.
The MDC
claims that more than 66 of its activists have died at the hands of
hit
squads allegedly operating with the full support of the Mugabe
government.
No arrests have been made since the onset of the blood
bath which, apart
from the dead, has caused injury to more than 2 000
people.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
June 19, 2008
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) said last
night it had
instructed its lawyers to sue the Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corporation (ZBC)
and Zimbabwe Newspaper Limited (Zimpapers) over their
refusal to flight the
party's presidential run-off election campaign
advertisements.
Since President Robert Mugabe was outpolled by MDC leader
Morgan Tsvangirai,
the ZBC and Zimpapers - publishers of The Herald, The
Sunday Mail,
Chronicle, Sunday News, among other government publications,
have vehemently
refused to flight adverts of the MDC.
Observers have
criticized the move as a fragrant disregard of the Southern
African
Development Community (SADC) principles and guidelines on holding
elections
in a democracy.
Under the principles and guidelines agreed by SADC heads
of state and
government in Mauritius in 1997, all political parties and
their candidates
must be given access to the public media during the run-up
to the polls. "We
have since instructed our lawyers to make it a legal
issue," Luke
Tamborinyoka, the MDC director of information and publicity,
told the
Zimbabwe Times last night.
"We paid upfront for the adverts
in both the ZBC and Zimpapers but they have
failed to screen our adverts. We
paid ZBC Z$30 trillion and The Herald more
than Z$30 trillion for our
adverts in the run-up to the run-off. Today I had
two separate meetings with
senior executives at both institutions who said
they had instructions from
the top not to flight our adverts they are now
talking about refunding
us.
Tamborinyoka said: "The bottom line is that these two public
institutions
are failing to conform with the minimum standards of SADC and
the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission (ZEC) which require that all political
players in an
election must be given access to the public
media."
Selby Hwacha, the lawyer contacted by the MDC to take ZBC and
Zimpapers, to
court confirmed he had received instructions from the
opposition party. "I
am working on the matter and will be writing ZBC and
Zimpapers our intention
to sue them for prejudicing the client," said
Hwacha.
In the run-up to the disputed March 29 elections, Tsvangirai and
his MDC,
which wrestled control of Parliament from Mugabe, were given some
measure of
coverage in the state media, both print and
broadcasting.
It is understood George Charamba, Mugabe's spokesman who
doubles as the
permanent secretary in the ministry of information and
publicity, issued the
instructions banning MDC and Tsvangirai
adverts.
Charamba has also been instrumental in the purge at ZBC, which
saw Henry
Muradzikwa being dismissed as chief executive officer at the
public
broadcaster for allegedly failing to campaign for Mugabe. Eight other
senior
journalists have been suspended pending dismissal
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
June 19, 2008
Tanonoka Whande
I HAVE
always wondered what it is that makes South African president Thabo
Mbeki so
irrational when it comes to his dealings with Zimbabwean dictator
Robert
Mugabe.
In the face of the most outrageous behaviour of murder, plunder,
abuse of
citizens, not to mention the rape of the economy, Mbeki still finds
it worth
his while to shield Mugabe.
But there is a very interesting
chorus wafting across Africa's airwaves
these days and Botswana's Ian Khama
is holding the bandleader's truncheon.
African presidents, with the
exception of Mbeki, are now making pejorative
remarks about the Zimbabwean
dictator; remarks that nobody ever thought
would be made by the current crop
of leaders, considering the exaggerated
awe and garish reverence African
presidents used to bestow on Mugabe.
While some continue to hum, others
are not only singing out loud but are
putting it in writing. The anti-Mugabe
verbal barrage is picking up
momentum.
"When I hear these people
trying to demonise President Mugabe, I say you can't
demonise a leader of
the liberation struggle and expect support from us. You
are just stupid,"
that was Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni in April 2005.
Museveni, one
of Mugabe's staunchest supporters and who was then on a state
visit to
Zimbabwe, went on to say that elections were the bane of African
governments
and added that elections were a very bad idea that Africans
should not
bother with.
"Regime change does not work in Africa and Britain is
responsible for some
of the continent's troubles," he declared.
Even
early this year, Museveni accepted accolades heaped on him by a fellow
despot, Libyan Muammar al-Gaddafi.
Putting Museveni on the same
pedestal with Mugabe, Gaddafi said leaders like
Museveni and Mugabe should
be allowed to rule forever.
"In Uganda we have Museveni, in Zimbabwe, we
have Mugabe. They are real
African leaders," Gaddafi said when he visited
Uganda in March this year.
"They are serious. They should stay. Such leaders
should not go. They should
not be disturbed by elections."
Less than
two weeks after this obviously stupid praise singing, Botswana had
a new
president, Ian Khama, who jolted SADC and its Chairman, Zambian
President
Levy Mwanawasa, into action by demanding that the situation in
Zimbabwe be
addressed.
Mwanawasa had, at one time, likened the situation in Zimbabwe
to that of the
Titanic. He now has company.
For the last several
weeks, the Botswana government has been leading an
onslaught on Mugabe,
particularly over the meaningless arrests and violence
against innocent
civilians. For some time now, every week Botswana has been
sending signed
statements to media houses denouncing specific events in
Zimbabwe during the
previous week.
This, I am afraid to say, is unheard of in Africa. And
it's welcome.
All of a sudden, South Africa's Thabo Mbeki appears
outdated and well
overtaken by events as, one by one, African leaders accept
the reality in
Zimbabwe and are now speaking out.
"If he loses
elections he must go. How can you stay without winning
elections? It's
impossible," Uganda's Yoweri Museveni told the BBC's Network
Africa
programme this week, arguing that it is important for Mugabe to have
"the
permission of the population" if he's to stay at the helm.
Fresh from a
visit to South Africa, Kenyan Prime Minister, Raila Odinga,
reiterated his
criticism of African leaders and their silence on Mugabe.
"It is a grave
indictment on our leadership that an African country can hold
elections and
fail to announce results for one month yet no country raises a
finger. We
must learn to own our problems and take responsibility," Odinga
said. "How
do you conduct a re-run when you do not even have the results?"
Odinga
said Mbeki should speak more strongly against what he called
'impunity in
Zimbabwe.'
"Zimbabwe is an eyesore on the African continent," he said on
Tuesday. "I'm
sad that so many heads of state in Africa have remained quiet
when disaster
is looming in Zimbabwe."
Odinga went further and urged
Mugabe to step down.
"Seeing that many sitting presidents still drag
their feet when it comes to
what is happening in Zimbabwe, a group of former
African presidents were
signatories to a letter demanding " an end to
violence and intimidation.".
"We are deeply troubled by the current
reports of intimidation, harassment
and violence," say the leaders in an
open letter published on Friday.
Some of the signatories include one time
Mugabe friends and supporters like
Jerry Rawlings of Ghana, Benjamin Mkapa
of Tanzania and Joaquim Chissano of
Mozambique.
It also has signatures of
those who suffered in silence, like Botswana's
Ketumile Masire and his
successor, Festus Mogae.
Yet were it not for the likes of Mkapa and
Chissano, Mugabe might not have
gone as far as he has. They are clearly
partly responsible for the chaos in
Zimbabwe because their support and
silence as Mugabe increased his murderous
reign encouraged
him.
Regrettably, it was the political etiquette of African leaders in
those
degenerate days. But see where we are now.
Be that as it may,
even though some of the signatories are former heads of
state, their
statement puts some pressure on current presidents of their
respective
countries not to accept what Mugabe is doing and to say it out
loud. The
African presidents are assaulting Mbeki's 'silent diplomacy'.
Ian Khama
is not bothered, he started the whole thing but, for example,
Jakaya Kikwete
of Tanzania and Armando Geubuza of Mozambique cannot keep
quiet anymore
after their predecessors have come out in the open against
Mugabe.
Mbeki has been mutedly expressing token concern over the
violence being
perpetrated by Mugabe for some time but even so, his own
emissaries' reports
of gross abuse and murder of innocent people do not seem
to move him.
What is it that Mugabe is holding over Mbeki that forces
Mbeki, having
ascended to such a lofty position of power, not to worry about
his own
legacy, especially considering that he hardly achieved anything
worthy of
mention?
Is it possible that Mugabe is blackmailing Mbeki
about something nobody
knows about.yet?
Or is it that Mbeki is
teaching us that regardless of the number of people a
friend hacks to death,
a friend remains more important than self?
Yes, I declare, evil is
intelligent.
Reuters
Thu 19 Jun
2008, 7:54 GMT
HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's opposition MDC has launched
an urgent court
action to appeal a state-media ban on its advertisements and
cover of the
party ahead of next week's presidential run-off election, a
spokesman said
on Thursday.
"We have launched an urgent High Court
application to appeal against a ban
by both the ZBC (Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corp) and Zimbabwe Newspapers Group
(Zimpapers) to take our campaign adverts
and to cover us," MDC spokesman
George Sibotshiwe told
Reuters.
Sibotshiwe said the MDC has been informed by both ZBC and
Zimpapers that the
media organisations have been instructed not to accept
opposition campaign
advertisements or to report on the party's
campaign.
There was no immediate comment from the ZBC, the Zimbabwe
Newspapers
group -- publishers of the country's main daily and weekly
newspapers -- or
the ministry of information.
-- Bev Clark The Kubatana Trust of Zimbabwe and The NGO Network Alliance Project PO Box GD 376 Greendale Harare Zimbabwe Tel: +263-4-776008/746448 Fax: +263-4-746418 Email: admin@kubatana.org.zw Website: www.kubatana.net Visit www.kubatana.net Zimbabwe's civic and human rights web site incorporating an online directory for the non-profit sector
The Monitor
(Kampala)
OPINION
19 June 2008
Posted to the web 19 June
2008
Prof. Charles R. Larson
Democracies--as we all know--are
not supposed to push out foreign leaders.
But what did the United States do
with Saddam Hussein? And what about the
CIA and Patrice Lumumba back in
1961? And what about those cigars that were
supposed to take out Fidel
Castro?
Americans know that there are other instances when their country
has aided
local insurgents to overthrow a leader who dared thumb his nose at
the
United States-- let alone his own people. So the idea that the America
can't
"take out" a foreign leader is as two-faced as everything else our
government professes to identify as verboten.
Remember what was
said about invading Iraq and disposing of Saddam Hussein?
The people would
welcome us with flowers. Well, I think I can say with some
authority that
the citizens of Zimbabwe (the 75% who remain, minus the tiny
minority of
thugs who are part of the military and ZANU-PF) would welcome us
with open
arms if we dared correct one of the most miserable and inhumane
situations
in the world today.
Unfortunately, flowers are about all that the people
of Zimbabwe have to
fight against Mugabe's tortuous regime. The citizens are
not armed, as they
are in so many other African nations, but Mugabe's
henchmen are.
The people are exhausted after watching virtually
everything in their lives
disappear: jobs, healthcare, education, food,
sanity. Moreover, if what is
happening in the country today is not a form of
genocide (not as a result of
ethnicity, but of political affiliation), then
those of us who silently
watch the atrocities continue have lost our
perspective. The situation in
Zimbabwe (food used as a political weapon,
AIDS, starvation, and now Western
diplomats being attacked) is as grim as it
is in Darfur.
As recently as ten years ago, Zimbabwe was a beautiful
country. Almost
everything seemed to work. The beggars on the street were
not destitute but
part of an honourable tradition of seeking aid because
they are afflicted,
the less-fortunate. The country grew enough food not
only for its own
citizens but for neighbouring areas.
Inflation,
though gradually increasing, was far from the current 150,000%
level of
recent months. Moreover, the country had a robust economy, a
pretence of
democracy, even a thriving intellectual community thanks to the
country's
vigorous educational system.
Yes, too much land was owned by Europeans
but that issue looked as if it
could be addressed rationally rather than by
Mugabe's crony system that
stole land from one elite group to give to
another. Even the AIDS pandemic
might have been thwarted if everything else
had not fallen apart.
The Bush administration is steadfast in charging
governments with harbouring
terrorists, linking others into networks of
evil, and believing that
democracy is our most appealing export. In truth,
this administration's
defining characteristics have been incompetence,
mendacity, and
embarrassment.
And the suffering in Zimbabwe--one of
the worst situations in the world but
also one of the most easily
corrected--will once again haunt the West for
lack of something called
leadership.
The writer is professor of Literature at American University
in Washington.
The Nation
(Nairobi)
19 June 2008
Posted to the web 19 June
2008
Kezio-Musoke David
Kigali
Rwanda's President Paul Kagame
has criticised the current situation in
Zimbabwe saying 'it is a
failure'.
Addressing his second presidential press conference since the
year began, Mr
Kagame said: "First of all there is a failure by Africans and
others to
address the problems of Zimbabwe. I am saying this because of what
is
obvious, a serious problem in Zimbabwe."
Referring to
Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe, Mr Kagame said, "If
somebody stands up
boldly and says, whether the other side wins or not he
shall still hold on
to power, why make a fuss about elections then? Why
don't you just say I am
in power and I am here to stay and then try to
justify that?
The
whole thing is just a joke." The Rwandan president, Mr Kagame in his
address
to the press also questioned why Zimbabwe's current leadership is
trying to
give the impression that there is a democracy in the southern
African
country yet it has openly declared it won't hand over power.
According to
media reports President Mugabe, while recently campaigning for
re-election,
warned he would not cede power to Western-backed opponents.
"We shed a
lot of blood for this country. We are not going to give up our
country for a
mere X on a ballot. How can a ballpoint pen fight with a gun?"
the Herald, a
government mouthpiece, quoted Mr Mugabe as saying.
The Zimbabwean
Thursday, 19
June 2008 08:50
ON MONDAY, the United Nations (UN) assistant
secretary-general for
political affairs, Haile Menkerios, flew into Zimbabwe
at the start of a
five-day visit to discuss the political situation in the
country and coming
presidential election, writes Nicole Fritz in Business
Day, Johannesburg.
Although no clear terms of reference for this
visit have been
settled - a UN spokeswoman said as recently as last Thursday
that they "were
still being finalised" - and Menkerios is said not to be
acting in any
"special envoy" capacity, it represents the surest sign yet of
the UN's
growing alarm at the Zimbabwean crisis.
So, what might
Menkerios do while there? No doubt, he must observe
diplomatic protocol,
paying a visit to State House to thank his hosts for
their hospitality and
entertaining their views on what has transpired. But
we must hope he goes
his own way after these rites.
A first priority every morning might
be checking in at Matapi police
station in Mbare, to confirm that Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC)
secretary-general Tendai Biti, arrested last
week as he arrived back in the
country, remains alive and well.
Concern here is warranted: Matapi is where numerous Zimbabwe Congress
of
Trade Union (ZCTU) and MDC activists have been tortured and the Zimbabwe
Supreme Court has condemned it as "unfit for human habitation".
Yet while there's much else to do in Harare, Menkerios will want to
concentrate his time in the provinces of Mashonaland East, West and Central
and Manicaland and Masvingo. This is where much of the postelection
violence - characterised by abductions, killing, beatings, looting and
destruction of property - has occurred.
There, he'll want to
meet religious leaders, faith-based
organisations, women's groups, health
workers and teachers about their
postelection experiences and the nature and
extent of the violence they've
observed.
He'll want to visit
hospitals such as Howard Mission, Mvurwi District
and Bindura Hospital in
Mashonaland Central - in fact, any of the rural
district hospitals - where
he's likely to find a large number of the most
recent victims of the
political violence.
He'll want to collect copies of medical records
and death
certificates, putting paid to all the talk of "alleged killings"
and
"alleged assaults". He'll also want to go to Mayo in Manicaland to see
for
himself the destruction of property and displacement of communities.
There,
he'll find the remains of 40 homesteads, burnt to the ground,
together with
all the food storage facilities in the village.
If he's brave - and it really will require courage given the recent
attacks
on diplomats in Zimbabwe - he'll insist on being taken to inspect
Tendai
Hall in Bindura, a Zanu (PF) base for youth militias being deployed
to
harass and intimidate local communities, and also a torture centre.
In Manicaland, he'll ask to see Odzi Country Club in Mutare, and the
Nyanga
Country Club and Ruwange business centre in Nyanga district. In
Mashonaland
East, he'll visit the Dumuyera shopping centre. All have
similarly been
turned into militia bases and torture centres.
Back in Harare,
he'll want to visit any of the larger state-run
hospitals, where the most
serious casualties of the political violence have
been transferred, such as
the three men who were set alight two weeks ago in
Zaka, a village southeast
of Harare.
In Harare, it's inevitable that he'll meet the heads of
the two main
political parties, but perhaps Menkerios might request that he
call upon
them at their respective headquarters.
At Harvest
House, the MDC's headquarters, he's likely to encounter
hundreds of people
camping out in the offices, having fled the violence
engulfing their
communities. In Zanu (PF)'s headquarters, things are likely
to be much less
chaotic - the blood that was shed by Zimbabwe Progressive
Teachers Union
members, who were taken there and beaten two weeks before the
March 29
election, long since wiped away.
Menkerios will also want to stop
by the Zimbabwe Election Commission's
command centre in Harare. The deadline
for the application for postal votes
will have passed and Menkerios, like
any member of the public, will be
entitled to examine the list of
applications received.
There isn't any lawful reason to anticipate
a larger number of
applications for the presidential election than for the
harmonised elections
of March 29, for which about 8000 applications were
received and 3600
approved.
Yet if there is a far larger
number, Menkerios will want to make
further inquiries to ensure that the
postal ballot system is not being
abused, as so many fear, to secure
President Robert Mugabe tens of thousands
of illegal votes.
He
will also want to inquire about the reasons for the delay in
accrediting
domestic electoral observers, knowing that continued delay only
makes it
less likely that sufficient numbers of domestic electoral observers
can be
mobilised to be in place at all 9231 polling stations.
While this
seems a lot to ask of Menkerios, it is in fact in keeping
with the precedent
set by his colleague, Anna Kajumulo Tibaijuka, UN special
envoy on human
settlement issues in Zimbabwe. Her visit to Zimbabwe in 2005
to investigate
the effects of the government's notorious Operation
Murambatsvina involved
discussion with numerous different parties and
groups.
It
resulted in a report that concluded the government's actions had
been
carried out in "an indiscriminate and unjustified manner, with
indifference
to human suffering and, in repeated cases, with disregard to
several
provisions of national and international legal frameworks".
A
similarly independent and frank assessment of the postelection,
pre-runoff
environment by Menkerios might lay the groundwork for more
decisive action
by the UN. Of course, however hard-hitting Menkerios's
report, there are
those - SA's government chief among them - who will resist
all efforts at
greater UN involvement.
Interestingly, while Menkerios once served
as an Eritrean ambassador,
a UN spokeswoman confirmed that he enjoyed South
African citizenship at
present.
If that is true, Menkerios, in
his capacity as a South African
citizen, not a UN representative, might want
to ask President Thabo Mbeki
and SA's representatives to the UN why it is
that they act so resolutely to
defeat UN Security Council action on
Zimbabwe.
It can't be that they fear such action will imperil their
own
mediation efforts. The arrest of Biti last week, despite assurances to
SA's
government by their Zimbabwean counterparts that he would be safe on
his
return home, must conclusively establish that mediation with a
duplicitous
Zanu (PF) leadership will never amount to much.
More poignantly, he might ask Mbeki and UN ambassador Dumisani Kumalo
why it
is that South Africans' suffering and human rights violations
mattered
enough to justify UN Security Council action all those years ago,
but today
that of Zimbabweans does not.
Yet that, perhaps, is a question that
all South African citizens are
equally well placed to ask.
Fritz is the director of the Southern Africa Litigation Centre.
Front Page Magazine
By Mark
D. Tooley
FrontPageMagazine.com | Thursday, June 19, 2008
Having
recently replaced a predecessor who was a pro-Mugabe flunky, the new
Anglican bishop of Harare is denouncing the geriatric dictator's endless
tyranny.
"We, the Anglican Church of the Diocese of Harare (CPCA) are
shocked and
dismayed by the continuous Police interference with Sunday
services and the
increased brutality causing casualties," Bishop Sebastian
Bakare recently
wrote. "Many of our Parishioners were assaulted and beaten,
several of our
parishioners of St Monica's Church in Chitungwiza were
brutally assaulted
and had to be admitted to hospital."
Late last
year Bakare replaced pro Mugabe enthusiast Nolbert Kunonga as
Bishop of
Harare. With support from Mugabe's police, Kunonga still kept
Bakare from
being officially installed in Zimbabwe's Anglican Cathedral
early this
year. So Bakare's investiture was in a sports stadium, with 15
other
bishops present in support.
Kunonga was officially excommunicated by the
church on May 12. Not
surprisingly, Kunonga was a former lecturer on
Liberation Theology in the
U.S., where perhaps he learned that Mugabe was a
divine agent of Zimbabwe's
salvation. After becoming bishop in Zimbabwe,
Kunonga removed all memorial
plaques in Harare's cathedral that honored
Zimbabwean and Rhodesian soldiers
before Mugabe's election, including World
War II soldiers. All had been
apparently instruments of British
imperialism. In recent years, as Mugabe's
enormities worsened, Kunonga was
cited for openly inciting violence against
Mugabe's enemies.
Last
month, the Zimbabwe Supreme Court, still exercising some autonomy,
refused
Kunonga's appeal to be reinstalled as Anglican chief in Harare.
Starting the
following Sunday, Mugabe's police locked up all the Anglican
churches. Some
church goers who ignored the lock down were beaten, while
many others
worshipped in the open air in defiance of Mugabe's intimidation.
"The
police officers do not only prevent but beat, harass and arrest us
having
declared our church premises no-go areas," Bishop Bakare reported.
"Today in
Zimbabwe the rule of law has been greatly compromised. That leaves
us with
no recourse to ensure that our members can freely and peacefully
exercise
their constitutional rights of worship without harassment." The
bishop
pledged that his churches would continue their ministry and would
continue
to seek redress through Zimbabwe's courts, no matter how Mugabe's
gendarmerie continue to disregard the law.
Bishop Bakare appealed
directly to Zimbabwean police to "let sanity prevail
and refrain from
harassing and brutalizing Anglican Christians in Harare
Diocese." Whatever
their response, he promised: "We will never cease to
worship. We also
believe, whether the Police like it or not, God will
intervene, maybe not
today and not tomorrow but in His own time. We will
rejoice when this
happens."
Understandably, Bishop Bakare recalled the "beast" about whom
the Book of
Revelation prophesied. "Rest assured that the principalities
and powers of
this world come and go, but the God who is Alpha and Omega
remains to
achieve His purpose to save humanity, in spite of the challenges
put before
us by the beast," the bishop insisted. "Our lives as Christians
will always
have security in Christ and not in the powers of this
world."
Bishop Bakare's stirring defiance of Mugabe must have come as an
unpleasant
change for the dictator, who was accustomed to Bakare's toady
predecessor.
The now excommunicated Bishop Kunonga had claimed Mugabe's
presidency was
divinely ordained and had made rumblings about pulling
Zimbabwe's Anglicans
out of the Anglican communion, in solidarity with
Mugabe.
According to Episcopal News Service, Bishop of Massachusetts
Thomas Shaw
recently visited Zimbabwe and was awed by the Anglican's
resistance to
Mugabe's intimidation. Shaw related one incident in which 80
or 90 riot
police began beating the church pews of one congregation and
ended by
beating parishioners, who responded with hymn singing and
prayers. The
Massachusetts bishop knew of at least one imprisoned priest.
More commonly,
he said, the police are seizing the churches' vehicles,
preventing clergy
from visiting their widely dispersed flock.
In
solidarity with Bishop Bakare, all of the other Anglican bishops in the
Central African province denounced Mugabe in early June. "We are alarmed
that a government can perpetrate irresponsible acts against its citizens by
destroying people's homes, torturing and killing for the simple reason that
they did not vote 'correctly," the prelates announced. "We fear that the
Presidential Run-Off elections on 27th June 2008 could witness a repeat of
retribution of those who would have not voted 'correctly.'" Specifically
citing the Mugabe regime's torment of the Anglican churches in Zimbabwe, the
bishops observed that Mugabe's oppression "mirrors the persecution of
Christians of the Early Church and in this context we remind the
perpetrators that then as now God still triumphs over
evil."
Predictably, Mugabe's regime and his ousted ecclesial supporter,
the
excommunicated Bishop Kunonga, have pronounced that the Anglican
churches
are instruments of British imperialism. Bishop Bakare and his
fellow
Anglicans are not likely to be intimidated by the usual flak from a
now
sinking despot.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
June 19, 2008
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - Zimbabwe will require more than political reform
to fix its
comatose economy, says a leading African financial
institution.
South Africa's Standard Bank Group disclosed this week that
the
reconstruction of the troubled country would need more than just
political
reform because of the complexities of the economic
crisis.
The pan-African financial institution which operates a commercial
bank in
Zimbabwe ruled out any quick recovery of the collapsed economy
because of
the government crackdown on dissent, high rates of inflation and
a hard
currency squeeze.
"Zimbabwe's political landscape continues to
be one of repression of
opposition, limited freedom of speech and press,
patronage and ethnic-based
politics and complete erosion of domestic
institutions.
"Overall, any genuine policy discussion depends on the
outcome of the
run-off presidential election. Investor confidence is also at
its lowest and
most international businesses and the donor community are
waiting for a
change in government before they re-engage with the
country.
"However, political changes alone will not be enough as strong
and coherent
macroeconomic policies will be necessary to rebuild what used
to be Africa's
model economy," reads part of a report prepared by the
financial institution's
economic research arm.
Once a regional
bread-basket and an economic powerhouse, Zimbabwe's economy
is now a shadow
of its former self. Inflation is running at world-beating
records while
foreign currency shortages have compounded the importation of
critical raw
materials and medical supplies.
Critics blame President Robert Mugabe's
administration for mismanaging the
once economy of the once prosperous
nation. However, the octogenarian leader
denies the charges and instead
blames western governments among them former
colonial master Britain for
working with opposition groups to unseat his
government, a charge both the
western governments and the opposition deny.