'Mugabe a liar'

http://www.timeslive.co.za

ZOLI MANGENA | 19 June, 2011 03:37

A cabinet minister in Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's office, Jameson
Timba, has taken an unprecedented step to expose President Robert Mugabe and
senior Zanu-PF ministers as "liars" over the outcome of Southern Africa
Development Community (SADC) summit held in Sandton, Johannesburg, last
week.

Timba's daring move on Friday, taken in his capacity as the MDC-T secretary
for international relations and international co-operation, could trigger
fierce clashes within the tension-filled inclusive government and cabinet.

The Minister of State in Tsvangirai's office, who attended the closed
session of the Sandton summit on Zimbabwe, said Mugabe's version of events
was untrue.

Although the Sunday Times already had most of the details, Timba confirmed
the information which exposed Mugabe and his ministers as "liars". The
Sunday Times has a detailed record of what transpired, showing intense
clashes between Mugabe and SA President Jacob Zuma, the SADC facilitator on
Zimbabwe, over the Livingstone report.

The record shows that Zuma was supported by at least regional 10 leaders and
officials in the meeting, while Mugabe fought a lone battle. The information
shows that Zuma prevailed and Mugabe left with his tail between his legs.

Timba's joining-in the fray is likely to exacerbate the unfolding vicious
propaganda war between Zanu-PF and MDC-T since the summit. Mugabe and his
ministers, assisted by the pliant state-controlled media, are claiming
regional leaders "rejected" resolutions of the Livingstone summit of March
31, but records show this is not true.

SADC leaders, including the chairman, Namibian President Hifikepunye Pohamba
and Zuma, read Mugabe the riot act in March and issued a damning communiqué
which left him shocked. Last month Mugabe admitted in Windhoek that the
Livingstone communiqué was a "bombshell".

Since the Windhoek summit could not discuss Zimbabwe as Zuma was not there,
Mugabe went to Sandton itching for a fight to bully the SADC leaders into
changing their decisions, but he was stopped in his tracks.

This week, Timba took the bold step to counter the heavy-handed president.
"I attended the SADC troika meeting held at Livingstone on March 31, 2011. I
also attended the extraordinary summit of SADC held at Sandton in SA on June
12, 2011. The distortions of the outcome of the summit being peddled by some
in Zanu-PF and the public print media have reached dishonest proportions
which border on insanity .

"Before the summit, the MDC-T expected the summit to embrace the spirit and
recommendations from the troika summit at Livingstone," Timba said.

"We also expected the summit to embrace the concept of a time-bound and
task-based roadmap to free, fair and credible elections, where violence
plays no part."

Timba said Mugabe and Zanu- PF went to Sandton hoping to have the
Livingstone resolutions set aside. He said they also wanted a declaration
that the life span of the inclusive government had expired and as such the
country should hold elections this year.

"SADC refused to dance to the Zanu-PF tune and refused to commit political
infanticide by killing its own baby called Livingstone. Instead, the summit,
guided by the report from President Zuma, which included the Livingstone
resolutions and the report of the SADC committee on re-engagement with the
West as annexures, embraced the letter and spirit of Livingstone," he said.

Timba also disclosed what transpired during the closed session. "President
Zuma in his report to the summit stated and I quote: 'The report takes off
from where the last one, the summit of the organ troika on politics, defence
and security co-operation, held at Livingstone in the Republic of Zambia,
left off on March 31.That report is attached as annexure F and also carries
the troika summit communiqué'."

He said Zuma also spoke about the Joint Monitoring and Implementation
Committee and demanded an immediate end to political violence, intimidation
and harassment and any other breaches of the Global Political Agreement
(GPA).

Zuma told the summit his Sandton report was supplementary to the Livingstone
report and he went further to say: "The extraordinary summit should remember
and accept that all the annexures hereto are building blocks of the overall
report that we are presenting and, therefore, should be read at all times as
a single entity."

Timba said Zuma then made five recommendations and his report was adopted.
"Zanu-PF cannot therefore say on the one hand the Livingstone report was
rejected and on the other they were happy with the report of President Zuma
to the full summit when the Livingstone report was part of it.

"Zanu-PF also cannot say that SADC resolved to campaign for the lifting of
sanctions when that recommendation came from a report which was noted but
not endorsed. This amounts to twisted logic bordering on insanity."

ZANU (PF) is Lying on SADC Resolutions: MDC Tells Diplomats

http://www.radiovop.com/

11 hours 21 minutes ago

Harare, June 19, 2011 - The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T) led by
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai is at pains to explain and correct lies
being peddled by the state broadcaster. The MDC met with ambassadors last
Friday in an effort to dismiss lies that suggest the Livingstone summit
resolutions were thrown out at the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) summit in South Africa last Sunday.

The meeting of the MDC-T and the diplomats comes at a time when Zanu (PF)
has been claiming victory of the just ended summit.

Zanu (PF) has been spreading information that Livingstone summit which was
critical of President Robert Mugabe and his party over violence was
discarded by the Sandton meeting. The MDC has said the summit endorsed the
Livingstone summit resolutions.

The Livingstone summit by the Sadc troika on politics, security and defence
resolved that, “there must be an immediate end of violence, intimidation,
hate speech, harassment, and any other form of action that contradicts the
letter and spirit of GPA" and that "all stakeholders to the GPA should
implement all the provisions of the GPA and create a conducive environment
for peace, security, and free political activity."

Jameson Timba, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's top aide told journalists
that the meeting with the envoys is normal as the party was explaining or
reporting back to ambassadors of what transpired in Johannesburg.

"The ambassadors who attended the summit told us that they are surprised by
the levels of misinformation in the country by the media. I am happy two
thirds of the ambassadors from the continent were in Sandton and know what
the resolutions of the summit said," Timba told journalists after meeting
the ambassadors.

"There is no difference between what was adopted in Livingstone and what was
adopted in Sandton. Sandton effectively just implemented the recommendations
and resolutions of Livingstone and this came from two reports which came
from President Jacob Zuma”, said Timba.

SADC stands by Zimbabwe report

June 19
The Sunday Independent

Peter Fabricius
and Peta Thornycroft

The full summit of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in
Sandton last weekend was a setback for Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe
and his Zanu-PF party.
They had lobbied hard for the summit to rescind a highly critical report of
the SADC’s security organ troika in Livingstone, Zambia on March 31.
The Livingstone communiqué, squarely based on a report to the summit by
President Jacob Zuma, who is the Zimbabwe facilitator, had severely rebuked
Zanu-PF (though not by name) for being slow in implementing its commitments
to the Global Political Agreement (GPA) which underpins the unity
government, and for violence, arrests and intimidation of the MDC.
Though the Sandton summit only “noted” rather than “adopted” the Livingstone
communiqué, this was apparently to save a little face for Mugabe. SADC
executive secretary Dr Tomaz Salomão made it clear afterwards that the
Sandton summit had not deleted a word from the Livingstone communiqué.
And Zuma’s report to the Sandton summit, though more conciliatory than his
tough Livingstone report, also reiterated that “the Organ Troika resolution
was still relevant, that there must be an immediate end of violence,
intimidation, hate speech, harassment and any other form of action that
contradicts the letter and spirit of the GPA”.
The Sandton summit also confirmed a decision at Livingstone which Zanu-PF
had vehemently rejected, that three SADC officials should be attached to the
Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee (Jomic) set up among the
Zimbabwean parties to review GPA progress. Salomão confirmed that the three
officers would be drawn from South Africa, Zambia and Mozambique.
Yet Zuma also referred to three reports by the Zimbabwean parties’
negotiators, which he said showed some progress since Livingstone.
These were the Elections Roadmap, signed on April 22, the Review Mechanism
Report signed on April 7, a report of a workshop by the negotiators in Cape
Town on May 5 and 6, and several Jomic reports.
These reports do show some progress, but also indicate that elections –
which Zanu-PF wants this year – are still much further off as the conditions
for holding them are far from conducive.
In particular, after making some concessions on other issues, the reports
show Zanu-PF is clearly refusing to surrender any of the “hard power” –
especially the control of the security forces – which has always been
central to its dominance. For instance, the Elections Roadmap notes that
both MDC factions want the government to “instruct the security forces to
issue a public statement that they will unequivocally uphold the
constitution and respect the rule of law in the lead up to and following any
election or referendum”.
But Zanu-PF objects to this, insisting that “this is not an election matter.
Political parties have no right to direct uniformed forces to issue
political statements”.
On the related issue of violence, both MDC factions demand that the
government “end military and police abuse of the rule of law and end all
state-sponsored/sanctioned violence”.
Zanu-PF responds by denying such abuses, and demands evidence of them.
The MDCs also demand that “there should be demilitarisation; soldiers and
other security personnel have been unlawfully deployed in the country and
should thus be sent back to the barracks”.
Zanu-PF however retorts that “we deny that there are serving members of the
military doing political work” and objects to the word “demilitarisation” as
an inapplicable “war term”.
The MDCs both demand that Zimbabwe’s notorious Central Intelligence
Organisation (CIO) now operating entirely through presidential fiat should
be brought under legislative control.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s MDC (MDC-T) also demands that the unity
government must “enact an act of parliament regulating the operations of the
CIO”.
The other MDC, headed by cabinet minister Welshman Ncube (MDC-N), concurs,
adding that “this is an election issue” covered by the GPA principle that
such state institutions “do not belong to any political party and should be
impartial in their duties”.
But Zanu-PF again rejects such attempts at control, saying the CIO is
neither a GPA nor an election issue and should be resolved in the
constitution-making process.
At a workshop of the negotiators in Cape Town on May 4 and 5, there was a
“serious dispute” among the parties over the CIO, according to a report by
the facilitators.
It said that Zanu-PF claimed it was following the “British convention” of
“administrative action” rather than legislative control, in managing the
CIO.
The parties also disagree over the notorious Public Order and Security Act
(Posa) which obliges political parties to get police permission to hold
public meetings.
Both MDCs want Posa to be amended to prevent police abusing their
discretionary powers to disadvantage opposition parties.
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Power-sharing agreement on shaky ground

http://www.timeslive.co.za/

HARARE CORRESPONDENT | 19 June, 2011 03:37

The first review of the Global Political Agreement signed between President
Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and Deputy Prime Minister
Arthur Mutambara confirms the power-sharing pact is on shaky ground, a
report shows.

The damning report, "The First Review of Progress on the Implementation and
Achievements of the Priorities and Objectives Set out in the GPA", was
presented to Southern African Development Community (SADC) leaders in South
Africa last week.

The 28-page report, while acknowledging that a measure of macro-economic
stability has been achieved, says there is tension within and outside the
cabinet presided over by Mugabe.

"The end of 2010 saw a polarisation of the cabinet on a wide range of
issues. This has created a sense of tension both within and outside the
cabinet. The tension seems to arise from lack of clarity over an election
date," reads the report.

The government has failed to come up with a comprehensive, transparent and
non-partisan land audit. It is understood there are fears within the Zanu-PF
side of government that a non-partisan land audit would expose Mugabe's
controversial land reform, which largely saw his inner cabal and party
supporters grabbing the choicest farms from white farmers.

It would also expose multiple farm ownership by his loyalists and party
supporters. The report also reveals that the inclusive government has failed
to set up a land commission.

While some semblance of macro-economic stability has been achieved, with
food and basic commodities readily available in supermarkets, major
challenges remain, mainly arising from the country's sovereign debt, lack of
foreign investment inflows, obsolete equipment, non-performance of enablers
(electricity, water, etc), high unemployment levels and high poverty levels.

"Internal debate and discourse on sanctions and the way forward remain
extremely polarised," reads the report.

It noted that International Monetary Fund voting rights have been restored;
travel bans on some Zanu-PF officials have been lifted and sanctions over
some companies have been lifted. "But the overall objective (to lift
sanctions) has not been achieved," it says.

The European Union and the United States slammed Mugabe and about 200
members of his inner circle, citing electoral fraud and human rights abuses
between 2000 and 2002.

Both the EU and the US have refused to unconditionally remove the targeted
measures, citing the failure by Mugabe to fully implement the GPA. He has
refused to appoint governors as agreed under the GPA, among other
outstanding issues.

The Organ for National Healing, Reconciliation and Integration has failed in
its mandate despite being run by three co-ministers drawn from Zanu-PF and
the two MDC formations.

It is revealed that there is no consensus among political parties on which
organ should determine national hero status on deceased persons.

It further shows that the two MDC formations complain of closure of
democratic space, in particular from the beginning of this year. However,
the report notes this is being disputed by Zanu-PF, adding that Zanu-PF is
still denied access to electorate in the Diaspora due to continuing
sanctions and travel restrictions. The report further shows that the two MDC
formations have raised complaints over alleged arbitrary arrests of members
of parliament and activists, alleged unwarranted invocation of section 121
of the Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act, alleged selective prosecution of
offenders and selective application of the law, and the constitutionality of
the failure to swear in Roy Bennett as Deputy Minister of Agriculture and
Professor Welshman Ncube as Deputy Prime Minister.

"Zanu-PF is disputing the truthfulness and validity of the above allegations
or complaints and considers these allegations or complaints to be mere
propaganda. The two MDC formations complain that some state organs and
institutions do not respect the constitutional hierarchy. This is being
disputed by Zanu-PF," it reads.

SA denies pledge to Mugabe on firms' bailout

http://www.timeslive.co.za/

René Vollgraaff | 19 June, 2011 04:23

South Africa presidency spokesperson Zizi Kodwa denied reports in Zimbabwe's
The Herald newspaper on Friday that SA will assist struggling firms in
Bulawayo with a $50-million rescue package.

The government-controlled newspaper quoted George Charamba, Zimbabwe's
presidential spokesperson, as saying President Robert Mugabe had raised the
issue of a rescue package when he met SA President Jacob Zuma last Friday.
According to The Herald, Charamba said Zuma had agreed to look into ways to
assist Zimbabwean companies. -

War on salaries rages

http://www.timeslive.co.za

ZOLI MANGENA | 19 June, 2011 03:37

IMF slams Mugabe's promise to civil servants on pay rises

The political battle over the proposed increase of salaries for Zimbabwe's
impoverished civil servants has intensified, sucking in a visiting
International Monetary Fund (IMF) team, which is dismayed that government
wants to take measures, which would completely bankrupt it and fuel
inflation pressures.

Documents seen by the Sunday Times show that President Robert Mugabe and
Finance Minister Tendai Biti are now on the verge of an open conflict over
the issue of salaries, which has polarised government, including cabinet.

Mugabe recently said civil servants would get salary increases this month
after the sale of diamonds, raising the expectations of the workers who are
wallowing in poverty, but Biti quickly moved to say there is no money. The
minister says the revenue inflows were still very low due to a narrow tax
base of the economy.

Biti has accused Mugabe of politicising the issue and playing to the gallery
to the detriment of the economy. ''The problem is that this issue has been
politicised, but the truth is that I don't have the money to increase the
salaries - where do you expect me to get the money?'' asked Minister Biti.

''The economy is not performing well. I presented a $2.7-billion budget with
$900-million being set aside for civil servants but our revenue collections
are very low."

Documents show that the visiting IMF team is against salary increases. In
fact, the IMF has actually urged government to reduce the wage bill,
creating an explosive situation among public workers.

The IMF team says Zimbabwe cannot afford increased salaries and such a move
would destabilise nascent economic recovery. Government is literally broke
and is saddled with a foreign debt of at least $7-billion.

On June 1, the executive board of the IMF concluded its Article IV
consultation with Zimbabwe, warning economic "recovery remains fragile and
enormous challenges persist". It said under the current "unchanged policies
scenario, growth will most likely decelerate in 2011".

The IMF team strongly advised against salary increases, angering Mugabe but
pleasing Biti. This escalated the war on salaries. "Stronger policies and a
favourable external environment supported a nascent economic recovery during
2009 and 2010.

''Real GDP growth accelerated from 6% in 2009 to 9% in 2010, and officially
reported 12-month consumer price index (CPI) in US dollar terms remained
contained at 3% in December 2010," the IMF board said.

"However, economic growth started from a low base and was concentrated on
primary commodity sectors in mining and agriculture, both of which are
sensitive to exogenous shocks.

"Structural impediments weighed heavily on manufacturing and utilities,
which used to be the locomotives of growth and employment creation."

Instead of recommending salary increases, the IMF board "encouraged the
authorities to continue timely data reporting and to take concrete steps
towards elimination of ghost workers". An audit has shown that government
has at least 75 000 ghost workers, who are being paid from taxpayers' money,
thus draining the fiscus.

"In the short term, it is important to return to cash budgeting and
implement strong expenditure measures, including elimination of ghost
workers, aimed at closing the likely financing gap," the IMF said.

''To meet these challenges, (IMF) directors highlighted the need to reduce
the wage bill relative to revenues, tighten the budget constraint on
state-owned enterprises, and implement public finance management reforms."

The fund further warned that Zimbabwe's economic recovery was still
"fragile" and should not be jeopardised by reckless policies which drove the
country into hyperinflation in 2008.

"Despite a favourable external environment, the external position remained
precarious in 2010. Historically high commodity prices, the resumption in
official diamond trade, a significant appreciation of the rand, and capital
inflows eased balance of payments pressures in 2010 somewhat," it said.

"However, the current account deficit (23% of GDP in 2010) was large and
financed in part by short-term capital flows. The country's usable
international reserves amounted to 0.4 months of imports at end-2010.

''Zimbabwe is in debt distress, with a large and unsustainable external debt
stock (118% of GDP at end-2010), the bulk of which is in arrears (80% of GDP
at end-2010)."

SA four caught up in Mugabe cash row

June 19, 2011

The Sunday Independent

Peta Thornycroft

Four South African truck drivers due in court in Harare tomorrow are
effectively being held hostage in Zimbabwe because Grace Mugabe is allegedly
using them as ransom to try to recover ownership of a R40 million Hong Kong
residence she bought in 2008.
That’s what lawyers say in a dossier handed to South Africa’s justice
minister Jeff Radebe to appeal for his intervention in the case.
The drivers were arrested in Harare after they had delivered trucks to a
close aide of Grace Mugabe from her former South African business partner
Ping Sung Hsieh, with whom she has had a falling-out.
Zimbabwe’s attorney general Johannes Tomana, notorious for his pro-Zanu-PF
stance, came to South Africa last week to try to get Ping extradited to
Harare to face theft charges with the truck drivers, but the case was
postponed.
The Hong Kong residence, No 3, JC Castle, 18 Shan Tong Road, Tai Po, was
originally bought by a shelf company, Cross Global, organised by Robert
Mugabe’s former occasional business partner, Ping, a Taiwanese-born South
African. It has nearly doubled in value since then.
Ping – widely known as Jack – has since transferred the property into his
name, purportedly for tax reasons.
The Mugabes’ daughter, Bona, lived in the Hong Kong residence until a couple
of months ago when there was an attempted burglary and she hurriedly moved
out, leaving the place in a mess.
After the UK Sunday Times exposed the Mugabe’s Hong Kong property, Mugabe
denied he had bought it and said it was rented for Bona.
The row over the Hong Kong residence erupted after a dispute allegedly arose
between Ping and Grace Mugabe over earnings from a gold mine they were
developing at Ping’s expense, near Chinhoyi, 100km north of Harare. Mugabe
allegedly demanded half its gross earnings, before the considerable amount
of the original investment and running costs had been deducted.
One of the other partners in the mine First Kopje is allegedly Zimbabwe’s
Reserve Bank governor, Gideon Gono, the Mugabes’ private banker, who is
particularly close to his distant relative, Grace Mugabe.
Ping had been exceptionally generous to Zimbabwe’s first family, and his
associates say he likes Mugabe, 87. He hosted them and other family members
in Hong Kong and Singapore, and introduced Robert Mugabe to a urologist in
Singapore, where the old man has been treated for problems with his
prostate.
Ping also funded the development of an orphanage in Mazowe, about 30km west
of Harare, on land Grace Mugabe took from a white couple in 2003.
But Ping, insiders say, was finally angered by Grace Mugabe’s alleged greed
over the gold mine profits, which soured their business relationship. A row
over the ownership of the Hong Kong property ensued.
The four South African drivers, Cassimjee Bilal, 28, Henry Radebe, 57,
Samuel Risimati Baloyi and Sydney Masilo, 40, are self-employed drivers who
were hired by Ping on contract to deliver the trucks. They say they know
nothing about his business dealings with Grace Mugabe – according to a
dossier which Ping’s lawyers lodged with Radebe before his extradition
hearing in the Vanderbijlpark Magistrate’s Court on Tuesday.
Tomana had hoped to return to Zimbabwe with Ping but, the hearing was
postponed until July 19.
The dossier includes allegations that Ping was arrested by the Hawks,
without a warrant at the Emerald Casino, Vanderbijlpark, in the presence of
Zimbabwe policein July last year.
He was taken to Pretoria for questioning by the Zimbabwean police, among
them Grace Mugabe’s aide from the Zimbabwe Republic Police VIP protection
squad, Olga Bungu and with no South African police present.
Among the questions put to Ping by the Zimbabwe security contingent in
police cells in Pretoria, were ones about the paperwork relating to the Hong
Kong residence. The Zimbabweans wanted the title deeds to the Hong Kong
property – which are available anyway from the Hong Kong deeds office.
Ping was returned to his cell in Vanderbijlpark and released a day later.
The separate business deal which, the dossier claims, Mugabe has used to
pressure Ping to give up the Hong Kong house, began when R7 million was
transferred via the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe to one of his companies,
Chantrea Trading, in South Africa in 2008. Grace Mugabe allegedly told Jack
she wanted six haulage trucks for her son Russell for the R7m.
She also wanted milking equipment for her Gushungo Dairy, in Mazowe and
machinery for the gold mine.
Though angered by the gold mine profits row, Ping claims he eventually
delivered the balance of the R7m-worth of goods, including dairy equipment
and three Inveco trucks and trailers on February 19. The drivers delivered
them to the Grace Mugabe Orphanage, Mazowe, and got a signature
acknowledging receipt. But they were arrested the next day.
After they were arrested, Bunga claimed in state papers to the Harare
Magistrate’s Court, where the drivers were being remanded, that the R7m sent
to Ping was her money, and that she had been defrauded of it by the drivers
and Ping.
The driver’s Harare lawyer, Beatrice Mtetwa, believes her clients’ date in
the dock tomorrow will be a non-event because of the postponement of Ping’s
extradition trial.
With Zimbabwe so desperately short of hard currency at that time, Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe experts say Gono must have been consulted about transfer of
such a large sum as the R1m.
Six months after Grace Mugabe’s US$1m was transferred from the central bank
to South Africa, there was only about US$1m in the national treasury.
Meanwhile Bunga has in the last month been promoted to a police
commissioner.
Weekend Argus delivered questions to Gono via aides at the central bank on
Friday and tried to get hold of Mugabe’s spokesman, George Charamba.
The four drivers were released on bail and are staying at a safe house in
Harare. They are reportedly “desperately” worried about their families in
South Africa as all were self-employed.  – Independent Foreign Service

African leaders told 'good governance key to growth'

http://www.straitstimes.com

By Romen Bose (AFP) – 14 hours ago

PUTRAJAYA, Malaysia — Malaysian premier Najib Razak on Sunday told a
gathering of African leaders including Zimbabwe's controversial President
Robert Mugabe that good governance was vital to economic growth.

At a forum on promoting economic ties between Malaysia and Africa, Najib
said the growth of social media was setting higher standards of
accountability for governments around the world and leaders had to be ready
to embrace change.

He made the call in front of 16 African leaders including the 87-year-old
Mugabe, who has ruled Zimbabwe since 1980 and is banned from travelling to
the European Union over his regime's human rights record.

"Good governance and best practices are essential prerequisites for economic
growth and a precursor for transformation," Najib said at opening of the
three-day event in Putrajaya, south of Kuala Lumpur.

"Some people are fearful of the uncertainty that change brings; others are
threatened by having to do things differently. A true leader must be able to
address these concerns and obstacles and to overcome this resistance to
change," he added.

Several African countries fill some of the lowest slots in the World Bank's
global good governance indicators.

Najib said social media were raising people's awareness and setting a
"higher standard of accountability about actions and inactions on the part
of global governments."

Malaysia's invitations to controversial African leaders with dubious rights
records such as Mugabe -- who attended the meeting surrounded by
bodyguards -- have caused concern among activists.

Sudan's President Omar al-Bashir, who is wanted by the International
Criminal Court on genocide and war crimes charges, was also invited but
pulled out after opposition to his presence from rights groups.

Sudanese Foreign Minister Ali Karti, who was supposed to attend in his place
of his president, did not turn up Sunday.

Former president of the Malaysian Bar Council Ragunath Kesavan said the
invitations could be seen as condoning the leaders' abuses.

"We should not engage with Mugabe. We should not add legitimacy to this
international pariah," he said. "It will be seen as condoning and
sympathetic to what Mugabe is doing in his country."

Activists also say Malaysia has a poor rights record of its own, with
authorities at present holding 29 individuals under tough security laws that
allow for unlimited detention without trial.

Officials said in March that nearly 30,000 foreign workers have been caned
in Malaysia since 2005 over various immigration offences, a punishment which
rights groups have condemned as a "barbaric" practice.

Najib defended the two leaders' invitations, saying that the forum was "an
opportunity for us to try and play a kind of informal role to help influence
certain policies and actions that may result in a positive development in
that part of the world".

"We have very positive relations with President Bashir himself... We are not
yet a member of the statute of Rome (the treaty setting up the ICC) and
therefore we are not obliged to comply by its decision.

"It is not illegal for us to invite president Bashir to attend," he said.

Malaysia's national oil company Petronas has major exploration investments
in Sudan producing billions of dollars worth of oil for the firm every year.

Najib said that Mugabe had been "the most active participant" in past
dialogues and it was "still useful" to invite him, "although we are acutely
aware of his position vis a vis the Commonwealth and many other countries".

Malaysian companies have invested heavily in Zimbabwe, owning several
agricultural projects in the central provinces which are home to some of the
country's best agricultural land.

Officials say investors will meet potential partners and identify
opportunities during the forum, while leaders will map ways to promote trade
and economic ties.

Malaysia's heavily trade-dependent economy needs to find new markets for the
manufactured products, oil and palm oil that it exports.

Deputy Foreign Minister Kohilan Pillay has said total trade between Malaysia
and Africa in 2010 stood at 25 billion ringgit ($8.2 billion), a 39 percent
surge from the previous year.

"There are tremendous opportunities for Malaysia. We need to explore the
various opportunities," he added.

Mugabe pushes to smash sanctions on blood diamonds

http://www.theage.com.au

Ben Doherty
June 20, 2011

DELHI: The Kimberley Process - the international body charged with stemming
world trade in conflict diamonds - is facing open revolt as Zimbabwe's
president, Robert Mugabe, threatens to sell his stones, ''sanctions or no
sanctions''.

Zimbabwe's controversial Marange diamond mine will dominate this week's
agenda at the Kimberley Process meeting in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of
Congo, as Indian traders pressure the Indian government to allow them to buy
diamonds outside the international framework. India is the world's biggest
processor of rough diamonds.

Zimbabwe diamonds are under embargo and cannot be sold. But there is growing
pressure to allow them on to the market. In April, the chairman of the
Kimberley Process, Mathieu Yamba, unilaterally declared the stones could be
traded, saying ''there is absolutely no reason why they shouldn't be sold on
an open market''. But without the approval of the entire process, his
decision carries no weight.
Advertisement: Story continues below

Conflict, or blood diamonds, are stones whose mining and sale is used to
fund violent conflict and human rights abuses.

At Marange mine, in eastern Zimbabwe, scores of miners have reportedly been
shot by government troops from helicopters. Villagers have been forced into
mining and it is widely believed troops are involved in smuggling.

''Sanctions or no sanctions, Zimbabwe will sell its diamonds,'' Mr Mugabe
reportedly said in Bulawayo last week. South Africa has already agreed to
buy rough Zimbabwe diamonds ''outside'' of the Kimberley Process.

In India, from where 95 per cent of the world's cut and polished diamonds
are exported, the industry is lobbying for similar access.

''Instead of South Africa, the initiative of accepting import of Zimbabwe
diamonds should have been taken by India as Surat [in India] is the end-user
of Zim stones,'' said Ashit Mehta, chairman of Surat Rough Diamond Sourcing
India, the body representing diamond importers.

''It is very crucial to clear Zimbabwe's rough diamond export.''

The Herald revealed last month that India's gem market is being infiltrated
with illegally mined conflict diamonds. Diamonds mined in Africa are
smuggled in by plane or by boat, where they are cut and polished, and
essentially turned into clean diamonds for sale on the world market.

Traders in India's diamond capital Surat said up to 10 per cent of India's
$26 billion diamond market could be conflict stones. And Australia is a
significant customer.

In Kinshasa, Australia will push for independent monitors to supervise
mining at Marange, saying it holds serious concerns for the future of the
Kimberley Process, and a failure to resolve the issue of the Marange mine
could see the framework fail.

''Australia's objective is to uphold and maintain the integrity of the
Kimberley Process, which is designed to ensure consumer confidence in the
global diamond trade,'' a Department of Foreign Affairs spokesman said.

Elly Harrowell, a campaigner for Global Witness, said this week's meeting
was critical. ''The KP can't go on like this, we can't just crash from
crisis to crisis. The Zimbabwe impasse has highlighted significant
structural issues with the Kimberley Process and if we can't sort those
problems out, then perhaps the KP won't have a future.''

The process was established in 2003 to curb the trade in conflict diamonds
by requiring all rough diamond exports to be stored in a tamper-proof box
and to carry a certificate guaranteeing they were mined legitimately. But
the process applies only to rough diamonds; once stones are cut and
polished, they are no longer bound by the protocol, and are almost
impossible to trace.

This makes India, with thousands of cutting operations, a haven for
smugglers. In April, two Indian men were caught in Surat carrying 9.72
kilograms of rough diamonds, worth $2.24 million, smuggled out of Zimbabwe.

KP faces ‘open revolt’ over Marange

http://www.newzimbabwe.com

19/06/2011 00:00:00
    by

THE Kimberley Process (KP) - the international body charged with stemming
world trade in so-called conflict diamonds - is facing open revolt as key
members push for the removal of an international ban against trade in stones
from Zimbabwe’s controversial Marange area.

The issue is set to dominate this week's deliberations at the Kimberley
Process meeting in the Democratic Republic of Congo, as Indian traders
pressure their government to allow them to buy diamonds outside the
international framework.
India is the world's biggest processor of rough diamonds.

Diamonds from Marange are under embargo and cannot be sold over KP
compliance issues. The ban was imposed following allegations of rights
abuses in the area as well as claims that troops were involved in diamond
smuggling.
But there is growing pressure to allow the Marange gems back on to the
market.

In April, the chairman of the Kimberley Process, Mathieu Yamba declared the
stones could be traded, saying ''there is absolutely no reason why they
shouldn't be sold on an open market''. But without the approval of the
entire KP process, his decision carries no weight.

Zimbabwe dismisses the allegations of rights abuses and smuggling insisting
measures have since been put in place to ensure compliance with the KP’s
requirements.
President Robert Mugabe recently declared that ''sanctions or no sanctions,
Zimbabwe (would) sell its diamonds.
Already, South Africa has agreed to buy rough Zimbabwe diamonds ''outside''
of the Kimberley Process.

Again, in India, from where 95 per cent of the world's cut and polished
diamonds are exported, the industry is lobbying for similar access.

''Instead of South Africa, the initiative of accepting import of Zimbabwe
diamonds should have been taken by India as Surat [in India] is the end-user
of Zim stones,'' said Ashit Mehta, chairman of Surat Rough Diamond Sourcing
India, the body representing diamond importers.
''It is very crucial to clear Zimbabwe's rough diamond export.''

Still, Australia has indicated it will push for independent monitors to
supervise mining at Marange at the DRC meeting, saying it holds serious
concerns for the future of the Kimberley Process. The country warned that a
failure to resolve the issue of the Marange mine could see the framework
fail.

''Australia's objective is to uphold and maintain the integrity of the
Kimberley Process, which is designed to ensure consumer confidence in the
global diamond trade,'' a Department of Foreign Affairs spokesman said.

The United States, Britain and Western human rights organisations are
leading efforts to keep the Marange ban in place with Elly Harrowell, a
campaigner for Global Witness, saying this week's DRC meeting was critical.

''The KP can't go on like this, we can't just crash from crisis to crisis.
The Zimbabwe impasse has highlighted significant structural issues with the
Kimberley Process and if we can't sort those problems out, then perhaps the
KP won't have a future.''

Zimbabwe insists it needs revenues from the Marange fields – said to be one
of the world’s richest diamond finds – to help improve the country’s economy
which is recovering from a decade-long recession.
President Mugabe insists the KP ban is part of a wider strategy by the West
aimed at forcing him out of office.

The Kimberly Process was established in 2003 to curb the trade in conflict
diamonds by requiring all rough diamond exports to carry a certificate
guaranteeing they were mined legitimately.

But the process applies only to rough diamonds; once stones are cut and
polished, they are no longer bound by the protocol, and are almost
impossible to trace.

1000s of foreigners flee murderous mobs

http://www.news24.com

2011-06-19 15:15

Gcina Ntsaluba, City Press

Polokwane - Thousands of Zimbabweans ­living in a township outside
Polokwane, Limpopo, fled last week following the most serious wave of
xenophobic violence to hit South Africa in recent months.

The purge included the killing of Zimbabwean Godfrey Sibanda, who
was ­cornered by a mob and stoned to death on Monday night in Extension 75
of ­Seshoga township, northwest of Polokwane, while walking home from work.

Six RDP houses in Extension 71 which had been rented to Zimbabweans
were ­also torched by large mobs.

More than 3 000 other Zimbabweans fled to hide in nearby bushes.

Sibanda was accused of raping a five-year-old girl and for being behind
other criminal acts in the area, which included the murder of a couple last
week and ­robbing a security guard.

The police said they had heard of the incidents, but had no record of
these ­alleged crimes being reported to them.

The day after Sibanda was killed, more Zimbabweans were attacked and evicted
from their homes by locals who dumped their blankets, bags and other
belongings on the street.

3 000 displaced

Those who escaped unharmed were ­being sheltered at the ­Seshego police
station with their families. They said that more than 3 000 of their fellow
countrymen were displaced.

They were scared to go to the police ­because they thought the police were
working with the community, said Christopher Manyanhaire, 27.

He was evicted from his home with his sister, three-year-old nephew and
brother-in-law.

He said that the mob caught his sister, Locadia, after she tried to escape
through the window.

"They were at the door trying to kick it down but I was holding it while my
sister tried to escape, but they caught her and beat her until the police
arrived,” he said.

Manyanhaire, whose family was among those at Seshego police station,
said ­locals had complained about Zimbabweans getting state houses cheaply
from owners who rented them out.

“They have no right to be living in an RDP house because it’s for us South
Africans,” said Paulina Makokwane, a South African whose house is surrounded
by three Zimbabwean-occupied houses that were torched on Tuesday.

House-to-house search

On Tuesday evening, City Press ­witnessed a group of close to 200
people ­going from house-to-house looking for ­Zimbabweans.

Provincial police spokesperson Brigadier Hangwani Mulaudzi said one person
was ­arrested for arson and they were still ­investigating the murder case.

Fungai Chingorivo, who was part of the evicted group at the police station,
said she and her husband had lost everything they had worked for since
coming to South Africa in 2008.

“We don’t know what to do now. We have no money and going back home to
Zimbabwe empty-handed is pointless because our children and families are
suffering,” she said.

By Thursday morning, there were 20 displaced families at the police station
with some of their belongings which they had managed to save.

More were expected to arrive and the police have called in local
disaster-management officials to help with shelter.

ANC Limpopo spokesperson David Masondo said the party was “disappointed” at
what had happened and that it was symptomatic of economic stress in both
Limpopo and Zimbabwe.

ZBC refuses to repay Iran loan

http://www.newzimbabwe.com/

19/06/2011 00:00:00
    by Staff Reporter

THE Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) is reportedly refusing to repay
a US$5 million Iranian loan which was used to refurbish the broadcaster’s
studios claiming some of the equipment supplied under the deal was
defective.

The loan was part of a US$15 million deal reached in 2004 between the
Zimbabwe government and Tehran with about US$10 million going to the
Agricultural Rural Development Agency (Arda).

A report by parliament’s portfolio committee on Media, Information and
Communication Technology presented last week stated that the ZBC only paid
back US$300000.00 adding managers were refusing to stump-up the balance.
"To date ZBC still owes the Iranian company à5-million as it is accruing
interest," the parliamentary report says.

The money was used to refurbish and modernise television studios at the
corporation’s Pockets Hill broadcasting centre in Harare’s leafy Highlands
suburb.

However, managers told the parliamentary committee that “the deal was a bit
unfair as the Iranian company (which supplied the equipment) factored in a
huge mark-up if one compares the cost of such equipment in the world
market".
They claimed the Iranians slapped a 50 percent mark-up on the equipment,
making the deal too costly.

Most of the equipment has since broken down with only one of the three
studios that were re-equipped under the deal understood to be still
operational.

Management also claimed that the Iranians did not train ZBC staff to operate
the equipment adding there was also no provision for spares and other
consumables.
However ex-ZBC employees insisted that the Iranians did train staff to use
the equipment.

“The problem is that most of those trained to use the equipment have since
left the corporation largely because of poor conditions of service,” said
one former employee.

An attempt was also made to venture into tobacco production at Pockets Hill
in a bid to raise foreign currency to repay the loan.

Zimbabwe was then experiencing serious foreign currency shortages.
Still, the project – spearheaded by the then ZBC chief executive, Dr Rino
Zhuwarara -- failed to take off the ground.

Malaysia opens forum to push African ties

http://www.straitstimes.com

Jun 19, 2011

KUALA LUMPUR - MALAYSIA'S biennial convention to promote economic
collaboration with Africa will begin on Sunday with the attendance of
controversial Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe.

Dubbed the Langkawi International Dialogue and a brainchild of ex-premier
Mahathir Mohamad, the forum aims to stimulate economic collaboration between
Malaysia and a continent beset by conflicts, coups and political turmoil.

The 87-year-old Mr Mugabe, who is banned from travelling to the European
Union over his regime's human rights record, arrived in Malaysia on Saturday
and will be among leaders from 20 countries expected to attend the four-day
event in Putrajaya, south of the capital Kuala Lumpur.

Around 500 delegates from countries including Lesotho, Gambia, South Africa,
Uganda, Kenya and Namibia will be welcomed by Prime Minister Najib Razak
when he kicks off proceedings at the 14th forum, the ninth to be held in
Malaysia.

Africa is a good bet for growth, say analysts, with the International
Monetary Fund expecting it to expand faster than the global average in the
coming years, with six of the world's 10 fastest-growing economies coming
from the continent last year. Malaysia's heavily trade-dependent economy
needs to find new markets for the manufactured products, oil and palm oil
that it exports.

Deputy foreign minister Kohilan Pillay said total trade between Malaysia and
Africa in 2010 stood at 25 billion ringgit (S$10.1 billion), a 39 per cent
surge from the previous year. 'There are tremendous opportunities for
Malaysia. We need to explore the various opportunities,' he added. -- AFP

China to encourage better local relations in Zimbabwe

http://www.telegraph.co.uk

China has sent a special delegation to Zimbabwe to encourage better
relations between its countrymen and the locals after reports of inhumane
treatment and underpayment by the "new colonial master".

By Aislinn Laing, Johannesburg

5:38PM BST 19 Jun 2011

The Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee of the National People's Congress of
China will hold seminars encouraging Chinese nations to respect the local
culture and help build its economy.

The delegation's leader, Yu Linxiang, told Zimbabwe's parliament it was in
the interests of the estimated 5,000 Chinese living in the southern African
country to get on better with the locals.

"We would like to meet the Chinese people in Zimbabwe and particularly learn
how they live and how they deal with the Zimbabwean people," he said.

"We will also hold seminars for the Chinese people living in Zimbabwe to
encourage them to play a role in building the Zimbabwean economy."

China has invested heavily all over Africa to feed a growing demand at home
for natural resources and unlike the West imposes few moral conditions on
the governments it deals with.

Last year, it overtook the United States as the continent's largest trade
partner. Trade between China and Zimbabwe now stands at $550m (£340
million). China has recently agreed a loan to Zimbabwe of $700m (£432
million), thought to be in return for access to the country's platinum
deposits.

But growing along with the trade has been the number of complaints about
Chinese nationals undercutting local industries and the underpayment and
ill-treatment of local workers by Chinese employers in construction,
catering and mining trades.

Last week, an MP suggested in parliament that Chinese managers who abused
local workers were "immune" from prosecution.

Dr Martyn Davies, CEO of Frontier Advisory, a research body specialising in
China in Africa, said many disputes that arise between Chinese and Africans
are simply cultural “misunderstandings".

“You are combining two very traditional cultures, both of which are not
terribly globalised and there are bound to be frictions from time to time,”
he said.

Last week, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton warned of a "new
colonialism" by China in Africa.

Change of Her Majesty’s Ambassador to the Republic of Zimbabwe

http://www.fco.gov.uk

 

 

17 June 2011

Deborah Bronnert has been appointed Her Majesty's Ambassador to the Republic of Zimbabwe.

Deborah Bronnert has been appointed Her Majesty's Ambassador to the Republic of Zimbabwe in succession to Mr Mark Canning CMG who will be transferring to another Diplomatic Service appointment.  Mrs Bronnert will take up her appointment during August 2011.

Deborah Bronnert has been Director for Prosperity issues, one of the FCO’s three key priorities under the new government.  In this role, she led the FCO’s work on commercial and economic diplomacy, trade policy, development issues and climate change.  She has been the G8 Foreign Affairs Sous-Sherpa for the United Kingdom for the G8 Summits in L’Aquila (2009) and Deauville (2011) negotiating on issues including the L’Aquila Food Security Initiative, G8 accountability for past aid commitments and the Partnership for the Arab Spring.   In addition to posts in London, she has previously served in Moscow as Economic Counsellor where she led the trade, economic, development and climate/science teams, as a member of the Rt Hon (now Lord) Neil Kinnock’s Cabinet at the European Commission in Brussels with responsibility for a broad range of subjects including EU foreign and development policy issues and at the UK Representation to the European Union.  Along with a colleague, she was the first job-share Director in the FCO (from September 2008 to January 2011).  She has extensive experience of development issues from a foreign policy perspective.  She is a Board member of the medical emergency relief charity Merlin.  Deborah Bronnert studied Mathematics at the University of Bristol for her first degree and has an MA in the Political Economy of Russia and Eastern Europe from the School of Slavonic and Eastern European Studies, University College London.

On her appointment as Her Majesty's Ambassador to the Republic of Zimbabwe, Deborah Bronnert said “I am honoured and delighted to be taking up this post at such an important time for Zimbabwe, as the parties in the Inclusive Government work towards greater reform and free and fair elections. The United Kingdom has long been a friend to the Zimbabwean people and I look forward to ensuring that that commitment remains as strong as ever.”

Curriculum Vitae

Full name:	Deborah Jane Bronnert
Married to:	Alfonso Torrents
Children:	One son
Sept 2008 - present	FCO, Director, Prosperity (previously Global and Economic Issues)
Oct 2006 - Aug 2008	FCO, Head, Future of Europe Dept, then Europe Delivery
Sept 2005 - Sept 2006	UCL, School of Slavonic and Eastern European Studies
Jun 2002 - Sept 2005	Moscow, Counsellor (Economic)
Oct 2001 - Jun 2002	Russian language training
Oct 1999 - Sept 2001	FCO, Deputy Head, Southern European Department
Mar 1995 - Oct 1999	European Commission, Member, Neil Kinnock's Cabinet
Sept 1994 - Mar 1995	FCO, Team Leader, European Union Department (Internal)
Aug 1993 - Sept 1994	Secretariat, Sir Michael Latham's Review of the Construction Industry
Sept 1991 - July 1993	UK Representation Brussels, Second Secretary (Environment)
Oct 1990 - Sept 1991	Member of Secretariat, Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution
Sept 1989 - Sept 1990	Department of the Environment, Fast Stream Trainee

 

Incoming envoy pledges UK support

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk

Incoming British ambassador to Zimbabwe, Deborah Bronnert said the United
Kingdom will remain a great friend of Zimbabwe, pledging this week to
normalise frosty ties between Harare and its erstwhile colonial master.
19.06.1112:19pm
Vusimusi Bhebhe

Bronnert, who replaces Mark Canning as London’s point person in Harare, said
in a statement that she was delighted to be taking up the post of British
ambassador “at such an important time for Zimbabwe, as the parties in the
Inclusive Government work towards greater reform and free and fair
 elections”.

“The United Kingdom has long been a friend to the Zimbabwean people and I
look forward to ensuring that that commitment remains as strong as ever,”
said the incoming envoy.

Bronnert, who takes up her new Harare posting in August, has until now been
head of Prosperity Issues, one of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO)’s
three key priorities under the new UK coalition government.

In this role, she led the FCO’s work on commercial and economic diplomacy,
trade policy, development issues and climate change.

In addition to posts in London, she has previously served in Moscow as
economic counsellor where she led the trade, economic, development and
climate/science teams and as a member of Lord Neil Kinnock’s cabinet at the
European Commission in Brussels with responsibility for European Union
foreign and development policy issues.

She has extensive experience of development issues from a foreign policy
perspective.

Canning left Zimbabwe on 3 June 2011 following the completion of his tour of
duty. His deputy, Tim Cole, is currently acting as Charge d'Affaires,
pending the arrival of the new ambassador Zimbabwe’s relations with Britain,
which were cordial soon after independence, took a nose dive when the Labour
Party under the leadership of Tony Blair took power in Britain in 1996.

President Robert Mugabe accused the Labour government of reneging on a
pledge made by their Conservatives counterparts to fund a programme to
redistribute land.

In retaliation Mugabe compulsorily grabbed land from more than 4 000 white
farmers in 2000, telling them to get compensation from the UK government.

He went on to steal subsequent elections held from 2002, unleashing his
supporters on members of the opposition. This led to the imposition of visa
restrictions and an asset freeze by the UK, EU and other Western countries
in 2003.

MDC-T denies that its youths are being trained to do a Benghazi in Zimbabwe

http://bulawayo24.com/

by Ndou Paul
2011 June 19 17:03:59

MDC-T has rubbished allegations that its members are receiving military
training being conducted by some Europeans in North West Province.

State media in Zimbabwe alleges that MDC-T youths are being trained to do a
"Benghazi" in Zimbabwe. The three MDC-T police murder suspects that were
allegedly smuggled to SA are said to have joined the group thats being
trained by Europeans.

"It is absolutely not true that the MDC-T is receiving military training
anywhere," said Mr Mwonzora.

"We also are at a loss as to why these allegations can be made against the
party. It is not true that the three are on the run and it is also not true
that the party is hiding them. Police must just learn to do their work
professionally. This is a purely criminal matter and is being spoiled by the
police politicising the case and trying to establish links where none
exist."

It is understood that the trio, together with other MDC-T members who are
receiving military training in SA, frequently visit Johannesburg’s Hillbrow
during weekends where they describe details of their training and their
uniforms. The members boast that they are being trained to do a "Benghazi"
in Zimbabwe in reference to the Libyan rebels who are fighting Colonel
Muammar Gaddafi from the city of Benghazi. Reports say the MDC-T members are
expected to infiltrate Zimbabwe ahead of the elections.

"They tell us that they will occupy one province, start problems from there
and hope that their leader Morgan will have the guts like Ivory Coast’s
Ouattara and declare himself winner in order to justify an intervention by
Nato," said one Zimbabwean who has been staying in Hillbrow for over four
years.

Attempts to get a comment from SA police were fruitless by the time of going
to press.

Farm workers children drop out of school

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk

Thousands of pupils at farms around the country have dropped out of school
as their parents are struggling to raise school fees due to the meagre wages
paid by new farmers.
19.06.1112:37pm
Fungai Kwaramba Harare

According to the General Agriculture Plantation Workers Union Zimbabwe, the
low wages have had an adverse effect not only on the lifestyle of workers,
but have severely impacted future prospects for the children.

“Living conditions at the farms have deteriorated very much and the children
have been worst affected,” said Ndaizivei Kamoto, GAPWUZ spokesperson.

Students who were supposed to sit examinations this year will not be able to
do so, as their parents cannot afford the fees.

“It’s really bad because parents do not have any other source of income.
They work24/7 throughout the year,” said Kamoto Since last year, GAPWUZ,
which has more than 25 000 members, has been pushing for a review of
salaries of workers to at least $55, but new farmers have dug in their
heels, arguing that the agriculture sector is under-performing.

Apart from failing to raise money for fees, students at the new farms also
have to travel long distances in order to get to school as the government
has failed to provide new schools at the farms. In most cases, the
dispossessed commercial farmers had farm schools where the kids received
free tuition.

GAPWUZ also noted that most of the children do not have birth certificates
and this has also affected their chances of registering for the critical
ordinary level examinations.

Council cuts allowances to improve service

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk

Marondera Municipality has cut management allowances by half and plans to
purchase refuse trucks to provide quality service delivery to residents.
19.06.1112:35pm
Jane Makoni

The Mayor, Farai Nyandoro, said MDC-T councillors had to take
non-cooperating members of management head-on in order to turn around the
fortunes of the Mashonaland East Provincial Capital.

“We realised there was no way council could deliver with management staff
pocketing thousands of dollars in monthly allowances on top of hefty
salaries. Starting July 1, allowances will be reduced by 50 percent. Some of
the allowances even covered expenses such as entertainment and transport –
despite officials benefitting from company vehicles and houses. We finally
got our way despite stiff resistance from some senior members of staff,”
said Nyandoro.

He indicated that the local authority would purchase refuse trucks soon.

“Our main objective is to turn around the fortunes of Marondera for the
better. Our previous efforts in this regard were frustrated by members of
management who had their own agenda. We have now engaged a substantive Chief
Security Officer, a land surveyor and four health technicians,” Nyandoro
said.

Sources within the council told The Zimbabwean that the five new members of
staff were engaged after a fierce battle between MDC-T councillors and
council chamber secretary, Ruramayi Nyamuzihwa, who allegedly wanted to
protect the interests of under-qualified Zanu (PF) officials holding the
posts in acting capacity.

Although Nyamuzihwa recently received direct instructions from Minister
Chombo to engage the services of the specialists, he remained adamant that
“there is no way I would implement verbal Ministerial directives”.

“We were shocked to learn that a mere chamber secretary was defying
recommendations made by the with the blessing of the minister. Anyone could
see that MDC-T councillors were talking sense when they proposed that
essential departments should be headed by qualified personnel. Their
endeavours were not driven by political interests, but were clearly aimed at
delivering services to rate payers,” said a council insider on condition of
anonymity.

Zimbabwe's Minister of Defence 'wants heal the country's divisions'

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/

Emmerson Mnangagwa is Zimbabwe's defence minister and a senior figure in
President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu-PF party. A former chief of the intelligence
services, he is often accused of being a secret power behind Mr Mugabe’s
throne - but in this Sunday Telegraph interview with Colin Freeman he
insists he is keen to heal the divisions of the past.

By Colin Freeman, in Harare

7:30AM BST 19 Jun 2011

CF: How has Zanu-PF found the experience of sharing power with Morgan
Tsvangirai’s Movement for Democratic Change?

EM: It is more than two and a half years since we established the inclusive
government, and a lot of things have happened that are positive. Among them
is that we discovered that our differences with our opponents are not that
serious, and that we can work together without too many problems in cabinet
as well as in government generally.

Since then there has been peace in the country, and the economy, which had
really gone down very seriously, has recovered. Industry and agriculture are
also in the process of recovering, and there is a vibrant mining sector.

Tourism went down drastically because of sanctions brought by your people
(Britain, Europe and the US) and the bad publicity that the country has
received internationally, but is also showing signs of growth.

CF: Are you hopeful of sanctions being lifted against your party?

EM: All three political parties in Zimbabwe have agreed to campaign for
their removal, but so far we have drawn blanks on this matter from Brussels
and London. It seems they are still inclined to impose sanctions on us.
There are also still foreign broadcasts into Zimbabwe in our local languages
that are spreading hate speech, which agitate for regime change.

CF: Are you referring to the BBC?

EM: No, I mean the likes of Voice of America. The BBC has its own crimes,
but not that one.

CF: When do you think there will be elections in Zimbabwe?

EM: This is not set in stone, but assuming that a referendum on a new
constitution is held and accepted, then the time frame for elections after
that is a period of four months. If we were to have a referendum in October,
then we would be looking at February for an election.

CF: Do you think they will be free and fair?

EM: I can assure you that the people of Zimbabwe are more concerned that the
elections are free and fair than anyone in London or elsewhere, and we want
to do everything to achieve that. The perception that Zanu-PF is violent is
wrong. It is more and more apparent that it is not us, but the MDC-T (the
party of Morgan Tsvangirai) who is like that - recently some of their
representatives were arrested in Harare for a killing a policeman.

CF: How do you view Mr Tsvangirai personally?

EM: We have seen in the past that his organisation has had foreign funding,
which does not go down well here, and also received reports that he has
consulted in the past with US and British diplomats, which again works
against him. But while I have been Minister of Defence, I have found him a
very sound, sober person, and have had no problem with him.

CF: You have profited personally from the land confiscations against white
farmers. Is this justified?

EM: I have 400 hectares, that is correct, but it is a just entitlement,
absolutely. My parents were removed by (former white Zimbabwean leader) Ian
Smith and pushed into the mountains. Other reclaimed land includes which was
taken from my grandparents 60 or 70 years ago. I would say, though, that the
single quarrel between us and Britain, on land reform, is now behind us.
Yes, six people died in the process, but the issue of land reform is a
question of justice.

CF: Do you think that Britain still secretly controls things here in
Zimbabwe, as Mr Mugabe sometimes seems to claim?

EM: The British do not command things here, no, and I personally do not
think they have any inimical intentions towards Zimbabwe. I should point out
that when we took over here in Zimbabwe, I actually offered promotions to
three of the white officers who tortured me during our struggle for
independence.

The point was to make it clear to them that I realised that they were simply
doing their jobs, serving their governments, and that we wanted to build a
new country, this time based on love and respect.

CF: What do you say to claims that you were involved in organising campaigns
of intimidation against opposition supporters in the 2008 polls?

EM: I was minister of rural housing. Unless they say that people were being
intimidated during the construction of rural homes, then this never
happened.

CF: Why is it that so many Zimbabweans say bad things about you? That you
are a secret power, more feared than Mr Mugabe himself?

EM: You are the first person to ask me these kind of questions, but I don’t
really know where any of this kind of stuff comes from at all. I am number
12 in the party, not number two, and am just a very humble person.

CF: Do you have any ambition to be president?

EM: I have no ambitions to be president. People speculate left right and
centre but we have a structure in our party with a president and two
vice-presidents. The leadership has to come out of that group, and I am not
part of it. I just wish a legacy of peace, prosperity and growth for the
younger generation.

Emmerson Mnangagwa vs Morgan Tsvangirai: the two opposing faces of Zimbabwe

http://www.telegraph.co.uk

Power-sharing brought Zimbabwe back from the brink of anarchy, but now fears
are growing for what follows when Robert Mugabe finally departs

By Colin Freeman, Harare

7:30AM BST 19 Jun 2011

His enemies call him "The Crocodile", but even that does scant justice to
the long list of charges levelled against Emmerson Mnangagwa, the one person
in Zimbabwe more feared than Robert Mugabe.

The former head of Zimbabwe's ruthless central intelligence organisation,
his name gets a dishonourable mention in many of the most sinister episodes
of Mr Mugabe's rule, from the massacre of thousands of political opponents
during the 1980s, through to the violence of the disputed 2008 election, in
which Mr Mugabe is widely accused of stealing victory from Morgan
Tsvangirai.

Also known as the "Son of God" (Mr Mugabe being "God"), he is even feared by
fellow members of the president's Zanu-PF party, who suspect that he too
would like the top job one day.

All of which makes it all the stranger when, in a rare interview with The
Sunday Telegraph on Friday - his first with a British journalist in 10
years - he gives a smile that is not particularly reptilian, a handshake
that oozes no blood, and a manner largely devoid of "Comrade Bob's"
anti-British histrionics. What is equally surprising, though, is the
thumbs-up he gives to Zimbabwe's coalition government, brokered in 2009
after outside pressure forced Zanu-PF to share power - or at least some of
it - with their sworn enemies in Mr Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic
Change.

"It is more than two-and-a-half years since we established the inclusive
government, and a lot of things have happened that are positive," said Mr
Mnangagwa, 64, whose cronies are accused of murdering at least 200 MDC
supporters during the 2008 polls, and of three separate attempts to kill Mr
Tsvangirai himself over the years. "Among them is that we discovered that
our differences with our opponents are not that serious, and that we can
work together without too many problems."

The words of a man genuinely seeking to bury Zimbabwe's many hatchets? Or a
cynical charm offensive from someone with his own eye on the throne? As
Western diplomats in Harare wearily point out to their governments in Europe
and America, working out what is really going on in within the secretive,
eccentric world of Zanu-PF's ruling elite is impossible. What they are less
in doubt of, though, is that despite the relative calm since the
power-sharing government took over - steering the country from the brink of
anarchy - Zimbabwe remains as much a tinder box as ever.

With Britain, Europe and the US currently pre-occupied with the "Arab
Springs" in the likes of Egypt and Libya, Colonel Gaddafi's fellow "African
freedom fighter" in the southern half of the continent has all but slipped
off the radar this year in Downing Street and Washington. Yet in the last
couple of months, there have been claims that Mr Mugabe is re-activating his
Zanu-PF street militias, in order to intimidate his way to victory in yet
another set of elections, mooted possibly for next year. This time around,
though, the prospect of the 86-year-old strong-arming his way to office once
more is just one of the worst-case scenarios. Of equal concern is that he
may drop dead at any minute, paving the way for a bloody confrontation as
"The Crocodile" and other factions seek to fill the power vacuum left by his
autocratic rule. A post-Mugabe Zimbabwe, diplomats warn, could end up even
more unstable, polarised between the hardline vision of the likes of Mr
Mnangagwa and the reformist world view of Mr Tsvangirai.

"Mugabe is the glue that holds the whole political firmament together, and
if you take him away you are into completely uncharted waters," said one
Harare observer. "There is a definite fear of bloodshed within Zanu PF if he
goes, as there will be a lot of very tough people with a lot to play for in
terms of the spoils of office. The MDC is also unlikely to stand on the
sidelines if Zanu PF implodes, and it could lead to a very chaotic
environment."

Mr Mugabe has always been bullish about his health, and has insisted that
recent trips to a private hospital in Singapore are merely for routine
cataract treatment rather than rumoured prostate cancer. As he told
Zimbabwe's state-controlled Herald newspaper last month: "I want to live to
over 100."

But at a meeting last week in South Africa with President Jacob Zuma, who is
tasked with monitoring Zimbabwe's power-sharing arrangements, the Zimbabwean
leader was rambling and incoherent, at one point even calling his host "Mr
Mandela".

"He was slurring his speech and generally all over the place," said the
observer. "He is fine in brief public engagements in Zimbabwe, but when he's
sitting through a lengthy diplomatic summit, when he can't control the
timing of when he speaks, it's clear he's on a downward slope."

True, aside from its ailing president, Zimbabwe does now look rather less in
terminal decline than before. Thanks to a decision by Tendai Biti, the MDC
finance minister, to replace the Zimbabwe dollar with the American one, the
25,000 per cent annual inflation rate has now been slashed to around 2.5 per
cent; as a result, staples like bread and cooking oil are back on the
shelves, and can be bought with a few dollars rather than a brick of
trillion dollar notes. Civil servants are being paid again, allowing schools
and hospitals to function once more, famine in rural areas has gone, and the
valuable tourism sector is also showing signs of renewed. Also welcome again
under the power-sharing government are foreign journalists: The Sunday
Telegraph's visit last week was the first in five years in which it was
possible to get an official press badge - lack of which landed two previous
correspondents for this newspaper in jail in 2005 and 2008.

"Things are definitely better compared to 2008," said Tinashe Zihansu, 26, a
market analyst, as he browsed for a flat-screen television in a newly-opened
mall in a Harare suburb. "Two years ago you had to queue all day just for
things like bread and sugar. I would almost rather the power-sharing
government continued without any elections, to be honest, because at least
it means they are only fighting each other within the cabinet rather than
out on the streets."

That such an unlikely partnership has functioned at all is a testimony to
the patience of Mr Tsvangirai, many of whose own supporters thought the
powersharing arrangement would simply taint the MDC with Zanu-PF's failings.

Like Mr Mnangagwa, Mr Tsvangirai too is surprisingly polite about working
with his enemies; ask him how coalition life is, and one gets a show of
statesmanship that David Cameron and Nick Clegg might struggle to muster.

Mr Mugabe, who views the MDC leader as simply a pawn of British neo-colonial
interests, is at least "polite and respectful" during their meetings every
Monday, Mr Tsvangarai told The Sunday Telegraph in an interview at his
Harare villa. Power sharing, he added, had drawn the country back from the
"precipice" of anarchy; indeed, he jokingly offered to school Mr Cameron on
its merits when they met at a summit in Davos earlier this year.

"I told him 'Why did you guys take so long to form a coalition, you should
have asked us, we could have given you some experience,'" he said, smiling.

"Coalitions are not the best arrangement in the world, but they are
undertaken by a politician in order to pass through a certain phase, and I
think to a large extent we have delivered."

Rather like Mr Clegg, though, Mr Tsvangirai, 59, is very much the junior
partner in the arrangement. Crucially, Mr Mugabe still retains control of
the country's police, army and security services, which continue to harrass
Mr Tsvangirai's own ministers and other political opponents on blatant
fashion: in the past three months alone, two MDC ministers and a serving MP
have been chucked into prison on trumped-up charges of corruption.

Such tactics are understood to have earned Mr Mugabe an unprecedented
private rebuke last week from President Zuma, who, unlike his predecessor,
Thabo Mbeki, is far from star-struck by the former liberation hero. But on
the ground in Zimbabwe, there is little Mr Zuma can practically do to stop
the harassment - as the likes of MDC activist Raymond Saidi, 53, knows all
too well. A ward chairman in a Harare suburb, he was badly beaten two weeks
ago after being ambushed by Zanu-PF youths on his way home from an MDC
rally.

"They dragged me into their HQ and hit me with iron bars," said Mr Saidi,
who still has a scar on his skull and a leg in plaster. "They were shouting
at me: 'Tsvangirai will never rule, why don't you go with him to England?'"

In Zimbabwe's rural provinces, meanwhile, reports are surfacing of more
systematic thuggery. Human rights groups say that Zimbabwe's notorious Joint
Operations Command, an all-powerful security body allegedly headed by Mr
Mnangagwa, who is now Defence Minister, has once again been priming its
militia men. Although no date for elections has been set - Mr Mugabe wants
them next year, but it may not be until 2013 - the JOC apparently believes
people need early reminder to "vote the right way", a task it has entrusted
to the chairman of Zimbabwe's War Veterans Association, Jabulani Sibanda.

"Sibanda has been going around here, telling people that he has been sent by
the President of Zimbabwe, and that anyone who doesn't vote Zanu-PF will be
killed," alleged Wickliff Matindike, 30, an MDC organiser in Gutu, a dusty,
goat-pecked hamlet set amid maize fields in the province of Masvingo, 150
miles north of Harare.

"He has been threatening to burn the houses of MDC officials, and has also
told the local kraalheads (village chiefs) to give Zanu-PF the names of all
our supporters."

Back in Harare, Mr Mnangagwa laughs off such claims. Just like the reports
that he heads the JOC itself, he insists it is all just "talk" - disturbing
for his children to read about on the internet, but without substance.

"I don't know where all this 'hardman' stuff comes from at all, and I keep
having to tell my children that it's all nonsense," he said. "I can assure
you that the people of Zimbabwe are far more concerned that the elections
are free and fair than anybody outside our country is, and we want to do
everything to achieve that."

Diplomats in Harare, however, are likely to take such reassurances with a
bushel of salt - as too does Mr Tsvangirai, who, despite his polite comments
about the coalition, does not think there is yet a "level playing field" for
any future elections. Likewise, few are likely to accept Mr Mnangagwa's own
claims that he himself has no interest in the leadership.

"I see myself a humble man, and I tell you I have no ambitions to be
president", he insists, pointing out that there is a set procedure for any
Zanu-PF succession, in which the party vice-president would take over. That,
however, would favour Joyce Mujuru, a relative moderate, whom Mr Mnangagwa
is known to be privately opposed to.

What he does say, though, is that he will continue to serve Mr Mugabe as
long as he remains in office - which, barring coups and unrigged elections,
seems likely to be until he dies.

Despite the fate of fellow Cold War hardmen like Colonel Gaddafi, he shows
no sign of heeding the lessons of Arab Spring and stepping down gracefully:
indeed, a law lecturer is currently facing a treason charge after screening
a video of the Egyptian uprising at a public meeting. Someone in power, it
seems, views the toppling of ageing dictators as a touchy subject.

Zimbabwe's Morgan Tsvangirai tells of the challenges of coalition with Mugabe

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/

Morgan Tsvangirai is the leader of Zimbabwe’s Movement for Democratic
Change, which has been in a power-sharing government with Robert Mugabe’s
Zanu-PF party since 2009. Here he tells The Sunday Telegraph’s Colin Freeman
about the challenges of life in a coalition government.

By Colin Freeman, in Harare

7:30AM BST 19 Jun 2011

CF: Many of your critics say that you should have never entered the
coalition, given the dire state that Zimbabwe’s government was in at the
time - they feared it would simply taint your own party with the perceived
failures of Zanu-PF. How do you respond to that?

Morgan Tsvangirai: It was a strategic decision based on our reality and our
situation.

Coalitions are not the best arrangement in the world, but they are
undertaken by a politician in order to pass through a certain phase, and I
think to a large extent we have delivered. In our case we had to face all
the challenges of an entrenched incumbent, and find a way of unlocking his
grip on state institutions.

CF: But Mugabe still controls the state security institutions. Isn’t that a
big problem?

MT: He still retains the overall monopoly of the state security sector, yes.
It was an omission at the negotiation stages (of forming the government), it
should have been one of the most important items to be discussed, but I can
understand the mindset of the negotiators. At the time they were not talking
about the transfer of power, they were talking about the sharing of power,
and therefore anything to tamper with certain institutions might have been
interpreted as an MDC attempt to take over power. Still, it was a serious
omission and that is now coming to haunt us as we confront how to create the
level playing field, as to how we make sure we have a non-partisan state
organ ahead of elections.

CF: Do you think there can be free and fair elections?

MT: I have no doubt that given the experience of June 2008, neither the
Southern African Development Community nor the African Union will
countenance anything other than an exercise that is credible and legitimate.
People must be forgiven for having a continuous preoccupation with Mugabe,
saying he will do this or do that. Things have changed. He no longer has
monopoly over the whole of the state; he has retained some power, yes, but
his authority is shared, and we are in a coalition that is hammering away
all the time at all his so-called tentacles of power. One thing that he won’t
do is make a unilateral decision on when to hold elections, because the SADC
and AU insist on certain conditions being fulfilled.

CF: Can you reform the commanders of the security sector yourself?

MT: We know their history in the liberation movements, they have a culture
of faith in the one-party philosophy, but we are moving to a multi-party
situation, and there needs to be a shift in their professional outlook and
culture to reflect that.

CF: You have had three attempts on your own life. Do you still fear
assassination by your political enemies within Zimbabwe?

MT: One thing I am very certain of is that if they wanted to get rid of me,
they would have taken me out already. They have the capacity and the means.
I don’t have any real way to protect myself if they were determined to take
me out, but because of the transition and because of the role I have played,
that may have soft-landed the crisis that existed two years ago.

CF: What is your relationship with Mr Mugabe like personally?

MT: I see him at the regular prime ministerial-presidential meeting every
Monday at 3 o clock. We discuss government business, the challenges we are
facing, diamond mining, civil service salaries, all kinds of things.
Unfortunately he has his way of then having a separate meeting with his own
people, so it undermines that relationship. But there is mutual respect -
where we disagree we disagree, but it is not as if I go in and start
shouting at him.

Mugabe refusing to accept reality

http://www.timeslive.co.za

Zoli Mangena
That's Life | 19 June, 2011 05:42

Politicians, like schizophrenics, usually don't notice - or deny it if they
do - when they lose touch with reality.

They continue in a delusional and paranoid mode, assuming they are still
fully in charge of their situation, until their bizarre postures and
purposeless agitation betrays them.

Without a doubt President Robert Mugabe - despite his advanced age and
health problems - is still firmly in charge of his faculties and situation,
just by merely looking at him and listening to him talk.

He is still sharp and coherent and his thought process very sound, although
he is obviously slowing down with age - which is probably why last week he
referred to President Jacob Zuma as "Mandela".

Although Mugabe delivers long-winded and boring addresses, he doesn't have
disorganised thinking and speech. It would be malicious to claim that Mugabe
talks gibberish in the technical sense of the word. He hasn't descended to
the level of the word salad.

However, events which took place during the Southern African Development
Community (SADC) summit at the Sandton Convention Centre in Johannesburg
last weekend have shown that Mugabe has lost touch with political reality
and is in denial.

In Freudian psychoanalysis being in denial is a defence mechanism by a
person or people faced with an unpleasant situation too uncomfortable to
accept or too ghastly to contemplate. The person therefore rejects reality
and insists it is not true, despite overwhelming evidence.

The Sandton summit proved this in many ways. Mugabe attended the summit
mainly with one objective: to revise or reverse the damning SADC resolutions
contained in the Livingstone communiqué of March 31.

The communiqué was issued after a critical meeting between the SADC
chairman, Namibian President Hifikepunye Pohamba, and members of the SADC
troika of the organ of politics, defence and security in Livingstone,
Zambia.

Apart from Pohamba, other SADC leaders who attended the meeting to discuss
the political and security situation in Zimbabwe and Madagascar, were troika
chairman, Zambian President Rupiah Banda, Mozambican President Armando
Guebuza and Zuma, the SADC facilitator on Zimbabwe.

The summit - whose outcome has angered Mugabe up to this day - "noted with
grave concern the polarisation of the political environment as characterised
by, inter alia, resurgence of violence, arrests and intimidation in
Zimbabwe".

In view of the above, the summit resolved that:

    There must be an immediate end of violence, intimidation, hate speech,
harassment, and any other form of action that contradicts the letter and
spirit of (Global Political Agreement) GPA;
    All stakeholders to the GPA should create a conducive environment for
peace, security and free political activity;
    The Inclusive Government in Zimbabwe should complete all the steps
necessary for the holding of the election, including the finalisation of the
constitutional amendment and the referendum;
    SADC should assist Zimbabwe to formulate guidelines that will assist in
holding an election that will be peaceful, free and fair; and
    The troika of the organ shall appoint a team of officials to join the
facilitation team and work with the Joint Monitoring and Implementation
Committee.

After that Mugabe lambasted Zuma and other SADC leaders, although he later
sent envoys all over the region to fight the Livingstone communiqué ahead of
the recent Windhoek meeting. He could not believe he was in deep trouble
with the SADC.

So for Mugabe the Sandton summit last week was a do or die situation. The
Livingstone resolutions had to be reversed at all costs. Mugabe thus fought
tooth and nail at the summit but Zuma and his colleagues refused to budge.

As SADC leaders usually do, they issued a communiqué after the Sandton
summit saying they had "noted the decisions of the SADC troika summit held
in Livingstone, Zambia, in March 2011".

Subsequent to that Mugabe and his Zanu-PF supporters rushed to the media,
claiming the Sandton summit had "rejected" the Livingstone decisions. A
fierce propaganda war thus broke out in the media debating the semantic
meaning of "noted" and "rejected".

Although it is obvious "noted" does not mean "rejected", Mugabe and his
incompetent spin doctors tried hard to tell a big lie about the outcome of
the Sandton summit.

However, their punch line was a disaster. I mean how do you argue that
"noted" means "rejected", even if you are desperate to win hearts and minds?

It soon became clear that Mugabe is refusing to accept reality. To protect
himself from this unpleasant situation, he withdrew into a laager of denial
but unfortunately he still doesn't seem to realise his time is up.

Mugabe is behaving like an ostrich which buries its head deep in the sand in
the midst of a gathering sandstorm.

Zanu-PF's narrowing options

http://www.politicsweb.co.za

Eddie Cross
19 June 2011

Eddie Cross on what the recent SADC summit means for Zimbabwe

The Situation in Zimbabwe

The SADC summit held in Sandton last weekend delivered more than was
anticipated. Although the propaganda machine is trying to muddy the waters,
the basic facts are that the summit endorsed the report of the President of
South Africa and the findings of the Troika Summit held two months ago in
Zambia.

In addition, the summit urged the Zimbabwean leadership to conclude talks on
the road map in the next month and to attach time lines to all aspects. This
final version will then be considered at the next summit now scheduled for
Angola in August.

One of the main issues was the decision to locate a SADC team in Zimbabwe to
support JOMIC (the Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee) in their
function of trying to monitor the implementation of agreements and to curb
political violence. This is being resisted by the Zanu PF elements in
government but will probably be implemented shortly. The South African
Facilitation Team is also increasing the frequency of visits to Zimbabwe and
heightening their profile.

What does this all mean? It means that SADC has now exhibited a solid front
towards the Zimbabwe crisis and in addition has demanded the full
implementation of an amended 'Road Map' designed to deliver a free and fair
election. The solidarity shown is critical as this now precludes action by
the hard liners in Zimbabwe who favor repudiating the GPA and going it alone
without the MDC and in defiance of the South Africans. In effect a thinly
disguised military coup. It would appear that this threat has now been dealt
with and will not reappear as a real possibility unless the hard liners
throw caution to the winds and go ahead. In which case the situation in
Zimbabwe will unravel swiftly.

The second option of the Zanu PF elements in the Transitional Government -
that of launching a full-scale democratic war against the MDC has also
suffered a serious setback. Such a strategy was already well on the way to
being implemented with the deployment of militia and security elements to
all Districts and the launch of a renewed campaign of terror and
intimidation using all the considerable resources at their disposal.

However it must be understood that the SADC decisions present Zanu PF with a
very serious situation. They are well aware that they now only command
residual support in all areas of the country and can no longer rely on the
traditional and conservative voters in the Tribal areas for some sort of an
electoral victory.

If followed through, the SADC road map to an election would almost certainly
see both Zanu PF and the smaller MDC factions eliminated with the MDC under
Morgan Tsvangirai achieving an overwhelming majority - tantamount to a one
Party State.

Clearly this is unacceptable to the other players and in fact to many
external observers and the problem now confronting all of those involved is
what to do next? There is not going to be any discarding of the GPA process
and the time table is likely to be confirmed and therefore the only
alternative for the Parties likely to be affected by an electoral avalanche
is to initiate talks with the major beneficiary of the SADC summit, the MDC
(T).

There are signs that this is being actively considered with the
deteriorating health of the President, Robert Mugabe being an added concern.
If he was to die in office or become significantly disabled, then the
procedure would be for the two Houses of Parliament to sit as an Electoral
College under the Chairmanship of the Speaker and elect an interim President
who would run Government until a Presidential election could be held in
three months. In such a situation, while Zanu PF would be entitled (under
the GPA) to nominate the candidates, they could not control who won and it
is likely that only one possible candidate has any chance of a majority and
that would be Vice President Mujuru.

Under these circumstances it would appear that the options for Zanu PF
decision makers have narrowed down significantly. If they cannot wage
electoral war against the MDC and cannot control the succession then the
only realistic course open to them is to adopt the MDC proposal (made public
in December 2010) to opt for a Presidential election in 2011/12 rather than
a harmonized election. This would leave them with a significant number of
seats in both Houses of Parliament and control of the majority of Rural
District Councils.

Once this core decision was made they would then negotiate agreements in the
following areas:

- A new national constitution which will reduce the powers of the President
(in anticipation of losing the election) and transfer them to Parliament,
provide for devolution of power to the Provinces and reduced numbers of
Provinces;

- Agreement to form a National Government after the Presidential election
which will include provision for all minority parties with representatives
in the House of Assembly; and

- Agreement on the retirement of the President Mugabe and a selected number
of hardliners who would demand protection in return for 'allowing' a
transfer of power.

If this were to occur, then the new government would probably be given a
five-year term to allow the new President to have a full term in office and
to give the minority Parties time to rebuild themselves before the next
elections in 2016 or 2017. Such an arrangement would bring much needed
stability and would also maintain a democratic situation in the country with
a new leadership that could start to the process to rebuild confidence and
the economy.

One other thing that has emerged from the summit is that the center of power
in Zimbabwe is moving steadily away from Zanu PF. This has significant
implications for the immediate future.

Eddie Cross is MDC MP for Bulawayo South. This article first appeared on his
website www.eddiecross.africanherd.com

The Three Alternatives – Zimbabwe Vigil Diary: 18th June 2011

The feeling of optimism we spoke about in last week’s diary seems to have been justified by the outcome of the SADC summit in Johannesburg. We could have hoped for no more: President Zuma has grasped the devil by the horns. It must have been wonderful to behold when, one by one, SADC leaders dozed off during Mugabe’s 45 minute rant as it became clear that the devil had been dehorned – clear if only because a senile Mugabe addressed Zuma as ‘Mandela’ and then, when apprised of his mistake, compounded it by assuming Mandela was dead. ‘God rest his soul’, he said. The Vigil wishes the same to Robert – as soon as possible.

SADC leaders made it obvious in Sandton that they have had enough of Mugabe’s prevarications. They are impatient to move on. As the Botswana Vice President Mompati Merafhe said, the region was sick and tired of the Zimbabwe problem. But what is not yet obvious is whether SADC has the bottle to deal with the problem. After all, Mugabe may have lost his horns but there is still plenty of devil left.

A quick opinion survey at the Vigil – in between short, sharp showers – produced three alternatives. We quickly ruled out the first: that Mugabe would comply with SADC’s demand that he honour his obligations under the GPA by the next SADC meeting in Luanda in August. (All Zimbabweans know this is out of the question, not least the GPA negotiators who rushed back to Harare and promptly decided to have a meeting . . . . next month.)

There was more debate about the so-called nuclear option: would Chiwenga decide to reject SADC? The military is stupid, yes – but this stupid?

But the third option, we decided as we dodged the showers, was the more likely – if only because it is what Zanu PF has always done: pretend to go along with the GPA while putting every obstacle in the way. So what can we expect? No-one can say that Zanu PF is not outrageous. They could, for instance, arrest Tsvangirai for murdering Police Inspector Petros Mutedza in Mbare. After all they have arrested loads of other MDC people for it. Anything to collapse the government so they can hold an ‘emergency election’ and – lo and behold – who will be pulled out of the hat blinking through his cataract eyes? Yes – that old devil!

For a Zanu PF view of the SADC developments from one of their many people in the UK the Vigil refers you to Lloyd Msipa (see: https://www.zimbabwesituation.com/old/jun15_2011.html#Z3 – SADC summit: Sanctions remain MDC's burden). According to the UK Telegraph on 4^th December 2010 ‘Two years ago Lloyd Msipa, a Zimbabwe-born approved adviser, was given a suspended prison sentence after charging people hundreds of pounds for advice he was not entitled to provide, while working for a not-for-profit voluntary organisation.’ (See: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/immigration/8181415/Government-to-review-future-of-immigration-advisers.html.)

Other points

·       As we mentioned in our diary of 11^th June, a member of the Vigil management team, Ephraim Tapa, has been elected President of the new Zimbabwe ‘Yes We Can’ Movement. Ephraim is President of our sister organisation Restoration of Human Rights in Zimbabwe (ROHR). He attended a meeting of the Zimbabwe Vigil management team on Wednesday 15^th June to explain the new movement. He said it was a grass roots global movement for REAL change with wide support in Zimbabwe and the Zimbabwean diaspora in the UK, the US and South Africa. Ephraim said there had unfortunately been some misinformation on the internet claiming that the movement was a political party. He said there was to be a meeting of the Zimbabwe ‘Yes We Can’ Movement on 25^th June to agree a constitution and positions on issues. Ephraim said how the movement developed depended on the response of ordinary Zimbabweans and what they wanted from it. People must realise they can make a difference and have the courage and confidence to act for REAL change. The Vigil management team agreed to support the Zimbabwe 'Yes We Can' Movement.   Vigil Co-ordinator Dumi Tutani was chosen as Vigil representative to the movement.

·       We get nutters visiting the Vigil most weeks but they were extraordinarily prolific this week. For instance we had a very drunk man swigging from a bottle of whisky dancing with us. We were worried he might fall and break the bottle and injure himself. Another man was very angry and shouted at Vigil supporters while we were praying and yet another said he had a panacea for sorting out our problems (including the human rights abuses and lack of democracy in Zimbabwe) as long as we listened to him and did what he said – he talked about tolerance but got very angry when we tried to respond. (We are trying to get the three together.)

·       The Secretary-General of SADC, Tomaz Salomão of Mozambique, is to address a meeting in London on Tuesday (for details of the meeting see Events and Notices). Everyone will remember him for endorsing the last Zimbabwean elections as free and fair. If anyone goes to the meeting they might like to ask why the SADC secretariat has never replied to our communications which have included the submission of various petitions. Was this a policy of arrogant disregard of normal courtesies or just inefficiency, which is known to characterise the secretariat?

·       Thanks to Juliet Musandirire for providing soft drinks today.  Also to Caroline Witts who came from Exeter and took care of the front table in the absence of our regulars and to Mercy Muranganwa for looking after the back table with  4 children in tow (one a baby on her back).

·       The Zimbabwe Association has moved into new offices – check Refugee Information

For latest Vigil pictures check: http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/. Please note: Vigil photos can only be downloaded from our Flickr website – they cannot be downloaded from the slideshow on the front page of the Zimvigil website. For the latest ZimVigil TV programme check http://www.zimvigiltv.com/.  

FOR THE RECORD: 87 signed the register.

EVENTS AND NOTICES:

·       The Restoration of Human Rights in Zimbabwe (ROHR) is the Vigil’s partner organisation based in Zimbabwe. ROHR grew out of the need for the Vigil to have an organisation on the ground in Zimbabwe which reflected the Vigil’s mission statement in a practical way. ROHR in the UK actively fundraises through membership subscriptions, events, sales etc to support the activities of ROHR in Zimbabwe.

·       ZBN News. The Vigil management team wishes to make it clear that the Zimbabwe Vigil is not responsible for Zimbabwe Broadcasting Network News (ZBN News). We are happy that they attend our activities and provide television coverage but we have no control over them. All enquiries about ZBN News should be addressed to ZBN News. 

·       The Zim Vigil band (Farai Marema and Dumi Tutani) has launched its theme song ‘Vigil Yedu (our Vigil)’ to raise awareness through music. To download this single, visit: www.imusicafrica.com and to watch the video check: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QukqctWc3XE.

·       Talk by the Secretary-General of SADC Tomaz Salomão. Tuesday 21^st June from 4 – 5 pm. Venue: Chatham House, 10 St. James's Square, London SW1Y 4LE. A coffee reception will be held from 15:30 to 16:00. Everyone is welcome but you need to a book place through Tighisti Amare at tamare@chathamhouse.org.uk stating your name and affiliation.

·       ROHR National Fundraising Event. Saturday 25^th June from 12 noon till late. Venue: St Peters Church Hall, Whitehall Road, West Bromwich B70 0HF. Come and enjoy African dishes and music while donating to a good cause.  Admission fee £8 includes a plate of food and a soft drink. Raffle tickets on sale @ £1. Contact: Peter Nkomo 07817096594, V J Mujeyi 07403446696, Tsvakai Marambi 07915065171, Solomon L Matshoba 07733741065, P Chibanguza 07908406069, R Chifungo 07795070609 or P Mapfumo 07915926323 / 07932216070

·       Free film screening of 'Hear Us'. Saturday 25^th June from 7 - 9 pm. Venue: The Frontline Club, 13, Norfolk Place, London, W2 1QJ. ‘Hear Us’ is a film from inside Zimbabwe about political violence against women. Kudakwashe Chitsike of the Research and Advocacy Unit will introduce the film and take your questions. For more information contact: the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, tel: +44 (0)20 7065 0945 or check: http://www.hrforumzim.com/hear-us-film.png

·       Service of Solidarity with Zimbabwe’s torture victims: Sunday 26^th June from 2 – 4 pm. Venue: Wesley’s Chapel and Leysian Mission, 49 City Road, London EC1Y 1AU (nearest tube: Old Street). The event is organized by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (www.hrforumzim.com). Speakers are Irene Petras, Director of the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights and Kudakwashe Chitsike, Lawyer in the Women’s Department of the Research and Advocacy Unit (Zimbabwe). Vigil supporters will be providing the music in the form of Zimbabwean hymns. (Because this is a human rights event the Vigil register will be taken.)

·       Stop the violence in Zimbabwe: Vigil for democracy and rights. Monday 27^th June from 1 – 2 pm outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London WC2R 0JR. This protest marks the anniversary of the fateful 2008 presidential ‘run off’ election when Zanu PF ran a brutal campaign of violence including mass rape in a bid to retain power.  Zimbabwe may have elections within the year. We cannot let the violence happen again. The protest is organised by Action for Southern Africa (ACTSA), the successor to the Anti-Apartheid Movement. ACTSA will be presenting hundreds of stop the violence cards to the Embassy. To get copies of the card or to let ACTSA know you’ll be attending, please email campaigns@actsa.org. (Because this is a human rights event the Vigil register will be taken.)

·       ROHR Liverpool general meeting. Saturday 9^th July from 1.30 – 4.30 pm. Venue: Kensington Methodist Church, 294 Kensington, Liverpool L7 2RN. ROHR national executive members present. A well-known immigration lawyer available to talk about the new country guidance ruling. Contact Anywhere Mungoyo 07939913688, Netsai Karota 07767483180, Panyika Anselm Karimanzira 07538534375, Sheilla Mironga 07578541227 or P Mapfumo 07915926323/07932216070.

·       Vigil Facebook page: http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=8157345519&ref=ts.

·       Vigil Myspace page: http://www.myspace.com/zimbabwevigil.

·       ‘Through the Darkness’, Judith Todd’s acclaimed account of the rise of Mugabe.  To receive a copy by post in the UK please email confirmation of your order and postal address to ngwenyasr@yahoo.co.uk and send a cheque for £10 payable to “Budiriro Trust” to Emily Chadburn, 15 Burners Close, Burgess Hill, West Sussex RH15 0QA. All proceeds go to the Budiriro Trust which provides bursaries to needy A Level students in Zimbabwe.

·       Workshops aiming to engage African men on HIV testing and other sexual health issues. Organised by the Terrence Higgins Trust (www.tht.org.uk). Please contact the co-ordinator Takudzwa Mukiwa (takudzwa.mukiwa@tht.org.uk) if you are interested in taking part.

Vigil co-ordinators

The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of human rights in Zimbabwe. The Vigil which started in October 2002 will continue until internationally-monitored, free and fair elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk

Has Jonathan Moyo threatened a military coup in Zimbabwe?

By Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, 19th June 2011

You don’t have to be a rocket scientist to tell that Jonathan Moyo’s latest
mouthing is a cowardly veiled threat of a military coup in Zimbabwe albeit
he is neither a soldier nor an ex-guerrilla. After reading his latest
instalment, “Livingstone report now a matter for historians’, New Zimbabwe,
19/06/11 it is clear that Jonathan Moyo has crossed the line by blackmailing
the people against negotiating a roadmap for free and fair elections.

Jonathan Moyo warns of “the looming danger which (he does not specify) …will
happen as sure as tomorrow is coming… that what is currently a political
process will become a national security matter.  If that happens, all hell
will break loose.” What does he mean by that? Has Jonathan Moyo threatened a
military coup in Zimbabwe?

Does he mean resorting to “ruling through “GBO”(Government By Operations)
led by jittery security arms” as he once claimed, saying they (JOC)
“implemented an undeclared state of emergency and roped in the Reserve Bank
to pursue an unprecedented law and order approach to monetary policy in
order to criminalise Zimbabweans…to inhuman and barbaric attacks in the name
of restoring order reminiscent of the Gukurahundi days.” (Jonathan Moyo,
“Why Mugabe should go now”, on October 29, 2006).

Unless the military disowns his scare tactics, they risk being complicit to
what amounts to as a treasonous act of threatening a constitutional
government. By remaining silent, the JOC could become Moyo’s puppets by
default by virtue of his two major assets – a fluent command of English and
a deceitful skill at spinning.

Jonathan Moyo deliberately misrepresents Zimbabwe’s tragic electoral history
and curiously apportions blame for the 5-week delay in announcing election
results to foreign countries. Has he forgotten what he said in April 2008:

“If there is one sobering thing that can be unequivocally said about why the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) has scandalously delayed the
announcement of the March 29 presidential election, it is simply that
President Robert Mugabe did not win the election and is now desperately
trying to steal the result through an unjustified recount because he does
not have any prospect of winning a run-off or a re-run,” (Jonathan Moyo,
‘Mugabe can’t stomach defeat,’ 13 April 2008). He did not stop there.

“Against this background, ZEC’s perverse delay in announcing the result of
the presidential election leaves Zimbabweans and the international community
with only one gloomy conclusion: the defeated Mugabe and his shocked
hangers-on are using the delay to scheme up a dirty game plan whose
nefarious purpose is to reverse Tsvangirai’s electoral victory with the
collusion of ZEC at all cost and by any means available. This is being done
under a barrage of confused and confusing Zanu PF talk around a recount,
runoff or rerun when the result has not been announced,” Moyo said.
Ironically, that time Moyo did not accuse those he called “the UK, US and EU
imperialists” of regime change!

Contrary to Jonathan Moyo’s claim that “Zimbabwe is capable of holding free,
fair and credible elections because it has the legal and institutional
bedrock upon which it has done so in the past,” preliminary findings of an
empirical study which I am conducting for my DPhil programme, the proposal
of which is at the University of Zimbabwe, show that the administration of
Zimbabwe’s elections has been militarized, politicized, flawed, and the
elections were fraught with electoral malpractices as evidenced by inter
alia, violence, murder, rape, scores of electoral petitions and the voters’
roll which is grossly defective.

My DPhil research proposal now with POLAD, UZ is entitled “Towards a new
theory – a critical analysis of the militarization of Zimbabwe’s elections
(2000 – 2011) and the implications for good governance”.

Observations by one scholar revealed the bizarre case of Bulawayo, where the
number of spoilt ballots at a polling station was higher than those of the
winning candidate and that it took ZEC only two days to announce the final
results for the 27 June 2008 run-off, and within a few hours the winning
candidate had been crowned the President of Zimbabwe although it took 5
weeks to announce March 2008 results!

Furthermore, Professor R W Johnson, of the South African Institute of Race
Relations recently announced that no fair referendum or election can be held
in Zimbabwe on the basis of the current voters’ roll because it has about
2.5 million fictitious voters on it.

If anything is now history, it is Jonathan Moyo’s parliamentary seat of
Tsholotsho which he should have resigned after he crossed the floor to
Zanu-pf because he is now short-changing the people of Tsholotsho who
deserve a fair representation in Parliament. In fact the Electoral Law Act
should be amended to clearly state that you lose your seat on crossing the
floor fullstop.

After all the people of Tsholotsho did not know Jonathan Moyo before he was
imposed on them by Robert Mugabe, who, in his own words at the funeral of
the late Witness Mangwende at the National Heroes Acre in Harare in May
2005, said the chiefs of Tsholotsho, where Moyo was standing as an
independent candidate after being barred from representing Zanu PF, told him
(Mugabe) that they did not know Moyo until he was imposed on them by the
president (Daily News, 02/05/05).

Of course, Jonathan Moyo knows very well that he would lose immunity from
prosecution for alleged criminal offences should he resign as an MP. Moyo is
also aware of the fact that there should have been a by-election in
Tsholotsho by now, were it not for the GPA despite lambasting it religiously
whenever he wakes up on the wrong side of the bed.

Two requests worth making are, first for a National Day of Prayer so that
Jonathan Moyo’s unspecified threat of “the looming danger ...which if it
happens..all hell will break loose” (synonymous with a coup?) does not
materialise; secondly, that Zanu-pf should takeaway his internet access so
that he does not cause alarm and despondency in the country through his
articles.

However, it’s unlikely they will succeed because Mugabe told a rally in
Masvingo in February 2005 that he and vice President Joyce Mujuru had spent
nearly one and half hours trying to convince Jonathan Moyo to step down and
allow the Politburo to have its way on the candidate for Tsholotsho
constituency, but he had refused because " ane musoro wakaoma sedamba"
(meaning he has a very hard head like that of a wild fruit called Damba in
Shona).

Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London,
zimanalysis2009@gmail.com