22.06.2013
http://www.newzimbabwe.com/
22/06/2013 00:00:00
by Staff
Reporter
DISAFFECTED supporters gathered at the Zanu PF headquarters
in Harare on
Friday protesting the disqualification of a number of
prospective candidates
for the party’s primary elections.
Among those
demonstrating were supporters of Mariam Chombo who was barred
from
challenging ex-husband and local government minister Ignatius Chombo in
Zvimba North constituency.
Zanu PF was due to hold its primaries on
Monday but national chairman, Simon
Khaya Moyo, who also heads the party’s
elections directorate, said they had
been delayed to Wednesday.
“This
is to give teams being deployed to all provinces to supervise the
elections
enough time,” Khaya Moyo told reporters in Harare.
“Provincial elections
directorates are directed to meet on Sunday 23 June
2013 to review and
consider any complaints on nominations and submit their
reports to the
national elections directorate on Monday 24 June 2013 by
4pm.”
The
primaries will choose the party’s candidates for this year’s general
elections which will elect a successor to the coalition
government.
But the selection of candidates for the primaries has sparked
disputes in a
number of constituencies apart from Zvimba North. Complains
have also been
raised in Bikita West, Mhangura, Muzvezve, Goromonzi West and
Mutoko South.
Said one of the supporters: “We want to inform the
President (Robert Mugabe)
of what is happening because we don’t want the
party to lose through
imposition of candidates.”
National political
commissar, Webster Shamu, said the party encourages its
supporters to
express their concerns.
“Even if a complaint is raised against me while I’m
in a leadership
position, I must allow the due process of seeking redemption
and resolution
of the problem. I should give a chance for the matter to be
handled in a
satisfactory way,” he said.
“The process of deepening
intra party democracy is not an overnight event,
it’s a process. We would
like to see that continue to be strengthened and
deepened. After this, we
should talk of democracy.”
Shamu however, said Miriam Chombo had not been
a member of the party for at
least five cumulative years as required under
regulations for contesting the
primaries.
“As for Marian Chombo, she
did not meet that criterion. That is actually in
her own curriculum vitae.
But we should also not leave such issues
unattended as a party,” he said.
http://www.voazimbabwe.com/
Blessing Zulu,
Ntungamili Nkomo
21.06.2013
WASHINGTON — The rift between President
Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF party and
the two Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) formations is widening after
attempts to meet Friday at State House to
resolve outstanding issues ahead
of general elections and expiry of
parliament failed to take off.
The MDC is alleging that Zanu-PF officials
did not turn up though their
leaders had to endure long hours of waiting.
President Mugabe, Vice
President Joyce Mujuru, Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai, Deputy Prime
Minister Arthur Mutambara and MDC leader Welshman
Ncube and several
government ministers were expected to meet to discuss the
outstanding
issues.
According to a statement issued by Ncube’s MDC
formation, Zanu-PF
representatives failed to turn up. “Professor Ncube,
Misihairabwi Mushonga,
PM Tsvangirai, Biti, Matinenga and two other people
all presented themselves
at State House in readiness for the
meeting."
It adds that, "For the Zanu-PF group, who did not turn up, the
MDC and MDC-T
teams realised that their wait was futile and left to attend
to other
business."
The statement says no explanation was given by
Zanu-PF as to why it did not
attend the meeting. “In apparent disregard for
common courtesy, no
explanation has thus far been given by the Zanu-PF team
for their
non-arrival for this very important meeting. We hope that this is
not a
deliberate delaying ploy to render the SADC recommendations
unachievable.”
Issues on the agenda included the extension of the
election date beyond July
31, the aligning of laws such as Access to
Information and Protection of
Privacy Act, Public Order and Security Act,
and Broadcasting Services Act,
Police Act, Defence Act and others with the
new constitution.
The Southern African Development Community at its
Maputo summit last week
called on Harare to implement these outstanding
issues. The life of
parliament ends June 29 and MDC officials are saying
it’s unlikely that
these outstanding issues will be resolved
soon.
Constitutional Affairs Minister Eric Matinenga told VOA that
Zimbabwe is
"headed for another disputed election as Zanu-PF is resisting
reforms."
But Zanu-PF spokesman Rugare Gumbo dismissed the allegation
saying the MDC
parties "are afraid of elections and are just interested in
embarrassing Mr.
Mugabe and his party by appealing to SADC"
Spokesman
Nhlanhla Dube of the MDC led by Mr. Ncube condemned President
Mugabe and his
team for not showing up at Friday's meeting.
http://www.voazimbabwe.com/
Irwin
Chifera
21.06.2013
HARARE — As political parties move to ensure that
the candidates they field
for Parliament are well qualified, Harare
residents say candidates for city
council must also be
scrutinized.
At a meeting organized Friday by the Harare Residents Trust,
the major
parties were urged to select knowledgeable and competent people to
contest
in the forthcoming elections.
Residents met to review service
delivery and discuss the performance of city
councilors in power since the
2008 election. Many people came forward to
say that the councilors had not
performed up to expectations and that most
of them should not be
retained.
Residents like Garikai Mabheka of Kuwadzana extension and
Silvia Bhakisoro
of Mabvuku said they are so disappointed by the current
crop of councilors
that they would like to see new people
elected.
“There are many of those we call to attend meetings but they
don’t come,”
said Ms. Bhakisoro. “It’s like they are scared of us when in
fact we are
the ones who chose them. In this coming election, we are now
thinking of
voting in the youths and forget about you, the old ones. That
is what we
are thinking. When we elect the young generation, they may do the
job well
because they have the energy.”
Precious Shumba, the director
of the Harare Residents Trust, said most
Harare City councilors spent much
of their terms unaware of their duties,
which made it naturally difficult
for them to perform to expectations, but
even after training many councilors
disappoint.
“Most of the councilors were in total darkness about their
roles and
responsibilities,” explained Mr Shumba. “However, through some
trainings
that were conducted by the Urban Councillors Association of
Zimbabwe, we
realized that there was slight improvement. However, we still
have around
50%...we give them 50% rating on performance because they have
failed to
articulate residents’ issues and pursue policies that would
address
residents’ problems.”
Nonetheless, Mr. Shumba said, the trust
will ask political
parties—especially the MDC-T, which controls Harare—to
drop inexperienced
and “corrupt” candidates in the upcoming
election.
“We are going to approach the MDC-T, which has the biggest
chances for
electoral victory, telling them that we do not want them to
bring back
councilors that failed to perform in the last council,” Mr.
Shumba said.
“We do not want councilors that were linked to corrupt
activities. We would
want them [the MDC-T] to try new people—more
experienced and more passionate
about community development.”
Studio
7 called Harare city council chief whip Victor Chifodya to react to
the
criticisms, but Mr. Chifodya was unavailable.
However, there are signs
that the MDC-T is taking residents’ anger
seriously. In May this year the
party reportedly blocked Deputy Mayor
Emmanuel Chiroto and some city
councilors alleged to be corrupt from
standing for reelection. Local
Government Minister Ignatius Chombo has even
suspended or fired several
councilors from office for alleged corruption.
Given the extent of urban
problems, including the lack of clean water, the
poor state of roads, and a
perceived decline in service delivery, councilors
across the country will
undoubtedly face a similarly discontented electorate
as harmonized elections
sometime this year approach.
http://www.herald.co.zw/
Friday, 21 June 2013 00:00
Martin Kadzere Senior
Business Reporter
TOURIST arrivals by air rose 49 percent over the past two
years to about 54
000 as a result of new airlines into Zimbabwe, latest
statistics from the
Zimbabwe Tourism Authority show.
Several foreign
airlines suspended flights into the country between 1998 and
2008 due to
economic challenges induced by illegal sanctions, which
contracted the
economy by 50 percent.
Among them were Austrian Airlines, Swiss Air, Air
India, Air France and TAP
Air Portugal, Air Mauritius, Linhas Aereas de
Mocambique Airline, Royal
Swazi Airlines, Air Seychelles, Air Tanzania,
Ghana Airways, Air Uganda and
Air Cameroon.
But there has been
renewed interest in Zimbabwe among foreign airlines since
2010 after the
adoption of the multi-currency system which stabilised the
economy. The
airlines include Dubai-based Emirates Airlines, Air Namibia,
Air Egypt, KLM
Royal Dutch Airlines, LAM Airlines. Air France, Austrian
Airlines, Swiss Air
and Bulgarian Airlines.
Qantas and Lufthansa have also expressed interest
in flying to Zimbabwe. The
ZTA statistics show that air travellers into the
country increased from 36
373 in 2010 to 54 097 this year. The 2013 arrivals
are for three months to
March.
Compared with the previous quarter of
2012, arrivals were up 8 percent from
50 081. Arrivals by air and road
increased 17 percent last year to 404 282
from 346 299 in
2011.
“There has been a general increase in arrivals by air over the past
(two
years), thanks to the new airlines that came into this destination over
the
last two years,” said ZTA.
“However, 2013 has seen a decline in
the market share of air travel from 14
percent in 2012 to 13 percent, losing
a percentage point to road users. This
is especially so considering that
most arrivals into the country are
regional and these usually travel by
road.
“With improved air access, Zimbabwe is projecting tourist arrivals
will grow
4 percent next year,” the ZTA said.
Overall tourist
arrivals into the country increased by 17 percent, rising to
404 282 in the
first quarter of this year. The number of tourists from
Europe and the rest
of Africa rose 8 percent and 86 percent, respectively,
while Oceania and the
Middle East did not have significant numbers of
tourists visiting the
country.
The country co-hosts with Zambia the United Nations World
Tourism
Organisation General Assembly in August and this presents an
opportunity to
work on the perception the world has on the country.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com/
21/06/2013 00:00:00
by
SAPA
THE South African government hopes Zimbabwe’s top court
will allow the
crucial election date to be pushed back from 31 July, Deputy
International
Relations Minister Ebrahim Ebrahim said on Friday.
In
line with resolutions of a Southern African Development Community (SADC)
summit held in Maputo, immediate steps had to be taken to create conducive
conditions for credible elections, Ebrahim told journalists in
Pretoria.
"Without undermining the Constitutional court decision as such,
I think any
reasonable court will see that there are certain constitutional
and
logistical problems that will arise [if elections were held on 31
July]," he
said.
"The court will have to look at it in a very
favourable way. An extension of
14 or 15 days will not be an unreasonable
request and a reasonable court
will allow for an extension."
Ebrahim
said he was informed of previous instances in Zimbabwe where
extensions were
granted for local government elections.
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa
filed papers on Tuesday that sought "a
postponement of the date for the
harmonised elections from 31 July 2013 to
14 August 2013".
That
announcement came just days after Southern African leaders pressed
President
Robert Mugabe to delay the polls to allow more time for democratic
reforms.
In setting the original election date, Mugabe had said he
was complying with
the Constitutional court's ruling to hold elections by 31
July.
The elections were to choose a successor to the uncomfortable
power-sharing
government, which was forged four years ago as a path away
from a decade of
political violence.
Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai, a long-time Mugabe rival, has called for
reforms - to free the
media, depoliticise the security services, and make
sure the electoral roll
is accurate - before the vote is held.
Analysts in Zimbabwe warned on
Friday that Mugabe, though he appeared to
have caved in to regional pressure
to delay the key elections, could yet
forge ahead with the polls without
making vital reforms.
http://mg.co.za/
21 JUN 2013 00:00 WONGAI ZHANGAZHA
A powerful Zimbabwean
parliamentary committee, comprising members of both
Zanu-PF and the Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC), has raised the alarm
about the lack of
accountability for the sale and smuggling of diamonds from
Marange, which is
costing the Zimbabwe fiscus hundreds of millions of
dollars in lost
revenue.
The mines and energy portfolio committee also put Mines Minister
Obert Mpofu
on the spot by demanding that he justify the choice of a South
African
company, the New Reclamation Group (Reclam), for a diamond mining
joint
venture with the state-owned Zimbabwe Mining Development Company
(ZMDC).
The committee's report, presented to Parliament last week, dealt
with mining
in the Marange fields in Eastern Zimbabwe from 2009 to 2013. It
highlighted
a number of irregularities and loopholes in the revenue
chain.
The committee, headed by Edward Chindori-Chininga, a vocal Zanu-PF
MP and
former mining minister, visited four mining companies operating in
Marange:
Anjin, Diamond Mining Corporation (DMC), Mbada Diamonds and Marange
Resources.
The report quoted Mbada Diamonds as saying that it had
paid $293-million to
the government since it started mining in 2009,
including $117-million in
2011-2012. But it pointed out that Finance
Minister Tendai Biti said in his
2013 budget statement that the government
received a total of only
$41-million in diamond revenues in the previous
year.
The report also said that Anjin, Marange Resources and DMC, which
could
supply a quarter of world demand, refused to disclose the payments
they had
made to the government.
A recent report by Partnership
Africa Canada (PAC) stated that the lack of
transparency surrounding
Zimbabwe's diamond revenues was depriving the
treasury of much-needed
revenue and could be funding a "parallel government"
other than the
government of national unity.
The PAC said the lack of transparency over
the flow of the money pointed to
systemic failures in Zimbabwe's internal
controls, including an illegal
trade.
The committee added that since
the formalisation of mining in Marange's
heavily protected Chiadzwa area it
had been dogged by problems of
transparency and accountability; the
smuggling and leaking of diamonds from
Marange and controversy over the
selection of joint venture partners and
governance systems in the joint
venture companies.
In its report the committee expressed concern that,
since Zimbabwe was
allowed to trade its diamonds on the world market, the
government had not
received meaningful contributions from the sector,
despite "the fact that
production levels and the revenue generated from
exports has been on the
increase".
It highlighted serious
discrepancies between the government's receipts from
the sector and what the
diamond mining companies claimed to have remitted to
the
treasury.
The committee also described its frustrations in trying to
access
information on diamond revenue, saying Mpofu had not responded to its
queries. It said that, between 2010 and 2102 it was not allowed to conduct
on-site inspections of the mining companies operating in Marange.
The
committee said Mbada Diamonds' attempted diamond auction in January
2010,
blocked because of national and Kimberley Process requirements,
violated
national and international law and "opened a Pandora's box,
revealing
several irregularities and loopholes in the entire diamond value
chain".
Institutions involved in the chain, including the ZMDC, the
Minerals
Marketing Corporation of Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe Republic Police
Minerals
Unit and the ministry of mines, professed ignorance about the
proposed
auction.
"This was a sign that the institutions were not
well co-ordinated in the
production and marketing of the diamonds in
Marange," said the committee.
"It seems Mbada Diamonds took advantage of
this weakness and attempted to
auction the diamonds without the knowledge or
presence of these
institutions."
The committee expressed concerns
that the selection of companies to operate
in Marange was flawed and that
the choice of Reclam and Core Mining for
joint ventures with the ZMDC was
"not in accordance with any known
precedents, procedures or with reference
to any legislation in the country".
It said Mpofu would not be drawn into
revealing who chose these investors.
He said: "I was a new minister and
directed to go that way."
The committee said it was "clearly
unacceptable" that Mpofu and his
officials did not want to disclose who
selected the joint venture partners,
creating the impression that the
selection process was conducted by an
unknown person or body.
The
committee also expressed displeasure over the mining contract with
Grandwell
Holdings (Reclam's holding company), which led to the formation of
Mbada
Diamonds, which, it said, showed that government could have been
prejudiced
in a number of ways.
Tycoon denies acting on Mugabe's behalf
The
chairperson of Mbada Diamonds, the mega-rich Zimbabwean businessperson
Robert Mhlanga, is President Robert Mugabe's former personal pilot and is
alleged to be his business agent. But Mhlanga, through his lawyer, Lazelle
Paola, has denied acting for Mugabe.
The Mail & Guardian reported
last year that Mhlanga had been on a
R185-million property-buying spree,
acquiring prime real estate on the
KwaZulu-Natal North Coast and in Sandton,
Johannesburg. His dealings raised
eyebrows, as he appeared to be content to
pay up to six times the going rate
for the properties.
The M&G
also reported that he is at the centre of an opaque network of
companies
based in South Africa, Mauritius, Hong Kong and the British Virgin
Islands.
Mbada Diamonds is a 50-50 joint venture, which the New
Reclamation Group
entered through its Mauritian registered subsidiary,
Grandwell Holdings.
In May this year Mhlanga told the Zimbabwean
Parliament that Mbada Diamonds
had had a turnover of just less than
$600-million over the past two years.
It had paid half of this in dividends
and taxes to Zimbabwe's treasury, 26%
towards working capital and 24% (about
R612-million) to private
shareholders.
Last year Mbada Diamonds
claimed sanctions against it were an attack by a
"jealous and outright
anti-Zimbabwe and anti-African agenda".
http://www.newzimbabwe.com/
20/06/2013 00:00:00
by Obert
Gutu
FROM May 29-30, 2013 I was humbled to represent my party,
the MDC led by
Morgan Tsvangirai, at a policy forum on wealth distribution
and the role of
ruling parties in Southern Africa that was held in the
beautiful coastal
city of Maputo in Mozambique. The forum was co-hosted by
the governing party
in Mozambique, the Frente de Libertacao de Mocambique
(FRELIMO) and the
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung Maputo Office.
It was
attended by representatives from the governing political parties in
Mozambique, the Movimento Popular de Libertacao de Angola ( MPLA),the
Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), the People’s Party of Malawi (PP), SWAPO of
Namibia, the African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa, the Patriotic
Front (PF) of Zambia and Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) of Tanzania.
The
historic policy forum was officially opened by the FRELIMO
Secretary-General, Filipe Paunde, a very powerful diminutive politician who
is most likely going to succeed President Armando Guebeza when he completes
his second and final term. The forum was held at the FRELIMO party school in
Matola, a few kilometres outside Maputo. For some of us, that historic
gathering marked a defining moment in the political trajectory of governing
parties in Southern Africa. Indeed, it is no longer business as usual. Times
are changing and obviously, people and institutions have to adjust to the
times or they will simply become obsolete and utterly irrelevant.
I
am an ardent admirer of Samora Machel, the late fiery and charismatic and
revolutionary military commander and socialist leader who led Mozambique to
independence in 1975 until his tragic and untimely death in a very
suspicious air crash on October 19, 1986. I believe that he loved his people
and also that he loved Africa. He was a revolutionary, a nationalist and a
Pan-Africanist; ideals that some of us hold most dearly. He was a man who
despised and hated tribalism, nepotism, racism and corruption. Put simply,
he was a hero. Thus, I make absolutely no apology for my great admiration of
this African icon and Pan-Africanist statesman. The story of Mozambique
bears very stark lessons for us in Zimbabwe.
I am a proud member and
supporter of the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) led by Morgan
Tsvangirai. I am a lawyer by profession and a politician
by choice. I joined
the MDC at its inception more than thirteen years ago
mainly because I had
been thoroughly disillusioned and frustrated, if not
downright angered by
the incessant, vile and rampant intolerance and
corruption in the then sole
governing political party in Zimbabwe, Zanu PF.
My family history inevitably
dictated that I became an ardent and fervent
supporter of ZAPU led by Joshua
Nkomo. Up to this very day, I fondly
remember that sunny June day in the
late 1960s when Joshua Nkomo and his
delegation spent some time at the small
rural business that was run by my
parents at Mushayavanhu business centre in
Gutu. To this day, Joshua Nkomo
remains my hero; my role model and ultimate
revolutionary.
The revolution in Zimbabwe has gone completely
off-track. Somewhere along
the way, the revolution was hijacked by sharks,
looters, thieves and later
day nationalists and fake socialists. What
started as a very noble and
salutary struggle for self-determination and
indigenous socio-economic
empowerment has since been hijacked by daylight
robbers and fake
revolutionaries who are solely driven by the morbid and
sordid desire for
primitive wealth accumulation and
self-aggrandisement.
These are men and women with absolutely no shame.
For as long as they line
their own pockets with ill-gotten wealth and money
accumulated from bribes
and kick-backs they don’t give a damn what happens
to the majority of the
people. These are the sort of political charlatans
that will easily make
revolutionary icons like Samora Machel and Joshua
Nkomo turn in their
graves. The revolution has gone astray and with it has
gone the self-less
spirit of ubuntu and patriotism. Quite honestly, if this
greedy and corrupt
gang of fake and later-day revolutionaries is not
stopped, then Zimbabwe
will surely and irretrievably go to the
dogs.
The MDC’s formation is a direct result of the decay, incompetence,
ineptitude and rampant corruption in Zanu PF, the erstwhile revolutionary
party. The MDC is not a creation of the white imperialists. If anything,
Zanu PF created the MDC and as fate will soon prove, Zanu PF’s inevitable
collapse is directly linked to the resurgence of the MDC; a political party
whose bedrock is democratic socialism as opposed to dogmatic and Stalinist
socialism.
Unlike FRELIMO, Zanu PF has utterly failed to transform
itself into a
conventional and democratic political party with a bottom-up
approach to
running its affairs. They have remained as a Stalinist top-down
rag tag
organisation with a top heavy so-called political bureau which is
basically
hand-picked by the party strong man. This paradigm of doing
business simply
doesn’t cut. It no longer works and this is fundamentally
the reason why the
MDC is better organised and better focused compared to
Zanu PF which is now
a pale shadow of the political movement that
participated in the liberation
struggle that ushered Zimbabwe into
independence in 1980. The failure to
periodically and strategically renew
its leadership has inevitably led to
the virtual collapse of this erstwhile
revolutionary party. Quite honestly,
any organisation that fails to change
its leadership in almost four decades
is doomed to fail. It is as simple as
that.
One doesn’t have to be a rocket scientist to appreciate the fact
that
revolutionary parties such as FRELIMO and Chama Cha Mapinduzi remain
immensely popular and robust to this very day mainly because they have gone
beyond bullets and rockets. They have long since seen reality and as such,
they periodically renew and re-energise their leadership. They appreciate
that politics is not a profession but a vocation. People have to come and
go. Even the Communist Party of China (CPC) has since realised the need to
periodically renew its leadership. In modern-day China, no leader lasts more
than ten years in office no matter how popular they may be. This is what our
colleagues in Zanu PF have dismally failed to appreciate. Put simply, no one
is indispensable.
Political parties have to continuously reform or
else they die. This is the
main lesson that some of us got from that
well-maintained FRELIMO party
school in Matola. The school is a modern
complex, complete with a conference
centre that can easily and comfortably
accommodate 3,500 delegates. There
are sporting facilities that include
basketball pitches, soccer and cricket
pitches. There are even classrooms
and computer laboratories were young
FRELIMO cadres are taught the ideals of
the revolution as well as selfless
dedication to their country.
In
other words, FRELIMO is no longer that rag tag guerrilla movement that
fought a bitter armed struggle against Portuguese colonialism in the 1960s
and 1970s.They have modernised and transformed themselves into a viable
political party that is run like a viable business enterprise. Some of us
couldn’t not help but admire the way in which the FRELIMO party school even
has its own cafeteria with professional chefs. All meals were served at a
very modern and up-market FRELIMO cafeteria within the precincts of the
party school. What impressed me most was the regalia shop at the party
school where all FRELIMO regalia is on display and is sold for the benefit
of the party. They have everything from party T-shirts, golf shirts,
baseball caps, key rings, shirts etc. As if that is not enough, FRELIMO also
runs another party regalia shop in the central business district of
Maputo.
Zimbabwean political parties have a lot to learn from how
successful
organisations like FRELIMO are run. Little wonder that the
Mozambican
economy is booming and there is tremendous foreign direct
investment (FDI)
into that country. While we are busy scaring away potential
investors by
shouting misguided slogans about so-called indigenisation and
empowerment,
FRELIMO is quietly and effectively turning around the
Mozambican economy;
which has in fact, become one of the fastest growing
economies in
Sub-Saharan Africa. Zimbabwe’s economy is still in trouble and
we can only
but add more damage by adopting ruinous and populist policies
such as the
ill-designed and ill-fated so-called indigenisation and
empowerment program;
that “program’’ is just an excuse for looting and
personal aggrandisement.
Some of us see more vision and focus in the
JUICE (Jobs, Upliftment,
Investment, Capital and Environment) and ART
(Agenda for Real
Transformation) policies as enunciated by the MDC. Indeed,
we need a real
and concise agenda for transformation if we are to take
Zimbabwe to the next
level. We have to create jobs as well as uplift our
people’s standard of
living. Surely, there is JUICE in ART and there is also
ART in JUICE.
Obert Gutu is the Senator for Chisipite in Harare. He is
also the MDC Harare
provincial spokesperson as well as the Deputy Minister
of Justice and Legal
Affairs.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com/
22/06/2013 00:00:00
by Melusi
Nkomo
A FEW days ago Zimbabwe’s Minister of Finance, Tendai Biti
gave an interview
to Bernard Mpofu of the newspaper Newsday. A few minutes
into the interview
I was dismayed at the minister’s cynicism towards those
who are seeking
‘alternatives to neoliberalism’ and by implication those who
cherish the
idea of social democracy itself.
The utterances by
Minister Biti could not have come at a worse time, in the
sense that
millions of toiling Zimbabwean have been pinning their hopes for
a better
social democratic Zimbabwe on his party, and with elections just
around the
corner, that is where the timing is very unfortunate. Some of us
now have an
idea of the kind of ‘anti-poor and anti-working people’ policies
that we
have to expect in the event of an MDC-T takeover of the reins of
power, come
August 2013. This will be unfortunate for the poor majorities
who have
suffered the most during three decades of Zanu PF malfeasance.
After the
interviewer asked the question “What does the International
Monetary Fund
Staff Monitored Programme mean to Zimbabwe?” Minister Biti was
quick to
flaunt the struggle of his ‘friends from the left’ against
neoliberalism
arguing that the Bretton Woods system as represented by the
World Bank and
the International Monetary Fund are irreplaceable
“gatekeepers” vis-à-vis
“small” countries like Zimbabwe. Nothing could be
further from the
truth.
If anything the Honourable Minister’s responses reflect a
deliberate,
cold-blooded effort to ignore the potential of social democratic
policies to
transform the fortunes of millions of long suffering Zimbabweans
for the
better. He confirms my fears and that of many others particularly in
the
labour movement that his MDC-T party’s mere brush over of social
democracy
in its so-called Jobs Upliftment Investment Capital Ecology
(JUICE) policy
document is a derision of the toiling workers and the rest
of long
suffering poor majority in Zimbabwe.
Many renowned experts,
amongst them Ha-Joon Chang a development economics
professor at Cambridge
University and former consultant to the World Bank,
Joseph Stiglitz a former
senior vice president and chief economist of the
World Bank and Noam
Chomsky, who is a Philosopher at the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology
(MIT) have provided compelling arguments against
neoliberalism and the
failure of this ‘hegemonic ideology’ especially in
developing
countries.
Minister Biti is surely swimming against the tide. His
argument that “a very
small country like ours” cannot successfully repudiate
odious debt is
defeatist and smacks of a leadership banked on carrying out
short-sighted
post-Mugabe financial programmes through reckless borrowing.
The minister
should be reminded that taking the reins of power is a means to
an end and
not an end in itself. In other words he should stop being
concerned about
the short term glory and personal aggrandisement that will
definitely come
if an MDC-T led government takes over and chooses to blindly
implement the
neoliberal policies that define the Bretton Woods system’s
programmes.
The socioeconomic and political transformation of Zimbabwe is
a struggle
that has just began and will have to continue even after the
ouster of
Robert Mugabe. Occupying the government offices at Munhumutapa
Buildings is
definitely not the final destination for change seekers in
Zimbabwe. So the
repudiation of odious debt is one step in a journey of a
thousand miles.
The resentment against neoliberalism is quite palpable
around the world.
People are fed up with what Minister Biti is prescribing
for post-Mugabe
Zimbabwe and they are rising up. Since 2011, we have
witnessed
‘anti-neoliberalism/ anti-capitalism’ protests at the heart of
capitalist
establishment in New York. This sent chills down the spines of
the ‘one
percent’ rich people whose gluttony has caused untold suffering of
the ’ninety-nine
percent’ majority who are struggling everyday to make ends
meet. In Europe,
particularly in Greece, Spain and Germany, riot policemen
and policewomen
are working extra hours to contain disenchanted masses that
are fighting
against the European Union’s austerity policies. Mind you,
these are the
same policies that Minister Biti wants to shove down
Zimbabweans’ throats.
Zambia, one of the countries that minister Biti
wants Zimbabwe to emulate
has received encomiums from the International
Financial Institutions for its
‘economic growth’, but a closer look at its
social indicators provides a sad
picture of ‘hunger amidst plenty’. A
February 2013 report by the
organisation, Actionaid, citing empirical
sources points out that the
proportion of rural Zambians living in poverty
increased to 90% since 2001
and that despite the country’s position as an
exporter of foodstuffs around
“45% of Zambian children are undernourished to
the point of being stunted”.
Further to this, the International Labour
Organisation (ILO) reported in
2008 that Zambia had a shocking Gini
Coefficient of 0.67. Such levels of
economic inequalities are not anything
to admire let alone even strive to
emulate.
The Minister must also
realize that free market fundamentalist policies will
not help achieve the
‘Asian Tigers’ status reflected in his party’s policy
documents,
particularly the so-called JUICE. Zimbabwe will further be
deindustrialized
and the toiling majority will further be sidelined from the
mainstream
economy. This is one among the many economic miscalculations
Robert Mugabe’s
government committed when it adopted Structural Adjustment
Programmes in the
early 1990s.
Minister Biti must also be reminded that the developmental
state achieved by
the ‘Asian Tigers’ that his party purportedly wants to
emulate developed not
because the swallowed neoliberalism hook, line and
sinker but because they
did not leave their nascent industries completely at
the mercy of free
market and all the other challenges that come with
adopting its unbridled
version.
No amount of economic mumbo-jumbo,
neither Zimbabwe Accelerated Arrears
Clearance, Debt and Development
Strategy (ZAADS) nor the Zimbabwe
Accelerated Reengagement Economic
Programme (ZAREP) can vindicate the naked
fact that the Minister’s plans are
banked on short-term alleviation of the
country’s developmental malaise
through placating donors. There is no long
term vision to see Zimbabwe
achieve sustainable prosperity now and for
posterity. The Minister spewed
out neoliberal rhetoric quite similar to
South Africa’s Growth, Employment
and Redistribution (GEAR). Such policies
have only succeeded in pushing
South Africa’s poor into a tight corner and
leaving the whole socioeconomic
fabric tainted by unemployment, poverty and
lewd inequalities.
If
Honourable Biti meant what he said seriously then Zimbabwe is in for a
shocker if his party manages to capture power in August. Years from now, we
will still sing the same songs of poverty, inequality and the burden of
unmanageable debt.
Melusi Nkomo is a Ph.D candidate at the Graduate
Institute of International
and Development Studies (University of Geneva)
Geneva, Switzerland. He can
be reached at mnkomozim@yahoo.co.uk
http://www.newzimbabwe.com/
22/06/2013 00:00:00
by Nathaniel
Manheru
AMAZING how even the five years in the Inclusive Government
have not taught
our democrats much. They still don’t know how to read
Summits. Or was this a
coping mechanism after a dizzying smite? We went to
Maputo last Saturday,
stalked by hopeful MDC formation personages. In the
crowd were two twitting
twins I dedicate this instalment to. Things
happened, in and outside the
Sadc Summit venue where leaders of nations
gathered, accompanied by aping
leaders of little parties.
Late
afternoon, the gathering broke up, delegates beating different paths in
different directions, at different times, all to different country
destinations. Among them, one Robert Mugabe, who bade goodbye to the Sadc
Executive Secretary, Dr Salamao. He said, “Well, we leave you to do the
rest.
It has been a very good meeting. Thanks a lot.” He left before
the
communiqué was out. Those who know RGM enough will tell you that is his
valedictory trade mark, especially the last sentence. Along the way to the
car park of the Summit venue were Welshman Ncube and his pitiably small
crowd, talking to ZBC in his typical drooling style.
At the Airport,
Guy Scott, Zambia’s Vice President pulls a fast one on
President Mugabe. He
had occupied a departure lounge adjacent to that
occupied by the Zimbabwean
President. Could he be spared a moment for a
quick ear bite, importuned the
Zambian Vice President? RGM obliged, obliged
with blind courtesy he is wont
to give unconditionally when all is well. He
went to the VP’s
lounge.
Soon Mugabe realises he has been tricked: the Zambian leader
wanted the
President to address the Zambian press on the outcome of the
Maputo Summit.
Protesting feebly, he again obliges.
His response is
long-winded, seemingly directionless. Again, those who have
known him enough
follow the build-up, so lazily done yet a harbinger to some
grand finale.
The gem is always in the parting shot. “Tell President Sata
that although he
did not come, matters went on very well, and we are very
happy with the
outcome. Very happy.” The story is the mood, a playful mood
all along
hidden beneath folds of a brooding face, one so used to cheating
the world
through deceptive slumbers!
Flash of big English
Back home the little
men and women in opposition finally make it, twits
overflowing in their
heads. Sooner the network comes abuzz with vivid
descriptions of events in
Maputo. It is a colourful story of boastful
“winners”, placid,
expressionless “losers”; all made in words or in nowadays
parlance, twits.
Priscilla goes wild with imagination, describing her party
president’s
performance in superlatives, pitying the President of Zimbabwe
for a
humiliating encounter, an imperilled legacy.
The unsuspecting reader
does not realise the poor minister is describing
presentations in the
Summit, and not decisions of the Summit, which she
avoids like a plague.
Summit resolutions are lost in her composition which
ends up as an elegy to
her party president, a professor.
The accent, the stress, had been
totally lost by this otherwise genial
minister. And inside the conference,
Welshman’s strength had proved his
weakness. He went professorial, turned
the Summit into a court. He advanced
beautiful arguments, all well cited,
flashing with big English. Alas, all to
a yawning regional
leadership!
The voice that finally turned the tables was that of
President Pohamba, a
simple man wielding a simple, practical mind. He paid
perfunctory tribute to
the learned professor, but quickly cut into the heart
of the matter: could
Sadc ever ride roughshod over national courts? Could
Sadc encourage its
leaders to sidestep court decisions? Not in my country,
he declared. So in
whose? The grand reasoning simply crumbled, albeit in a
manner not so
apparent to two mating minds drunk with
self-adulation.
Read against the professor’s colourful presentation of
Priscilla’s delight,
you wondered why so simple, so little is so lost upon
such a labyrinth of
vast, professorial thought. Maybe that is why the world
does not belong to
professors!
And Biti twits wild
And TB? Oh
Biti! As always yarning things-which-are-not, to use Jonathan
Swift’s
phrase! On Facebook, he built his own world, using hard bricks from
supple,
jelly words. He invented his own resolutions, to self-delight, to
self-deceit.
He even deployed peremptory language so foreign to
Summits, so unlike Sadc.
So Sadc never recommended; it “directed”. So Sadc
never proposed; it
“ordered”! He had decided to put armour on wafer, all to
attain day-long
glory. It taught me one thing: that the new media has the
reach, enormous
reach. But it has no scruples. This is why it is a platform
for scoundrels
who seek and cultivate evanescent glory, while spitting on
truth.
And both ministers got evanescent glory, savoured it. It taught me
another
thing. That never fight what time takes care of, what time removes
or
repairs. And Zanu PF waited for time, only paid for by mere patience and
maturity. It could have dived in to rebut or challenge those twits: as
words, as the two humans. It didn’t, and that took quite extraordinary
equanimity in the face of outrageous lies, frontal provocation. By Monday,
time was already delivering on Zanu PF’s doorstep.
The true story of
Maputo began to unfold, reclassifying early victors, early
losers alike!
What cures childishness in political upstarts? I wonder.
Numbers did not
matter
President Mugabe was ready for hardballs, whether tossed to him or by
him.
Sadc is incredibly important to Zimbabwe, to be allowed to mislead or
be
misled. But he didn’t have to play hardballs. He had done enough
canvassing
for intended outcomes. The matter would be decided, not by
numbers as those
who blocked Mutambara thought.
Not by presentations
as both Ncube, and Tsvangirai’s speechwriters thought.
The day would be
carried by practice and experiences in statecraft. Here was
a practical
imbroglio of governance, one to be decided by practical minds,
never by
ideologues or starry-eyed snobs, intellectual idealists. And that
is exactly
what happened. The resolution came from men of governmental
affairs, not
from students of law, or those totally lacking in studentship.
Challenged
the sun
I said Mugabe did not have to play hardballs. Two key things came
right, and
so disarmed him. The judgment of the Zimbabwean Constitutional
Court was
recognised and upheld by Sadc. Secondly, the same Court’s role as
the final
arbiter was upheld, both by way of its earlier ruling, and in
respect of
future actions proposed by the Summit.
That did it. The
President could afford to ruminate. Chinamasa, who should
have responded to
Ncube’s presentation - blow by blow - thereby showing
professorial
shallowness beneath well-cited, verbose pretences, was stood
down by the
President himself. Enough damage had already been done by the
Namibian
President. Enough had already been gained. So Madame Priscilla,
your man
shone with the brilliance of a firefly.
Well and good for as long as you
pit him against other flies. But once his
boast transports him to another
realm, a realm where he challenges the sun
to the glow, then his shine
becomes something else. And these two ministers
must learn one simple lesson
in diplomacy: once your invisible goal is
attained, speak less, and do less.
It is not a sign of weakness, of defeat.
Fatefully, they brought their hands
together in thanks to the gods, well
before the bird was in the
hand.
Ball in Zimbabwe court
The sum of it all is that Sadc pushed the
matter back to Zimbabwe, itself
the goal and wish of Zanu PF. The Court to
which the action is turned is in
Zimbabwe. The actors, again all
Zimbabweans. Meanwhile the much awaited Sadc
Summit is done and is thus
over, leaving the way clear for full electoral
action here in
Zimbabwe.
Literally, the ball is in Zimbabwe’s court, the play here at
home. Not away.
Zimbabwe’s sovereignty has been upheld, while attempts to
drag Sadc away
from its founding principles have been defeated. And check my
word; no one
will go back to Sadc for money. To individual Sadc countries
with stronger
bilateral ties with Zimbabwe, maybe.
We have been bitten
already, and once is a bite too many, too hard, too
deep.
A beggar is
granted no pride. And Zimbabwe’s pride is too enormous, too
brittle to be
bent. But something else has happened. Madame Zuma,
representing a higher
political court - higher to Sadc - has pronounced
herself on the same
matter. Zimbabwe must respect the rule of law! This
forecloses possibilities
to mischief makers. Sorry. Craving to share
ignominy?
What is this
noise about doing an appeal to the Constitutional Court
together? Together
with who? The two MDCs? Why? I thought the formations
jubilated when Sadc
placed that burden of approaching the Court on the
Minister of Justice who
is Zanu PF? Was that not part of the victory they
relished on twitter? They
should let Chinamasa do his demeaning Sadc chore,
surely?
Why want to
share an ignominy, share the motions of defeat? The matter is
very simple:
Chinamasa did what was expected of him by Sadc. And when Sadc
gave him that
“humiliating” role, it knew he was Zanu PF but still trusted
him to do the
task for Government. Achebe has a saying which fits in nicely.
You give a
child love embers to hand-deliver to the neighbour, telling him
to hold the
parcel with utmost care, what do you expect?
He handles it with the care
that appropriate! Chinamasa did the correct
thing. He appealed in the best
manner he knew how. The resolution of Sadc
was fatally flawed, and no part
of it asked him to do any repair work. He
carried through that inherent
weakness, faithfully.
Fobbed by flashy folly
But there is another side
to it. Why are Ncube and Tsvangirai’s people
crying for co-authorship of the
application to the Constitutional Court?
Chinamasa cited them as
respondents, all to allow them to bring forth their
profound arguments so
they can make an impression on the court, persuade it
if they can. Why do
they want their wisdom tucked under Chinamasa whose
competence they have
been lampooning?
Surely they crave for a second shine? Let them have it.
Or they can mount
separate action if they so wish, as indeed they should
have done soon after
the judgment. Today they tell the world Chinamasa’s
application is weak?
Why did they not place before the same court a
strong case soon after the
judgment? Suddenly they are wiser, when there is
a back on which to ride?
And a minister who is supposed to defend the Bench
is being made to assault
it?
And a lawyer whose own client has
complied with a judgment is being made to
note an application for an
extension? What strong argument can emerge from
such absurdities? The key is
to know what Sadc did, namely to fob fools by
gladdening them with flashy
folly. Happy twits honourables!
Grand alliance whispers
Is anyone
getting the same whispers reaching me on the grand coalition? That
the sleek
Simba Makoni has weaved his way in, to become Tsvangirai’s right
hand man,
much to the consternation of core MDC-T ministerial personalities?
There is
a rumble. There is terror, and the talk is that MDC-T is about to
be done
another mavambo!
Wait and see if you have eyes; wait and hear if you have
ears. The people he
does not have on the ground, he makes up for in well-
rounded words! Bvunzai
veZanuPF vanomuziva! Pamashoko chete, haa-a ruvava!
And Dabengwa too, what
does he bring kumadzakutsaku aya? A whole war
veteran? A whole commander who
claimed he formed Mavambo to save the
liberation movement?
What now, black Russian? When did this sellout
collaboration start? How do
we see you now? It will not be long before the
grand alliance becomes a
grand headache. Many days of more laughter.
Icho!
This is part of Nathaniel Manheru’s article for the The Herald
newspaper.
http://www.cathybuckle.com/
June 22, 2013, 8:29 am
Dear Family and
Friends,
Eyebrows are up, suspicions are high and whispers are spreading
about the
car crash which led to the recent death of a senior politician in
Zimbabwe.
The ZANU PF MP for Guruve South, Edward Chindori-Chininga died on
the 19th
June 2013 when his car hit a tree. The death of the MP came just as
Zanu PF
began the process of candidate selection for their primary
elections.
Rather than suppressing people’s suspicions, the photos of the
car and
description of the crash location, together with the events of the
past
week, have opened the flood gates of doubt. MP Chindori-Chininga was
the
chairman of the parliamentary portfolio committee on mines and energy
and
had become known as ‘the whistleblower’ for tenaciously tracking and
fearlessly exposing the involvement of Zanu PF officials in the Marange
diamond mines.
Just a week ago Mr Chindori- Chininga presented a
report to parliament in
which he wrote of ‘diamond barons’ and disclosed how
millions of dollars of
diamond royalties had disappeared. According to Mr
Chindori-Chininga’s
report, one diamond company, Mbada, said it had paid
$293 million in taxes
over four years but the government said it had only
received $82 million.
Everyone got busy on their calculators trying to work
out how many things
could be fixed in our poor, broken down country with the
missing 211 million
US dollars – and that was just from one of the diamond
companies in Marange,
what about the rest?
The mysterious death of Mr
Chindori Chininga received widespread coverage on
internet Facebook pages.
Revelations, names, accusations and phone numbers
relating to the mysterious
car crash were posted on the massively popular
Baba Jukwa Facebook page
caused a dramatic increase to 167 thousand
followers, a jump of over six
thousand people in just two days. The meteoric
rise of Baba Jukwa is the
talk of the country and everywhere people are
logging in from homes and
offices, laptops, desktops and cellphones to get
the latest inside
information about the wheeling, dealing and dirty deeds of
people in
positions of power and responsibility. One contributor describes
Baba Jukwa
as: “the national spirit of rebellion that has entered and found
comfort in
the hearts of all Zimbabweans.”
Joining the Baba Jukwa ‘spirit of
rebellion’ in recent weeks have been two
satirical, snivelling, secret
agents who you love to hate. They are CIO
characters called Nyoka and
Kunyepa (Snake and Liar) whose schemes, plots
and grovelling phone calls
feature on You Tube clips. The latest Nyoka and
Kunyepa cartoon caused much
mirth when it included Baba Jukwa, showing him
taking notes at a cabinet
meeting. That clip attracted over eight thousand
views in the first three
days of its release.
Strange as it may seem, the cartoon faces of Nyoka,
Kunyepa and Baba Jukwa
are becoming the identity of election 2013 and as
NewsDay newspaper said in
an editorial about Baba Jukwa this week: “It will
be naïve to ignore what
this Facebook character says as we go towards
elections.” Who knows,
perhaps these three faces will even be on ballot
slips in a few months time?
Until next time, thanks for reading. Love
cathy