http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Alex Bell
SW Radio Africa
25 June
2013
Robert Mugabe on Tuesday once again left Zimbabwe, despite his own
party’s
critical primary elections being underway and the country’s state of
confusion over when general elections will be held.
Mugabe is heading
back to Singapore, just over two weeks since his last
visit
there.
The official line is that he is having a routine checkup of his
eyes, and he
will return to Zimbabwe at the weekend.
In his absence,
a number of court challenges will be heard in a bid to
finalise when the
election will be held, in the aftermath of Mugabe’s
unilateral proclamation
of a July 31st poll.
Mugabe is a frequent Far Eastern visitor and spends
much of his time
travelling back and forth for medical care.
Although
ZANU PF continuously dismisses any reports that the ageing Mugabe
has
serious health problems, there is widespread speculation that the care
he is
receiving is ‘specialist’.
Last year the rumour mill was sent spinning
when Mugabe made another trip to
the Far East amid reports that he was
receiving urgent cancer treatment.
Again, ZANU PF insisted the treatment
was routine and eye related.
Observers however have pointed out that
every time he returns from his
frequent Singapore jaunts, Mugabe looks
healthier and more sprightly than
when he left. This in turn has made people
wonder just what kind of
treatment he is receiving.
http://www.timeslive.co.za/
Sapa-AFP | 25 June, 2013
11:48
Zimbabwe's prime minister Morgan Tsvangirai has filed an
application with
the country's top court for a delay of elections to allow
key reforms to
take effect, court papers showed.
Tsvangirai wants
the Constitutional Court to nullify a decree by President
Robert Mugabe for
polls to be held on July 31.
Mugabe had already, on June 19, asked the
same court that Tsvangirai has
approached, to push back crucial elections by
two weeks to August 14.
But Tsvangirai, who did not specify when he wants
the new elections held,
has already said the two week extension that Mugabe
sought is not enough.
Mugabe rushed to court in June, following pressure
from regional leaders
from the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
bloc to shift the
dates.
If Tsvangirai wins his case, he said the
court will "prevent a legitimacy
deficit which would plunge the country into
further uncertainty", he said in
court papers.
"Zimbabwe needs a
break from the past," he said.
"There have been electoral disputes since
2000 where outcomes have been
contested largely because of the legal and
political environment in which
the elections are held.
"If granted, I
genuinely believe that Zimbabwe will have a lasting,
credible, free, fair,
and legitimate election whose outcome is not
contested."
Tsvangirai,
who won the most ballots in the first round of the 2008
elections, said new
elections should only be held after electoral laws
reforms brought about by
the new constitution, are implemented.
Tsvangirai said Zimbabwe's
electoral commission should ensure a 30-day voter
registration and
inspection blitz before Mugabe announces new dates.
Frustrating delays at
voter registration centres has seen prospective voters
waiting for hours in
long queues.
In setting the original election date, Mugabe had said he
was complying with
the constitutional court's ruling to hold elections by
July 31.
The elections will choose a successor to the uncomfortable
power-sharing
government, which was forged four years ago as a path away
from a decade of
political violence.
Tsvangirai has called for
reforms – to free the media, depoliticise the
security services and make
sure the electoral roll is accurate – if the vote
is to be
credible.
Leaders from the SADC bloc meeting in Maputo two weeks ago
issued an unusual
rebuke of Mugabe, asking that he go back to the court and
seek a delay.
They urged him to "create a conducive environment for the
holding of
peaceful, credible, free and fair elections".
By Violet Gonda
SW Radio
Africa
25 June 2013
Wednesday will be a busy day for the Constitutional Court which will hear six cases in one day, most of them to do with issues concerning registration and procedures in the run up to elections. One of the key issues in many of these cases is the registration period leading to elections. The new constitution says there needs to be a 30 day period of intensive registration prior to the next elections and it would appear that there will not be time for this if the poll is held on 31st July.
One of the applications is from Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, seeking an extension of the July 31st election date.
In his court papers, filed on Monday, Tsvangirai accuses President Robert Mugabe of unilaterally setting the election date and also of stating the wrong date for the sitting of the nomination court.
“The proclamation is defective because it does not state the day or days on which the nomination court for President, the National Assembly and council will be held. Thursday the 28th of June is not a date which appears on any calendar,” Tsvangirai said (the 28th June is actually a Friday).
The Prime Minister also said the two week extension period requested by Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa in papers filed last week was also inadequate and more time is needed to prepare.
He added: “What informs my views that a two week extension is not adequate are considerations, as stated, that both the proclamation and the Presidential Electoral Regulations will have first to be set aside, withdrawn or realigned to the law before a legitimate election can take place. I respectfully emphasise the need to prevent a legitimacy deficit which would plunge the country into further uncertainty.”
Legal expert Derek Matyszak said Mugabe’s gaffe over the nomination court date is a ‘minor’ error. “He (Mugabe) referred to June 28th as being a Thursday when it is in fact a Friday but that’s a simple issue to correct. I don’t see that too much can be made of that.
“What’s of more importance is that the constitution does not allow the electoral law to be made by the Presidential Powers Emergency Act. The Presidential Powers Emergency Act itself does not allow the president to use that act to make electoral law and furthermore the new constitution provides that when there is any change to electoral law the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission must be consulted first, and clearly that wasn’t done.”
Tsvangirai also told the court that reforms need to be put in place before elections but Matyszak said that is not a legal argument, it’s a political argument. He said the MDC-T should focus on the legal issues, which is that the date given by the court could not be complied with because there are other provisions of the constitution that would be breached if the date of July 31st is adhered to.
Meanwhile, ZANU PF Politburo member Jonathan Moyo dismissed the arguments that say there is no time for the voter registration exercise.
“Voter registration is a continuous exercise, you can always at any time of your choice, go to any of the offices around the country and register. In terms of paragraph 6:3 of the sixth schedule of the new constitution, there was supposed to be a particular programme of voter registration intensified to last at least 30 days. Constitutionally and legally, that started on the 23rd of May. In terms of logistics, practically, politically, it might be another thing but there was registration continuing.
“In terms of the presidential powers that amended the electoral act to align it with the new constitution, section 11 of those amendment regulations allows the registration exercise to continue beyond the nomination, until the 9th of July. In fact we would have had really the longest intensive exercise ever done before an election in our country,” Moyo said on the Hot Seat programme.
The urgent chamber applications that will be heard by the constitutional court are:
See proclamation by Robert Mugabe
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
Tuesday, 25 June 2013
15:01
HARARE - As the nation awaits the Constitutional Court verdict of a
legal
challenge to the July 31 poll date, President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu PF
is
racing against time after deferring primary elections to June 25, just
three
days before the Nomination Court sits.
All eyes will be trained
on the impressive stone structure that is home to
Zimbabwe’s Constitutional
Court in the heart of the capital, Harare, as the
nation awaits the results
of a legal challenge to the July 31 poll in a
nation still traumatised by
the post-election bloodshed after the last poll
five years ago.
Amid
chaos fomented by the vetting of Zanu PF candidates, Mugabe’s party
risks
imploding with only one day between the primary polls and the
submission of
names to the Nomination Court, if the Constitutional Court
does not push the
dates forward.
With Zanu PF initially deferring its primaries to
Wednesday and pulling them
back to Tuesday, the move underscores the
simmering anticipation that has
gripped Zimbabwe over the past few days
after Justice minister Patrick
Chinamasa filed an application in line with
recommendations of the recent
Sadc summit held in Maputo seeking a two-week
poll delay.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s MDC and Welshman Ncube’s
MDC both want
the polls in September or October, and approached the regional
body after
noting that most of the agreed reforms including media and
security sector
reforms had not been implemented.
The Con-Court must
deliver its verdict tomorrow, making the institution the
focus of attention
across the country and the region.
The ruling is particularly crucial to
Zanu PF, which is ill-prepared for an
election given that it is yet to
conduct primary elections.
Already, the party has been hit by a wave of
demonstrations ignited by the
imposition of candidates in the vetting
process and was revisiting its
decision in several key
constituencies.
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission has issued a notice that
Nomination Courts for
the 2013 harmonised elections shall sit on June 28
commencing at 10am in all
the 10 administrative provinces, and that parties
must submit names at least
two days before the court sits.
For Zanu
PF, that is already impossible as the party has no candidates for
parliamentary and municipal polls.
“Political parties are advised
that it is in their best interest to submit
their nomination forms as well
as the party lists for the Senate, National
Assembly and Provincial Council
seats on any day but two days before the
sitting of the Nomination Courts so
that these can be checked in advance of
the sitting of the Nomination Court
to enable timeous rectification of
errors if any in the nomination forms,”
said a Zec notice, meaning Zanu PF
has to submit names today.
The
89-year-old leader must be praying for a Con-Court ruling deferring the
dates as it emerges that the timeline he set for himself seem impossible
given the chaos in his party.
Should the July 31 date be upheld by
the Con-Court, it presents a major
headache for regional leaders trying to
juggle diplomatic engagement with a
country whose Parliament stands
dissolved on June 28.
Legal experts say there were two main options
opened to the Con-Court, to
uphold the original July 31 date, or order a
two-week deferment and that’s
what’s being demanded by the
parties.
The court battle between the three leading candidates Mugabe,
Tsvangirai and
Ncube is just the latest round in a long-standing rivalry. -
Gift Phiri,
Political Editor
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tichaona
Sibanda
SW Radio Africa
25 June 2013
The ZANU PF primary elections
got underway on Tuesday, amid serious
logistical challenges that saw the
internal selection process being
postponed in some of the constituencies due
to the late arrival of voting
materials.
In polling stations that
opened on time, voting went smoothly throughout the
day and the results will
be announced from 10am on Wednesday, according to
party national chairman
Simon Khaya-Moyo.
But in most other areas countrywide voting only began
after midday, owing to
the late arrival of ballot papers and boxes. In other
areas, especially in
outlying rural areas, voting was postponed when the
voting materials only
arrived after 4pm.
In some places the police
were used to transport the voting materials. Asked
for comment over the
involvement of police in ZANU PF’s primaries Theresa
Makone, the co-Home
Affairs Minister, said this is why Zimbabwe needs a new
government that
respects institutions and the constitution.
‘Nowhere in the world will
you ever see a police force being abused like
what you see in Zimbabwe. Some
of the ZANU PF candidates are senior
policemen and they give orders to these
frightened young people in uniform.
‘They don’t have a choice, its either
they comply with the illegal orders or
risk losing their jobs since the
police leadership is made up of former
ex-combatants loyal to ZANU PF,’
Makone said.
Journalists and ordinary Zimbabweans used twitter and
Facebook to give
updates on the primaries. In one facebook posting Dumisani
Muleya, editor of
the weekly Zimbabwe Independent wrote: ‘ZANU PF primary
elections rocked by
chaos and postponed again to 2morow in some cases. What
a mess, fiasco or
shambles!’
Newsday journalist Elias Mambo tweeted
that in Redcliff ‘disgruntled ZANU PF
supporters allege rigging and say the
party’s voters’ roll is in shambles
and should be discarded.’
Simon
Muchemwa, our correspondent in Harare, told us the elections were
proving to
be a logistical nightmare for ZANU PF and polling stations
complained of
various challenges.
‘A lot of the polling areas do not have enough
materials, ballot papers and
boxes and officials have also not arrived
timeously to conduct the process
which was scheduled to start at 8am and
finish at 7pm.
‘Officials running the elections were still nowhere to be
found in other
areas and it is likely that several locations will have their
elections
postponed. Information reaching us indicates that elections have
already
been postponed in some areas of Mashonaland Central province,’
Muchemwa
said.
He added that another strange challenge was the wrong
voters list produced
by officials at some polling stations. Voters were
shocked to see that their
names were conspicuously missing from the voters
list or that the entire
voters list for that polling area was totally
wrong.
In Bulawayo, Lionel Saungweme our correspondent said voting had
not started
at most of the stations amid heightened tensions amongst the
party
supporters, angry at the poor organization of the process.
‘To
sum up the huge problems the party has faced, party spokesman Rugare
Gumbo
could not locate the district command centre in Mberengwa where he’s
contesting the Senatorial seat against July Moyo.
‘He inadvertently
ended up asking an MDC aspiring parliamentary candidate if
he knew where
command centre was located but I guess by now he’s found it,’
Saungweme
said.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co/
25.06.13
by Farai Mabeza
Voting failed to
take off on time at several centres in Harare in the one
day Zanu (PF)
primaries after the party failed to supply stationery to the
polling
stations.
Polling officers at Raylton Sports Club were still
waiting for the
stationery by noon. Voting was supposed to start at 7 am and
run up to 7 pm.
There was no activity at the other polling centre in Harare
Central.
“Voting hasn’t started because we are still waiting for the
stationery,” one
of the officers manning the Raylton polling centre told The
Zimbabwean.
By 10.00am, party officials coordinating the voting exercise
could be seen
basking in the sun with no prospective voters in sight and
bare tables in
front of them. Officers at Montague were also facing empty
tables in front
of them.
Close to noon, voting still had not started
at the centre. The police
officers who were there to provide security were
instead strolling around
and some went as far as 500 metres away from the
station.
One man who was at the polling station but refused to identify
himself said
the polling officers had said they had not yet received voting
materials.
“They (Party HQ officials) said they are still waiting for the
books and
papers and other materials to use,” he said. The party has of late
been
reported to be broke.
The Zanu (PF) primaries have been
rescheduled twice. Initially, they were
supposed to be held on Monday 24
June, only to be shifted to Wednesday
before finally settling on
Tuesday.
This has raised questions among analysts why the party is
rushing for an
election when it is still faced with serious internal
challenges.
The elections are being run by the party’s provincial
elections directorate.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com/
25/06/2013 00:00:00
by
Staff Reporter
MDC-T founding member, Grace Kwinjeh, has been
left seething after being
told she would not represent the party Makoni
Central, two weeks after the
party advised her she had won primary elections
in the constituency.
The former journalist told SW Radio Africa that she
is not accepting the
sudden turn of events, at a time the MDC-T is rocked by
allegations of the
imposition canidates and vote irregularities.
It
has also emerged that the “purported” winner in the primary election,
Patrick Sagandira, has since been arrested following a violence complaint
made by Kwinjeh’s election manager Tazviona Marima.
The party was
also issuing conflicting messages with organising secretary
Nelson Chamisa
saying Sangadira had won the vote while Deputy Women’s
Affairs Minister
Jessie Majome said the election had yet to be concluded.
In a letter of
protest addressed to the MDC-T leadership, Kwinjeh said she
was not
accepting claims she had lost the primary elections and blasted what
she
described as “double standards” in the party.
“For the record I am not
accepting the charade that took place in Makoni
Central,” she said.
“I
won the last election and when some people found it difficult to announce
me
the winner, working together with their preferred candidate, they
disrupted
the process, in order to buy time and get this seat by hook or
crook.
“The bulk of Zimbabweans who have lost faith in us as party,
have (have done
so) because of this kind of behaviour, they judge us not by
what we say but
we do.”
Last week there were protests at the MDC
headquarters when angry
demonstrators demanded answers after Elias Jembere,
the MDC-T MP for
Epworth, was confirmed as the parliamentary candidate after
allegedly losing
during the primaries.
There have been similar
reports of irregularities in almost every province,
with some disgruntled
party supporters hijacking ballot boxes and burning
them in
frustration.
Speaking to SWRadio Africa Kwinjeh said she had been told
that she was
leading the vote with a significant majority in the primary
elections which
took place two weeks ago but the counting process had to be
stopped
following disturbances during the vote count.
MDC-T election
officials, led by Majome, resumed the counting of the five
remaining wards
on Saturday, but Kwinjeh said this took place without her
election manager
and several other supporters as witnesses, due to more
disruptions.
“There was violence on Saturday and we have a police
report of people again
who were badly assaulted by supporters of this
candidate (Sagandira). Again
the party did not say anything.
“So I
just feel there are a lot of double standards at play. Something is
going
on, something that is just so wrong and I am not accepting it.”
She said
more confusing was the fact that Sagandira was announced as the new
winner
even though election officials claim voting has not taken place in
two
remaining wards.
“So, on the one hand they are saying this guy has won
but on the other hand
they are telling districts to prepare so that they
finish counting in two
wards that are remaining. That is the confusion in
the whole process which
makes it lose integrity … and it’s really sad for
internal party democracy,”
Kwinjeh said.
Majome, who is the presiding
officer, to SWRadio Africa that elections in
Makoni Central were still
underway and there is no winner yet as there are
still two wards that are
still to be counted.
“That election had a first round and preliminary
results were announced. I
don’t know who told her information that was
incorrect and on Saturday we
continued and announced preliminary results
again,” Majome said.
Meanwhile, Kwinjeh’s supporters are surprised that
the well-known activist
and rights campaigner, who last year was honoured by
her party for her role
in coining the party's name, was not among the group
of women to benefit
from the new proportional representation
system.
They also wondered why a long-serving female members like Kwinjeh
went
through a rigorous nomination processes when former MP Tracy Mutinhiri,
who
only joined the MDC-T in 2011 following her expulsion from Zanu PF, went
through uncontested.
Mutinhiri was selected the party candidate for
Marondera East even though
the party’s provincial leadership gave the
National Executive a damning
dossier of her alleged role in the violence
that took place in that province
when she was the Zanu PF legislator for
that area.
Kwinjeh, who was battling it out with five men in her
constituency, said she
does not know the criteria used to choose candidates.
She had hoped her
candidature would encourage more women to participate in
politics.
Observers point out that Kwinjeh, who is currently living in
Brussels, could
have been disadvantaged by not being on the ground where she
could be in
control of the process.
But she insisted that the people
of Makoni Central chose her knowing she was
out of the country.
“I am a
single mother of three. I can’t just pack my bags and go home not
knowing
what the future of my children is and what is going to happen to
them,” she
said.
“In 2005 I went to Zimbabwe. I was locked inside. When (Registrar
General)
Tobaiwa Mudede refused to give me the passport – the records are
there at
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights – I could not be with my children
for over
three years. So the process to get me to Brussels is again another
painful
testimony.
She said: “I had my farewell party on Saturday. So
I am really someone who
had one foot on the road to go home. The leaders are
aware of this but
nobody has said anything. It is almost as if you don’t
exist. You are
invisible.”
http://www.thezimbabwean.co/
25.06.13
by
CHRA
Residents have described the mobile voter registration process as a
fraud,
pointing out that the number of registrants is decreasing on a daily
basis
due to the lack of commitment by ZEC to instill sanity in the process.
The
extension of the mobile voter registration process (from 10th June to
9th
July) has failed to make much difference to residents of Harare as the
exercise is marred with irregularities and
inefficiency.
Residents have raised an outcry at the slow pace
with which the ZEC
officials are carrying out the registration process. Most
registration
centers in the city are conspicuous by the long queues of
frustrated
residents who spend close to eight hours waiting to be served.
Some
residents who were not persistent gave up on the hope of being
registered as
they cannot endure the long queues. CHRA has received
disturbing reports
from its ward leaders who have been observing the events
at the registration
centers in their local areas.
There are reports
that ZANUPF is busing people from the surrounding
peri-urban areas to come
and register in Harare. For example, Courtney
Selous Primary School in
Greendale (which is one of the registration centers
in Harare) was packed
with people who had been bused from Goromonzi; a
situation that hindered
most of the local residents to register as the
queues became more
congested.
The same goes for Mabvuku where people were bused from
Domboshawa and
Goromonzi. Residents pointed out that this is a deliberate
ploy by ZANUPF to
frustrate the urban electorate whom they know are
supportive of MDC-T. One
Pastor who requested anonymity said that some of
the people who are being
bused are not even registering, meaning that they
probably would have
registered in their local areas but they are being used
to frustrate the
urban residents who want to register.
CHRA urges ZEC
to be more professional and diligent in ensuring that people
register in
their local areas so as to ensure that all residents have an
equal
opportunity to exercise their right to vote. The Association also
calls on
the Principals in the Inclusive Government to intervene and
urgently restore
sanity in the voter registration process. These unfortunate
incidences leave
a lot to be desired in the whole electoral process as the
principle of
fairness is not being employed. CHRA believes that the rights
of residents
to vote should be respected and that begins with giving them
the opportunity
to register to exercise that right.
http://www.voazimbabwe.com/
Irwin
Chifera
25.06.2013
HARARE — The Southern African Development Community
(SADC) Parliamentary
Forum’s pre-election observer mission to Zimbabwe which
arrived in Harare on
Monday says it is satisfied with the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission’s
preparations for the 2013 harmonised elections.
Head of
the five-member mission, Dumelang Saleshando, told journalists after
a
briefing from the commission that ZEC was following the law in preparing
for
the elections.
The mission, which is in the country ahead of SADC’s
observer team, will
meet with political party representatives, civil society
organisations
government and the media as election day draws
closer.
Electoral Commission chairperson, Justice Rita Makarau told the
mission that
ZEC is ready for the elections.
She said nomination fees
have been pegged at $500 for presidential
candidates.
Party lists for
senatorial, national assembly and provincial councils will
costs $60
each.
Makarau later told a meeting between ZEC and political party
representatives
that the 30-day constitutional voter registration exercise,
has been going
on well with more 200,000 new voters registered since it
began four days
ago.
She said a similar number was registered in the
previous exercise bringing
the total number of new voters to about half a
million people.
At a meeting meant to explain the nomination process,
Makarau and her team
said it was vital for parties to pay attention to
detail to avoid to avoid
disqualification on technical basis.
Justice
Makarau urged political parties to take advantage of the
pre-nomination
phase which provides allows advance nominations.
The Commission is set to
receive nominations in advance tomorrow and Justice
Makarau explains that
parties that do so enjoy the privilege of replacing
candidates in the event
of death after nomination.
A shocker to the political parties is the
requirement that candidates in
council elections produce police and rates
clearance to enter the race.
Director-general Toindepi Shonhe of the
MDC-T says this is untenable.
But Makarau says there is no
option.
Several political parties who attended Tuesday’s meeting
expressed concern
at the short time they have to collect ballot papers and
meet the police
clearance and rates clearance for council
elections.
But Makarau and her team refused to take the blame telling
party
representatives it was their responsibility to acquaint themselves
with the
country’s electoral laws.
Justice Makarau said the
commission had taken the initiative to meet the
parties after realising the
parties did not understand their obligations.
Thirty political parties
have shown interest in participating in the
harmonized elections.
http://www.voazimbabwe.com/
24.06.2013
WASHINGTON — Harare continues to
prepare for national elections on July 31
with the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission announcing it has established an
observer accreditation committee
to grant credentials to election observers
for the 2013 harmonized
polls.
According to notices in national newspapers, the committee will be
chaired
by ZEC chairperson, Justice Rita Makarau and will include her deputy
Joyce
Kazembe, ZEC commissioners Professor Geoff Feltoe, Bessie Nhandara and
Daniel Chigaru.
Other members of the committee are Joseph Jambo from
the President’s Office
and Cabinet, Maxwell Ranga from the ministry of
justice, Chrispen Mavodza
from the ministry of foreign affairs and Stephen
Phineas Museki from the
home affairs ministry.
Director Pedzisai
Ruhanya of the Zimbabwe Democracy Institute is skeptical
about the
committee’s composition.
He says the inclusion of officials from
ministries under Zanu PF only makes
the committee partisan.
“This
stance by Zanu PF that they will not allow anyone who opposes them or
anyone
who scrutinizes their human rights policies and democratic deficits
will not
come to this election will be fulfilled by this committee because
it is
patently partisan and is patently pro-Zanu PF,” said Ruhanya.
He adds it
is worrying that the country is going into another election with
the same
ZEC secretariat which was accused of bungling in the 2008 polls,
failing to
produce presidential election results for six weeks.
ZEC says local
observers should pay $10 while African observers will pay a
$20
accreditation fee. Foreign embassy observers will pay $50 and those from
countries outside Africa will have to fork out $100 to observe the
elections.
Zimbabweans working for foreign media houses will pay $50
to cover the
election locals will be accredited for $10.
Applications
from persons convicted for electoral offences or any other
offence for which
they were sentenced to imprisonment without an option of a
fine will not be
accredited, says the commission.
Similarly, organisations or bodies whose
members have been convicted of
electoral offences or an offence involving
fraud and dishonesty will not be
accredited.
Meanwhile, ZEC has
announced nomination court venues throughout the country.
According to the
ZEC notice presidential nominations will take place at the
High Court,
Mapondera building in Harare. Others will sit at magistrates’
courts in
provincial capitals and rural district council offices around the
country.
Although ZEC says nomination day is 28 June, the
constitutional court sits
Wednesday to decide on six applications which
could see the election date
being changed.
Meanwhile, the
parliamentary portfolio committee on defense and home affairs
says it is
satisfied with the on-going voter registration exercise.
Youth
organizations, however, say they are concerned with the slow pace at
which
voters are being registered countrywide.
The parliamentary committee says
after visiting registration centers in all
the country’s provinces, it was
left satisfied that with the challenges
facing the officers from the
Registrar General’s office, the teams were
doing a good job.
But the
Zimbabwe Youth Forum says the current exercise has failed to address
issues
that affected the first voter registration drive. The group says long
queues, excessive waiting times, staff shortages and few registration
centers have affected the process.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com/
24/06/2013 00:00:00
by Staff
Reporter
ZANU PF secretary for administration, Dydimus Mutasa said Monday
that former
mines minister Edward Chindori-Chininga did not qualify for
national hero
status and had been declared a liberation hero
instead.
“When we considered and consulted we agreed he could not qualify
for
national hero status,” Mutasa said on Monday.
“There are three status
in Zanu PF the highest being the national hero,
which we have not granted.
The second one is the liberation hero, which is
what we have granted to Cde
Chindori-Chininga.”
Chindori-chindinga who was 58 died last Wednesday
when his Jeep Cherokee
smashed into a tree after failing to stop at a
T-junction along the
Guruve-Mvurwi road.
He was also chairman of
Parliament’s mines and energy committee which
recently released a report
saying millions of dollars in taxes paid by
companies mining diamonds at
Marange never made it to Treasury.
Zanu PF’s Mashonaland West province
had asked the party to declare him a
national hero.
His family said
the Guruve South legislator would be buried on Wednesday at
Chininga
homestead in Guruve.
“Mashonaland Central provincial chairperson (Dickson
Mafios) told us about
the (status) decision made and we are finalising
burial arrangements,” said
his brother, Victor Chininga.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Alex Bell
SW
Radio Africa
25 June 2013
Calls continue to grow for a reform of
Zimbabwe’s insult laws to be
implemented before elections are held, amid
concern that the laws will be
abused to stifle any dissent.
The issue
has been back in the spotlight this week with the trial of a
Chiredzi man,
Regis Kandawasvika, who was arrested and detained for almost a
month last
October after he allegedly struck a picture of Robert Mugabe.
According
to the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, Kandawasvika was in a
bar and got
involved in an argument about political affiliation with a
security guard.
It is understood that he hit the portrait of Mugabe in
frustration because
he had been unsuccessful in finding a job.
Kandawasvika was charged with
contravening the Criminal Law (Codification
and Reform) Act after he
allegedly held Mugabe accountable for not being
able to find
work.
Kandawasvika reportedly said: “I am suffering because of the ruling
of this
old man Cde Robert Mugabe. I have six “O” level subjects but I have
no job.
I don’t want to see this old man. This time he is going one
way.”
After making these comments, State prosecutors claim that
Kandawasvika
picked up bottle tops from the floor and threw them at Mugabe’s
portrait,
before hitting the picture with a pool cue.
He was
eventually released almost a month later on bail and his trial began
at the
Chiredzi Magistrates Court on Tuesday.
His case is one of almost 70 that
have involved Zimbabwean citizens being
charged using the insult laws in the
past three years, and there is serious
concern this number will increase
ahead of elections.
Thabani Nyoni, the spokesperson for the Crisis in
Zimbabwe Coalition, told
SW Radio Africa that without a reform of repressive
legislation, the law
will be “selectively applied to crackdown of
people.”
“These cases are a reflection of a number of issues which also
reflect the
primitivity of our politics. The state is in fear of its
citizens and it is
using the rule by law to restrict freedom of speech and
expression,” Nyoni
said.
He reiterated that a reform of such laws was
critical before the elections
are held, if the polls are to be
credible.
“What is failing us though is insufficient political will to
make this
happen… so as elections near we are concerned of a state crackdown
increasing,” Nyoni said.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Nomalanga
Moyo
SW Radio Africa
25 June 2013
The MDC formation led by Welshman
Ncube says it is not deceived by Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s public
displays of magnanimity towards the
party’s leadership.
This follows
media reports that quoted Tsvangirai as saying that he no
longer recognised
his deputy in the unity government, Professor Arthur
Mutambara, as a
Principal since the recent SADC summit on Zimbabwe in
Maputo.
Tsvangirai is said to have told the Daily News that “it is
clear from the
SADC meeting that Mutambara is no longer considered a
principal and the
legitimate one is Ncube.
“From now on, it is
important for everyone to appreciate that whenever we
discuss matters of the
GPA, President Mugabe, Ncube and I, are in charge,”
the PM is quoted in the
paper.
But MDC spokesman Nhlanhla Dube said the Premier’s recognition of
Ncube is
too little too late. He said: “We are curious to know what has led
to this
Damascus moment for the Prime Minister, and like many others we are
asking
‘why now’?
“Tsvangirai has in the past said he will not fight
Ncube’s wars and will
wait for the courts to decide who leads the MDC. He
has made far-reaching
decisions such as the appointment of electoral and
human rights
commissioners together with the same Mutambara that he is now
rejecting.”
Dube told SW Radio Africa Tuesday that the PM’s recognition
at this late
hour is of no consequence, as there is no longer any use for
“supposed
government Principals pretending to be political party
Principals”.
“Could it be that the PM has finally realised that all along
he has been
wedged between two ZANU PF activists and protecting both their
interests in
the name of government Principals?
Dube said his party
is aware that PM Tsvangirai continued to stand by
Mutambara even as the MDC
congress had rejected him, and after the High
Court had ruled that Ncube was
the rightful MDC leader, and against SADC’s
recommendation.
“In our
view, the Prime Minister’s pronouncements are just a smokescreen,
and we are
not going to be swayed by this public relations act aimed at mass
public
deception,” Dube said.
Asked whether Ncube will be attending future
meetings of the Principals in
place of Mutambara, Dube said his leader will
“always represent the party in
any space where the party needs to be
represented”.
Since the SADC summit, when the two MDCs presented a united
lobby front to
oppose President Mugabe’s unilateral declaration of a July
31st election
date, there have been suggestions that a coalition may be in
the offing.
But Paul Themba Nyathi, the designated MDC spokesman on the
issue, dismissed
this and said Tsvangirai was playing Zimbabweans, adding
that if the PM was
interested in a genuine pact, he would desist from
presenting himself as the
de facto leader of the coalition.
With the
life of parliament expiring on June 29th, the executive will remain
in
charge of running the country, and it remains to be seen whether Mugabe
will
agree with Tsvangirai and allow Ncube to be part of the Principals’
meeting.
Mugabe is on record as saying he will only recognise Ncube
as a Principal
when political processes are under discussion, but will deal
with Tsvangirai
and Mutambara on government issues.
For his part
Mutambara has stunned many by agreeing with ZANU PF on many
occasions, and
even going against the position of the party he is meant to
be representing
in the unity government.
Recently, when other parties were up in arms
against the July 31st election
date, Mutambara voiced his support together
with ZANU PF, and said the court’s
decision should be binding and final.
http://www.herald.co.zw/
Tuesday, 25 June 2013
00:00
Government departments came underfire at the just ended indaba
for the
clothing sector for failing to promote local products by opting to
import
their uniform requirements.
Players in the sector, which is
virtually on its knees due to flooding of
cheap imports and lack of
liquidity to reinvest in their operations, said
support from major
government
departments would go a long way in revitalising the industry.
At its peak in
the 1990s the sector employed over 35 000 people with the
numbers having
gone down to around 8 000 due to a cocktail of
challenges.
Capacity utilisation is hovering around 30 percent with many
clothing and
textile firms having shut down or scaled down operations due to
operational
constraints. Departments which were under the spotlight at the
two-day
clothing indaba, which ran from Friday to Saturday, included the
Zimbabwe
Revenue Authority, Zimbabwe National Army and the Zimbabwe Republic
Police.
Zimbabwe Clothing Manufacturers Association chairperson Mr Jeremy
Youmans
said it was critical that Government and other stakeholders tackle
local
procurement.
“Local procurement is something that we need to deal
with more seriously. I
do not understand why they are allowed to buy outside
the country when they
are using our money to do that,” he said. Players said
Government
departments must set aside a certain percentage of their
purchases for the
local industry if they felt the manufacturers had no
capacity to meet huge
orders.
“It beats me why the police and the
army import their clothing. If these are
procured locally, it would make a
huge difference,” said Confederation of
Zimbabwe Industries chief executive
Mr Clifford Sileya.
Mr Stan Mangoma, a director in the Ministry of
Industry and Commerce, said
it was critical that the local industry be
supported.
“We have to change our mindset of viewing imported goods as
superior. Let us
try and buy local where it is available,” he
said.
The stakeholders maintained that they could make better quality
products for
the Government departments, compared to some imported clothing
which the
institutions bought. They said it was critical for the
institutions to work
with the local industry to address quality and other
concerns instead of
resorting to imports.
“Retail outlets must insist
on quality from local manufacturers,” said Mrs
Evelyn Ndlovu the Permanent
Secretary in the Ministry of Small and Medium
Enterprises and Co-operative
Development. — New Ziana.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
Tuesday, 25 June 2013 15:20
HARARE - President
Robert Mugabe’s Zanu PF holds shambolic primary elections
today, with no
ballot boxes, ballot paper, indelible ink, voters’ roll and
disrupting
school activities countrywide.
This has left the country wondering why
Mugabe is rushing to hold elections
when his party is not prepared and more
importantly when the reforms
demanded by Sadc have not yet been
implemented.
Zanu PF goes into primary election in over 9 000 centres
countrywide today
without the voters’ roll, ballot papers, observers and
returning officers
among other logistical problems.
By end of day
yesterday, chaotic scenes were reported countrywide with
aspiring candidates
phoning the Daily News complaining that the primary
elections would be a
farce as there were no logistics on the ground.
Due to the absence of
proper logistics, fears are that the primaries will be
littered with
violence.
The ex-majority party, which has delayed holding primary
elections due to
infighting and factionalism, announced last month that
every card carrying
member would be allowed to take part in the primary
elections, a monumental
task for any institution.
The Daily News has
been told that Zanu PF is making every card carrying
member vote in the
chaotic primary polls today to come up with large numbers
to justify rigging
of national election set for the end of July.
Thus far, the run-up to
primary elections has been dogged by controversy and
last Friday disgruntled
party supporters took matters into their own hands.
They protested against
the imposition of candidates at the Zanu PF
headquarters that forced the
party to postpone its primary elections from
yesterday to
tomorrow.
But the faction riddled party changed the dates again to
today.
Initially, the Zanu PF primary elections were supposed to be held
last
Saturday — a non-schooling day which would not have inconvenienced
school
children.
Now, with the primary elections set to take place on
a school day, Education
minister David Coltart says Zanu PF does not have
the interests of children
at heart and is violating the education policy
which prohibits politics at
schools.
“For four years, I have been
emphasising on the need to observe the
Education policy which prohibits
rallies at schools and I am really worried
about Zanu PF primaries taking
place at schools,” said Coltart.
“Sadly we cannot report to the police
because Zanu PF controls them.”
The former ruling party, which is in a
race against time in order to meet
its self imposed deadline for polls, is
faced with logistical challenges and
by its own admission, says it does not
have the capacity to conduct the
intensive primary elections.
The
party has not allocated any budget for the vote.
Didymus Mutasa, Zanu
PF’s secretary for administration, said it is “none of
anybody’s business
whether Zanu PF” is logistically prepared to conduct the
primary elections
or not.
“We in Zanu PF provide our own logistics, these are internal
elections which
have nothing to do with the nation including Coltart,” said
Mutasa.
“Zanu PF can take care of its logistics. I want you to tell all
the people
to mind their own business.”
Apart from having the potential
to shut down schools, today’s primary
elections would also disrupt the
critical ongoing mobile voter registration
blitz.
Mugabe’s party
announced last week that all card carrying members would vote
in the primary
elections, and without indelible ink, the poll is open to
electoral
manipulation, observers say.
Without adequate funding, the party’s
primary elections, which in every
aspect are similar to a national poll,
would turn into a sham, with
prospective candidates telling the Daily News
yesterday that chances of vote
rigging and duplication are high.
Zimbabwe: Never
again!
For immediate
release
Protest for
peaceful, free and fair elections
1-2pm, Thursday,
27 June
Zimbabwe Embassy,
429 Strand, London, WC2 0RJ
The 27
June is the fifth anniversary of the Zimbabwe presidential election run off in
2008 in which there was great violence, including killings, disappearances and
rape. Zimbabwe will hold elections again very soon. Action for Southern Africa,
the Trades Union Congress and the Zimbabwe Vigil are marking the anniversary of
the 2008 presidential election run off with a protest and message, Never Again!
to brutal violence in the run up to elections and to support the calls of
Zimbabweans for free and fair elections.
The
Constitutional Court has ordered elections by 31st July but the
Southern African Development Community has called on the coalition government to
ask for a delay so that security, media and other reforms can be
made.
The
protest will be calling for:
·
Zimbabweans to have the right to vote
freely for whom they wish without fear or favour;
·
An
accurate and up to date voter roll;
·
Fair
access to and coverage by state controlled media;
·
Impartiality by institutions of the state;
·
Domestic election observers and truly
independent external election observer missions in place well before the
elections.
Following the protest, members of the
Zimbabwean diaspora will carry a ‘Tree of hope’ to Southwark Cathedral. The tree
will be covered with messages of hope for free and fair elections, written on
red paper roses. Red roses are used as a symbol of peace in Zimbabwe by the
women’s movement.
Tony
Dykes, Director of Action for Southern Africa, said: “Five years after the
terrible violence of 2008 we have seen very little of the essential reforms that
are needed for free and fair elections. We are calling for Zimbabweans to have
the right to elect their leaders without external interference and without
internal repression, without the fear of violence, harassment or an electoral
system that is rigged to favour one party over another.”
The
TUC said: “The people of Zimbabwe should be allowed to exercise their democratic
right to take part in the forthcoming elections without fear. It is the duty of
the Government of Zimbabwe to ensure free and fair elections in a peaceful
environment without violence and intimidation and in strict compliance with
international standards. We do hope that the elections will usher in a new era
of peace, prosperity and justice for all.”
Ephraim Tapa, Zimbabwe Vigil spokesperson,
said: “As things stand free and fair elections are very unlikely because of
intimidation and vote-rigging. We fear the election results will be cooked by
Zanu PF. The European Union must not allow its business ambitions to override
the human rights of the Zimbabwean people.”
Ends
Notes
·
The protest will
take place from 1-2pm, Thursday, 27 June, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429
Strand, London, WC2R 0JR
·
Following Zimbabwe’s presidential and
parliamentary elections in March 2008, there followed a brutal campaign of
violence, ahead of the presidential run off in June. Hundreds were raped, beaten
or tortured and thousands were displaced. Civil society groups and trade unions
were harassed by militias, and hundreds more were arrested, tortured and
intimidated by the security forces prompting the then opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai to withdraw.
·
Action for
Southern Africa (ACTSA) is the successor organisation to the Anti Apartheid
Movement. It campaigns for justice, rights and development, in solidarity with
the people of southern Africa. For more about ACTSA’s work on Zimbabwe go to: http://www.actsa.org/page-1024-Zimbabwe.html
·
For more about the
TUC’s international work visit: http://www.tuc.org.uk/international/index.cfm?mins=28&minors=28&majorsubjectID=7
·
The Zimbabwe Vigil
has protested outside London’s Zimbabwe Embassy for free and fair elections and
an end to human rights violations since October 2002. For more information
visit: http://www.zimvigil.co.uk/
·
Southwark
Cathedral has a longstanding link with Zimbabwe. The Diocese of Southwark has
ties with three Anglican dioceses in Zimbabwe. For more about the link see: http://www.southwark.anglican.org/thebridge/0202/page02.htm
·
For further
information please contact: Action for Southern Africa 02032632001 info@actsa.org
Mark
Beacon | Campaigns Manager | ACTSA | Action for Southern Africa | 231 Vauxhall
Bridge Road | London | SW1V 1EH | T: 0203 263 2001 | M: 07809396130 | F: 0207
931 9398 | www.actsa.org
| Skype: mark.beacon | mark.beacon@actsa.org
Follow
ACTSA on Twitter: @ACTSA_UK
Facebook


http://www.swradioafrica.com/
James Tsabora (LLD), Rhodes
University)
The imminence of Zimbabwe’s general elections, recently
seasoned by SADC’s
recommendation in its June 15 Communique that called for
the Zimbabwean
government to approach the Constitutional Court for an
extension of the
national election dates from 31st July 2013 to 14th August,
compels a
scrutiny of the role SADC can play in the preparation of the
election
atmosphere, the observance of fundamental election principles and
election
practises as well as ensuring legitimate and universally acceptable
and
therefore incontestable election outcomes. SADC’s action no doubt marks
the
highest point that it has ever gone to resolve crises within a member
state.
Indeed, for SADC, the past decade will go down in history as a
defining
moment in its evolving role of ‘spearheading’ political change and
cultivating democratic practises in troubled member states. Important
political developments in member states, particularly in this period, have
obliged SADC to demand increasing involvement bordering on direct
interventionism apparently on the pretext of promoting its ideals of peace
and development for the benefit of its members. Zimbabwe is one state where
a number of key political events and developments were witnessed in the same
period, prompting SADC’s intervention. The confluence of coincidence between
tension-packed Zimbabwean politics and SADC’s emergent pro-interventionist
stance provide an interesting framework to critique the ‘new’ role of SADC
in southern Africa’s transformative politics.
Since the disputed
elections of 2002, Zimbabwean politics have been
tempestuous. The opposition
party, led by Morgan Tsvangirai provided a
strong challenge against ZANU
PF’s political hegemony that had endured two
decades of generally
undisturbed supremacy in Zimbabwe politics. The
successive elections between
2002 and 2012 continued to remind ZANU PF of
its diminishing political
capital. Consequently, the degenerated political
atmosphere robbed the
majority of political processes, including the 2008
general election
results, of their legitimacy and credibility. SADC’s
involvement in Zimbabwe
was essentially on this basis, and its intervention
had to support
institutional and constitutional reform, prepare ground for
credible
elections and continue policing the political developments in this
troubled
nation. True to its promises, this mediation made a number of
achievements,
the most significant being ushering an inclusive government
that was obliged
to institute immediate institutional and constitutional
reform. To the
ordinary Zimbabwean, these developments are cause for
celebration,
particularly coming in a decade that promised little on the
political or
economic front. Further, such positive steps are welcome news
to a people
that had lost hope in the ability of political parties to adhere
to and
respect democratic ideals.
Be that as it may, it could be asked whether
these important developments
could have taken place in the absence of SADC
mediation. To what extent was
ZANU PF, propri motu, prepared to shed its own
uncompromising revolutionary
skin and spearhead political change in
Zimbabwe, even where it appeared such
route was an experimental risk?
Further, to what extent was the political
opposition, led by MDC, prepared
to continue the ever gruelling push for
political change in Zimbabwe in
light of the increasing repression they
invited upon each attempt?
In
my view, the pressure by SADC, particularly the unwavering instigation of
important states in this bloc was more responsible for Zimbabwe’s political
turn around than any other internal or external force. Between 2002 and
2008, MDC’s fortunes had constantly soared and plummeted as it took on a
very aggressive ZANU PF. It might be that ZANU PF itself was also
unravelling, although its propaganda machine ensured this would be beyond
the public eye. The 2008 election result was thus a surprise to both ZANU PF
and MDC. Then followed massive repression and crackdown that led to Mugabe
running against himself in the election runoff of June 2008. The MDC proved
powerless to stop the violence, or compel ZANU PF to abandon its age old
repressive tactics against political opponents at all levels.
It is
therefore beyond doubt that SADC’s role in the quest for democratic
political outcomes in Zimbabwe has been critical. ZANU PF can promise
peaceful elections, tolerance and an even political field but there is no
doubt that the possibility of violence is real. Mugabe’s spokesperson
himself acknowledged this, confidently stating that with the “elections (…)
not far off, I catch the menacing sound of long knives being sharpened,
being pushed to and fro on eager whetstones by secular causes.” The
Permanent Secretary’s premonition is of sharp knives “craving for slaughter,
ushering a season of bitter tears” and a fight, a bloody fight”. This
premonition should never be seen as existing within the realms of
imagination; the experience of the past decade confirms the reality of
election games that are nothing but a bloody spectre. While the MDC would
want to believe in peaceful election, even they cannot be exonerated from,
in the least, fanning the violent atmosphere of violence that has consumed
Zimbabwe in the period before general elections. It is in light of this
context that SADC must be expected to step up and play arbiter in the
possibly volatile election atmosphere that is likely to grip Zimbabwe come
the day.
HARARE – A day before he was killed in a suspicious car accident, former Zimbabwe Mines Minister and Zanu PF MP for Guruve South Edward Chindori-Chininga sent two separate reports to Nehanda Radio.
Edward Chindori Chininga and the ‘accident’ that killed him
Today we publish the first of these, a 28 page document exposing the corruption and leakages in the diamond mining sector in the country. Chindori-Chininga was the Chairman of the Portfolio Committee on Mines and Energy in Zimbabwe’s 7th Parliament.
Chindori Chininga died in a car accident when the silver Jeep Cherokee he was driving allegedly failed to stop at a T-junction on the Raffingora-Mvurwi Road and rammed into a tree last Wednesday. Pictures of the car showed that the windscreen was intact and the airbags had not been deployed.
————————————–
FIFTH SESSION – SEVENTH PARLIAMENT—————————————-
FIRST REPORTOF THE PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON MINES AND ENERGY
ON
ON DIAMOND MINING (with special reference to Marange Diamond Fields)
2009 – 2013
Presented to Parliament June 2013
(S.C.4, 2012)
ORDERED: In Terms of Standing Order No. 159
a) At the commencement of every session, there shall be as many committees Rules to be designated according to government portfolios as the Standing and Orders Committee may deem fit.
b) It shall be the function of such committees to examine expenditure administration and policy of government departments and other matters falling under their jurisdictions as Parliament may, by resolution determine.
c) The members of such committees shall be appointed by the Standing Rules and Orders Committee, from one or both Houses of Parliament, and such appointments shall take into account the expressed interests or expertise of the Members and Senators and the political and gender composition of Parliament.
d) Each Select Committee shall be known by the portfolio determined for it by the Standing Rules and Orders Committee.
Terms of reference of Portfolio Committees – Standing Order No. 160
“Subject to these Standing Orders a Portfolio Committee shall:
a) Consider and deal with all bills and statutory instruments or other matters which are referred to it by or under a resolution of the House or by the Speaker;
b) Consider or deal with an appropriation or money bill or any aspect of appropriation or money bill referred to it by these Standing Orders or by under resolution of this House; and
c) Monitor, investigate, enquire into and make recommendations relating to any aspect of the legislative programme, budget, policy or any other matter it may consider relevant to the government department falling within the category of affairs assigned to it, and may for that purpose consult and liaise with such department; and
d) Consider or deal with all international treaties, conventions and agreements relevant to it, which are from time to time negotiated, entered into or agreed upon.
On Tuesday, 30th October 2013, the Speaker announced that the Committee on Standing Rules and Orders nominated the following members to serve on the Portfolio Committee on Mines and Energy
1. Hon. Chindori- Chininga
2. Hon. Dzingirayi Ivene
3. Hon. Katsande Aquilinah
4. Hon. Kay Iain
5. Hon. Makamure Ransome
6. Hon. Maposhere Dorcas
7. Hon. Mare Moses
8. Hon. Mudarikwa Simbaneuta
9. Hon. Munengami Fani
10. Hon. Mungofa Pearson
11. Hon. Munjeyi Gibson
12. Hon. Musvaire Washington
13. Hon. Muza Isheunesu
14. Hon. Navaya Eric
15. Hon. Nemadziva Naison
16. Hon. Shoko Heya
17. Hon. Marima Edmore
18. Hon. Mudzuri Elias
19. Hon. Kagurabadza Tofamangwana
20. Hon. Mudiwa Shuwah
21. Hon. Chinomona Mabel
22. Hon. Haritatos Peter
Hon. Chindori-Chininga E. to be Chairperson
1. Introduction
The Committee on Mines and Energy through its oversight responsibility conducted an enquiry into the diamond mining sector for the period 2010 to 2013. The purpose of the enquiry was basically to hold the Executive accountable for its programs, policies and actions in the sector, taking into account the fact that the financial hopes on revenue proceeds for Government, in 2012 and 2013 have been premised on the buoyant performance of the diamond sector.
The findings and observations of the Committee span over a period of four years. The delay in tabling this Report has largely been due to two reasons. Firstly, there was a contestation of power between the Executive and the Legislature over access to information and entry by the Committee to carry on site visits in Marange. Secondly, the Committee was compelled to keep pace with rapid changes and developments in the sector, which made it imperative to base the findings and recommendations on relevant and accurate information.
During the enquiry the Committee was also cognisant of the fact that a lot of negative information on Marange diamonds had been churned out by both national and international media, hence it was also important for the Committee to get accurate information, which it could convey back to the citizens as their elected representatives.
The enquiry was fraught with a number of challenges but there were also positive outcomes which emerged during the process such as the KP certification of most of the mining companies in Marange. The Committee unearthed a number of irregularities and loopholes at each of the different stages of the diamond value chain. Despite, these challenges, the Committee believes that if it proper mechanisms, strong administration and adherence to both national and international laws are observed, the country would be able to derive maximum benefit from its diamonds.
2. Background Information
There are number of diamond mining companies operating in Zimbabwe which include: River Ranch, Murowa Diamonds, Mbada Diamonds, Anjin, Marange Resources and Diamond Mining Company (DMC). Government, through ZMDC entered into joint venture agreements with a 50/50 shareholding in the following companies, Mbada, Anjin and DMC. Marange resource is owned 100% by ZMDC.
When the Committee began its enquiry in 2010, another company was in operation known as Canadile Miners but it has since been de-listed by government and its special grant was taken over by Marange Resources. The sector has remained largely small for a very long time until the huge discovery of deposits in Marange. It is estimated that the country now has the capacity to supply 25% of the global diamond market.
3. Methodology
The Committee held several consultative meetings and conducted three on-site visits. Two meetings were held in camera upon request from the witnesses. During the data gathering process, the Committee noted with concern that there was no free flow of information because some of the witnesses were either too defensive or uncooperative or unwilling to attend the Committee’s meetings.
The key stakeholders in this enquiry were: the Minister of Mines, Hon. O Mpofu; the former deputy Minister of Mines, Hon M Zwizwai; the KP Monitor for Zimbabwe, Mr. A Chikane; the former Permanent Secretary of Mines and Mining Development Mr. Musukutwa, former and current Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC) Board and its officials, Minerals Marketing Corporation of Zimbabwe (MMCZ) officials, ZRP Minerals Unit, Mbada Board Members, Canadile Miners Board Officials, Murowa Diamond Mining Officials, River Ranch Mine Officials, Marange Resources officials, DMC officials and Anjin Officials. The Committee also met the Taskforce on Relocation of the community affected by mining operations.
The Committee conducted its first field visit, in 2009 where it went to Murowa Diamonds in Zvishavane, River Ranch in Beitbridge and Marange Resources in Chiadzwa. During that period government had not yet signed any joint venture agreement with any company to operate in Marange. After a number joint venture agreements were signed from the period 2010 onwards, the Committee was denied entry twice to conduct on-site enquiries.
The Committee was only granted entry into Marange in 2012, two years later after the enquiry had begun. The Committee had an opportunity to visit four mining companies operating in the area, that include, Anjin, DMC, Mbada and Marange Resources. Mbada Diamonds and DMC were not very co-operative during the Committee’s visit whilst Marange Resources and Anjin were forthcoming in sharing information and showing the Committee their operations.
The Committee failed to conduct a public hearing with the community living in Chiadzwa and was advised that it was inappropriate due to security reasons. However, the Committee managed to visit Arda Transau where some of the re-located communities were now living.
4. Findings
4.1 Ministerial Accountability to Parliament
During the four year period of the enquiry, the Committee observed with concern that Executive and its officers were generally not willing to be held accountable by Parliament. This was evidenced through the Committee’s experiences as it conducted this enquiry. This goes against the basic universal principles of Ministerial Accountability to the Legislature as enshrined in national or international law.
Erskine May, the well renowned writer on Parliamentary Practice says ‘Ministers have a duty to Parliament to account and be held to account for the policies, decisions and actions of their departments; it is of paramount importance that Ministers give accurate and truthful information to Parliament, correcting any inadvertent error at the earliest opportunity…. [1] In other words, Parliament has a universal right to hold the Executive accountable and to acquire accurate information for it to effectively discharge its constitutional obligations. These were the experiences and observations of the Committee as it tried to hold the Executive Accountable:
4.1.1 Committee’s Witnesses
Standing Order 167 empowers portfolio Committees to call anyone except the Head of State, to appear before it to give evidence. In 2010, on several occasions the Committee invited the mining companies operating at the time, Mbada Diamonds and Canadile Miners to appear before it to give evidence on their operations.
There was resistance from the two companies and the Committee was left with no option but to invoke section 9 of the Privileges, Immunities and Powers of Parliament Act, which states that Parliament may issue summons, delivered by the police to a witness to attend before it. It was only then that the company officials attended the Committee’s hearings. The Committee also observed that there seemed to be a lot of influence by the Ministry of Mines in discouraging these company officials from attending the Committee’s hearings.
The second incident was where the former board Chairperson of ZMDC, Ms G Mawarire lied twice to the Committee whilst giving evidence. This was clearly in violation of section 19 of the Privileges Act which says “any person who willfully and corruptly gives before Parliament or a Committee a false answer to any question material to the subject of enquiry ….shall be guilty of an offense”‘[2]
The Committee observed that the lack of disclosure of accurate information by some witnesses was due to fear of being reprimanded, by someone in authority in the parent Ministry. Erskine May goes on to say one of the principles of Ministerial accountability to Parliament is that ‘Ministers should require civil servants who give evidence before Parliamentary Committees …..to be as helpful as possible in providing accurate, truthful and full information in accordance with the law [3] The Committee observed that some of the officials from the Executive and from the mining companies were not very helpful in terms of providing accurate information.
4.1.2 Denial of Entry into Chiadzwa Diamond Fields
Apart from Committee meetings, oversight over the Executive is also achieved by conducting field visits. Over a period of two years the Committee was denied entry to conduct on-site inspections of the mining companies operating in Marange.
The first attempt was made in April 2010 where the Committee was denied entry when it had already camped in Mutare. The first attempt was very unpleasant because the Committee was constantly mobbed by security agents during the three day encampment in Mutare.
The second attempt was in August 2010 where the Committee was denied entry before it had even left the precincts of Parliament building. On both occasions, the Committee was denied entry on the grounds that it needed clearance from the police since the area was protected under the Protected Places and Areas Act.
What baffled the Committee was that while it was being denied entry some of its stakeholders during the enquiry that included, the KP Monitor on Zimbabwe, Mr. Abbey Chikane and other international monitoring groups were allowed free and easy access into Marange. Permission to tour Marange was finally granted in April 2012.
4.2 Financial Contribution of the Sector to both Treasury and the Economy
4.2.1 Contribution to Treasury
The Committee observed with concern that from the time that the country was allowed to trade its diamonds on the world market, government has not realized any meaningful contributions from the sector. This is despite the fact that production levels and the revenue generated from exports has been on the increase as shown on the table below. There are serious discrepancies between what government receives from the sector and what the diamond mining companies claim to have remitted to Treasury.
| YEAR | PRODUCTION (CARATS) | EXPORTS (US$) |
| 2011 | 8,719,000 | 233 741 247 |
| 2012 | 12,000,000 | 563 561 495 |
| 2013 | 16,900,000 (anticipated) | - |
Table 1: Diamonds Production Levels and Revenue Generated from Exports
(Source: Budget Statement: 2013)
In June 2012, the Chairman of Mbada Diamonds, the largest producer of diamonds in the country informed the Committee that their company had remitted over US$293 million to Treasury. The breakdown of the remittances is shown in the table below:
NB This section relates to correspondence we wrote to ZMDC and Ministry of Mines and Mining Development The committee sort to secure information from the Ministry of Finance in writing. The Ministry of Finance advised us to obtain information directly from companies and/or through Ministry of Mines.
They stated that for purposes of safeguarding the confidentiality of information received from tax payers release of such information to the Minister is restricted as provided through section 34A (3a) of Revenue Authority Act. This legislation limits the provision of information only to total as opposed to disaggregated amounts. A similar letter was written to the Ministry of Mines and no response was received.
The only company that was willing to provide this information is Mbada Diamonds which is as follows;
| Line Item | Amount US$ |
| Royalties | 76 192 302 210 |
| Resource Depletion Fee | 33 943 338 850 |
| Marketing Fees | 5 965 412 890 |
| Dividends | 117 202 859 790 |
| Corporate Tax | 43 515 858 000 |
| Withholding Tax | 17 829 562 320 |
Table 3: Remittances submitted to Treasury by Mbada Diamonds[4]
However, the Minister of Finance in 2013 Budget Statement lamented the low proceeds to Treasury and in 2012 government only received a total dividend of US$41 million. This was also the same amount that was remitted to the fiscus in 2011.
Yet Mbada Diamonds claims it remitted a dividend of over US$117 million which is far above what Treasury received for the combined period of 2011 and 2012. Notwithstanding these poor inflows in 2011 and 2012, Treasury still hopes in 2013 to receive US$400 million from diamond proceeds to fund critical national programs such as the referendum, the harmonized elections and the UNWTO to be held in August this year.
These were the observations of the Committee on the financial discrepancies:
(a) Sanctions
The United States of America has placed sanctions on diamond companies operating in Marange. This has made it difficult for the companies to effectively market and trade their diamonds at competitive prices. Currently, the diamonds are sold at below 25% of the normal price. In the process, the sanctioned diamond companies are trading their diamonds through unconventional means because major international banks, insurance companies and couriers do not want to be associated with Marange diamonds.
As a result of these financial restrictions, a number of loopholes have been created leading to fiscal leakages, promotion of corruption and national insecurity. The USA seems adamant not to remove the sanctions because a letter was written in 2011 by the Minister of Finance requesting for the removal of restrictions because of the impact it was having on the socio-economic development of the country. In an act of solidarity, the World Diamond Council also called for the removal of the sanctions at a Diamond Conference that was held in Victoria Falls in 2012.
The irony is that the companies operating in Marange were certified as KP compliant, hence should have the freedom to trade equally like all players on the world market. However, these companies have been denied that privilege based on unconfirmed allegations that they were involved in undemocratic practices aimed at undermining democracy and human rights abuses in Zimbabwe. The Committee believes if the situation remains as it is, the country will not be able to realize optimal benefits from its diamonds.
(b) Taxation System
Generally, the mining sector has a poor taxation system. This is probably one of the reasons why there are discrepancies between what Treasury claims to have received and what the mining companies would have remitted. In the past few years, the Ministry of Finance has introduced piecemeal measures to improve on revenue proceeds from the mining sector. Taxation from diamond sector is in the form of corporate tax, PAYE, VAT, royalties and other levies.
The Committee observed the Ministry of Finance usually targets an increase of royalties on diamonds without necessarily looking at the other forms of taxes. In 2012, the same Minister approved a Statutory Instrument which regulated fees and levies for the mining sector. The Statutory Instrument introduced astronomical charges which is choking the growth of the diamond sector and other sectors in mining.
The Statutory Instrument was certified as invalid by the Parliamentary Legal Committee and constitutionally has to be repealed but the Executive took no action. It is the Committee’s contention that revenue proceeds to the fiscus will continued to be low and irregular if the Ministry of Finance does not introduce a comprehensive taxation law.
(c) Legal and Policy Framework
Government has been procrastinating in introducing a comprehensive law to regulate the operations of the diamond sector. Such a law is critical in that it will clearly highlight the financial system to regulate the industry and to hold any offenders accountable. The Committee noted with concern that there was divided discourse within the Executive on whether to introduce a Diamond Bill or to amend the Precious Stones Trade Act as the principle law to govern the diamond sector.
Such delays in introducing the law will have a negative bearing in promoting financial accountability and transparency of revenue proceeds from diamonds as well as clearly laying out the policy framework for the benefit of potential investors. Although a diamond policy was formulated in 2012, it does not have the force of law in ensuring there is compliance, transparency and accountability in the industry.
4.2.2 Investments made by Joint Venture Companies
One of the ways in which the economy grows is through direct investment. The Committee observed that government may have been prejudiced through the overstated amount of investments that were made by its joint venture partners. In 2010, the Committee was informed that the shareholders agreement stipulated that, Mbada Diamonds and Canadile Miners were to contribute US$100 million each, for purposes of financing the operations.
In 2012, Mbada Diamonds informed the Committee that it had made investments worth US$185 million. However, ZMDC in its due diligence report expressed reservations on this matter when it stated that ‘the acquisition of equipment and other assets for the joint venture company, tender procedures and valuations must be observed and values be agreed to by both parties. This is important in order to avoid overpricing by investors’.[5] ZMDC also told the Committee it had not done a full audit of the investments made by the two companies.
The Committee observed with concern that the true value of investments made into the country cannot be ascertained in the absence of a proper valuation from government agencies. It is possible for these companies to finance their operations from the proceeds of the mining operations which is in violation of the Companies Act.
At the same time the Committee was concerned about the manner in which certain equipment was brought into the country, for instance in 2010, ZMDC was given a directive to purchase equipment at Hot Springs that belonged to J W Lotter for R5.6 million and ZIMRA was paid US$46 000. However, the owner of the equipment demanded a further US$125 000 for transport charges and yet under normal circumstances when duty is paid it includes transport.
4.3 Transparency and Accountability in the Diamond Sector
Since the inception of formalized mining in Chiadzwa, the Committee observed that the sector has been dogged with issues of transparency and accountability in the production, marketing, fiscal contributions and general administration. The Committee noted with concern that there was lot of work that still needed to be done to improve on transparency and accountability in the entire value chain of the country’s diamonds.
The key areas that the Committee observed which touched on transparency and accountability include: the aborted auction sale, the selection process of joint venture partners, corporate governance systems in the joint venture companies, the smuggling and leakages of diamonds from Marange as well the mining contracts signed by Government.
4.3.1 Aborted Auction Sale
When formalised operations began in Marange in 2009, there were two companies operating, namely, Mbada Diamonds and Canadile Miners. In January 2010 Mbada Diamonds attempted to auction its diamonds, in violation of both national and international law. The aborted diamond auction sale opened a Pandora’s box, revealing several irregularities and loopholes in the entire diamond value chain. These were the observations of the Committee following the aborted auction sale:
(a) Relevant government institutions that are involved in the entire diamond value chain professed ignorance about the auction sale. This was a sign that the institutions were not well coordinated in the production and marketing of the diamonds in Marange. The relevant institutions include ZMDC, MMCZ, ZRP Minerals Unit and the Ministry of Mines.
It seems Mbada Diamonds took advantage of this weakness and attempted to auction the diamonds without the knowledge or presence of these institutions. At the same time, out of the ten board members of Mbada Diamonds only two members, Dr Mhlanga and Mr. Kassel admitted of having knowledge of the attempted auction sale. So a major decision of auctioning the diamonds was made by a minority board decision which is uncharacteristic of any healthy company.
(b) The relevant government institutions probably knew about the auction but because of fear of reprisals they would not admit it to the Committee. This is based on the fact that the aborted auction was announced through the State media and it is improbable that a subsidiary company of ZMDC would make such bold pronouncements without informing its overarching Board and the parent Ministry.
(c) Mbada Diamonds displayed a ‘big brother’ syndrome such that some of the government institutions were rendered powerless to question Mbada’s decisions or actions. The Committee noted that this was emanating from the manner in which Mbada was selected to partner with government and also in the manner in which the board members were appointed to sit on ZMDC’s subsidiary boards.
4.3.2 Selection Criteria of Joint Venture Partners
In 2009, government through ZMDC entered into joint venture partnerships with Reclaim and Core Mining companies, leading to the establishment of two companies, Mbada Diamonds and Canadile Miners respectively.
The number of companies operating in Marange has since increased to four excluding Canadile Miners which has been de-listed. The Committee noted with concern that the selection process of the companies to operate in Marange had a number of flaws. These were the observations of the Committee:
(a) The selection of Reclaim and Core Mining to enter into joint venture partnerships with ZMDC was not done in accordance with any known precedents, procedures or with reference to any legislation inthe country. The former ZMDC board chairperson, Mrs. Mawarire tried to mislead the Committee into believing that the choice of the two investors was made through a Cabinet decision.
Later she withdrew her submission when the Committee informed her that it had documentation of the Cabinet decision pertaining to that issue. The Cabinet minutes of 22nd July and 27th August 2008, simply encouraged ZMDC to enter into joint venture partnerships and did not specifically state that ZMDC should enter into joint ventures with Reclaim and Core Mining.
The Minister of Mines, Dr Mpofu, in a separate meeting with the Committee could not be drawn into revealing who chose the two investors to partner with ZMDC but stated that ‘I was a new Minister and directed to go that way and that is the way it is’.[6] However the Minister went on to justify the selection of two joint partners on the grounds that the economic situation prior to the formation of inclusive government was untenable and very few investors were willing to risk investing in the Zimbabwe.
The Committee observed with dismay that the Minister and his officials did not want to disclose who selected the joint venture partners. They created the impression that the selection process was done by an unknown person or body and this is clearly unacceptable.
(b)There were a number of potential investors, during the period when Mbada Diamonds and Canadile Miners were chosen, who were willing to invest in Chiadzwa. The Committee was informed by former Minister of Mines, Amos Midzi, that during his tenure in office there were three companies that were willing to partner with ZMDC and that Reclaim and Core Mining were not among the three suitors. The question that the Committee could not find answerson was whether the two joint venture companies, Mbada Diamonds and Canidile Miners were the most suitable choice.
(c) The selection process created several administrative problems for ZMDC and for the parent Ministry. The ZMDC Board conducted a due diligence exercise on the two companies and the fact that the Board had to accept the two joint venture fait accompli would not have changed the outcome of the due diligence. ZMDC seemed to have been coerced into accepting these two companies. It was not clear who or what exerted pressure on ZMDC to accept these two companies without following the normal acceptable standards and procedures.
(d) The due diligence report by ZMDC revealed that two investors were probably not the best suitors for the country. The due diligence report highlighted that the investors ‘have no diamond mining as part of their vision and growth strategy. However, the enthusiasm to enter diamond mining in partnership with ZMDC was noted. The two investors were chosen mainly for their capacity to provide financial resources and state of the art security systems.
(e) The failure to get information on the process used to select the two initial investors was highly frustrating and could not motivate the Committee to seek further information on how the rest of the other investors, namely Anjin and DMC were selected or how future investors would be selected.
4.3.3 Corporate Governance Structures in the Joint Venture Companies
The Committee noted with concern the manner and the type of people who were being appointed to serve on ZMDC’s subsidiary companies. These were the observations of the Committee:
(a) Board appointments to ZMDC’s subsidiary companies were being made by the Minister of Mines, in clear violation of section 5 (2) of the ZMDC Act. In a letter written to the ZMDC Board Chairperson, the Minister stated that ‘all appointments of Board members to subsidiary companies are done by the Minister of Mines and Mining Development …Any appointments that have been done outside this procedure are null and void”.
Section 5 (2) of ZMDC Act, empowers the Minister to appoint the ZMDC Board Members only and not the board members of the subsidiary companies. The ZMDC Board then has the responsibility in consultation with the Minister, of appointing members to its subsidiary companies.
The ZMDC Board was rendered powerless when it came to the selection and appointment of members who sit on its subsidiary companies. It’s only function is to regularise the appointments made by the Minister. This is probably one of the reasons why the ZMDC Board has little control and information over its subsidiary companies, namely Mbada, Anjin and DMC.
(b) Mbada Diamonds showed no respect to the ZMDC board in a number of ways. The duediligence report by ZMDC board highlighted that, ‘there is need for Reclaim (Mbada Diamonds) to recognise the ZMDC Board’s authority, independence and effectiveness vis-a-vis Reclaim’s interaction with the Ministry of Mines and Mining Development.
Reclaim as an investor should appreciate the importance of the ZMDC Board to process the investment proposal through its governance process’.[7] This observation was made before the investors had begun operations in Marange and this was a warning indicator that ZMDC was most likely going to face problems with its joint venture partners.
(c ) Due to the unilateral appointments to the subsidiary companies by the Minister, certain individuals with a conflict of interest where appointed. The following people Obey Chimuka, Ashton Ndlovu, Cougan Matanhire and Dr Mhlanga had a conflict of interest. Dr Obey Chimuka used to be a board member of Marange Resources and yet he owned a company which traded in diamonds.
Mr. Matanhire was a board member of Canadile Miners and yet he had links with MMCZ. Dr Mhlanga as Chairman of Mbada Diamonds was listed in the due diligence report of ZMDC as a shareholder of Liparm, which is part of Reclaim Group but later crosses the floor, from being on the side of the investor to represent the interests of government. However, the Committee observed that if ZMDC Board had been allowed to perform its legal mandate, such kinds of conflicts may have been avoided.
4.3.4 Smuggling and Leakages of Diamonds
In one of its hearings in 2010, the Committee was disheartened to hear that two senior security officers employed by Canadile Miners were found in possession of 57 pieces of diamonds at a ZRP road block at Hot Springs. This information came against a backdrop of disturbing articles circulated by the media concerning the historical profiles on some the investors in Marange who were being accused of underhand dealings, such as drug trafficking and diamond smuggling.
In one of the Committee’s meeting, the joint venture partners denied the media allegations but in another separate Committee meeting, the Minister of Mines conceded that globally the diamond industry is run like a mafia, with very few ‘clean’ individuals. The Committee’s worst fears were confirmed in November 2010, when Canadile miners was blacklisted by the government following revelations that the company was involved in underhand dealings such as smuggling of diamonds.
4.3.5 Mining Contracts with the Joint Venture Partners
(a) Contract with Grandwell: The contract with Grandwell (Reclaim) leading to the formation of Mbada Diamonds showed that government may be prejudiced in a number of ways. Of major concern is Clause 25.1 of the Shareholders Agreement where a 5% management fee will be paid to Grandwell (Reclaim) from the total turnover of the company’s profits.
At the same time Clause 25.5 provides a payment of 5% to Marange Resources in the form of a Resource Depletion Fee. Therefore by equating the 5% management fee with a 5% resource depletion is fundamentally flawed, unjust and not in the best interests of the country. The Committee also noted with concern that the 5% management fee on gross turnover is unrealistically high taking into consideration the fact that the same shareholders are entitled to an equal share on dividends.
(b) The Committee made a comparison of the management arrangements in the different joint venture agreements. There is was no shared management between (Grandwell) Reclaim and ZMDC whereas in Canadile which is no longer in operation there used to be shared management. In essence it implies that Mbada Diamonds has full reign of all the operational and financial activities of the mine.
Whatever profits or dividends are declared by Mbada, the government has to accept it in good faith. The Committee is of the opinion that the same arrangement reached by ZMDC and Canadile Miners of shared management, should also prevail in Mbada Diamonds and in the other joint venture companies. There is no justification for different kinds of management arrangement taking into account the fact that government has similar interests and one arm of government, ZMDC which is representing its interests in all the companies.
In 2012, the Board Chairman of ZMDC Mr. Masimirembwa confirmed to the Committee that the parastatal was not involved in the day to day running of operations of most of its subsidiarycompanies but believed that the information that they were given was correct. On a field visit to Marange in 2012, the Committee observed that ZMDC was more active in Marange Resources where government has a 100% ownership whilst in the other companies, such as Anjin, Mbada and DMC, ZMDC behaved more like a bystander and yet government has a 50% share ownership.
4.5 Relocation of the Chiadzwa Community
The Committee was informed that about 4 300 families will have to relocated from Chiadzwa and about 1 800 will be relocated to Arda Transau near Mutare. Since 2010 a total of 693 families have been re-located. At least 780 households and 6 businesses have been evaluated and are set to receive compensation.
The financial obligation to relocate and compensate the families and businesses has been placed on the joint venture companies and government through the Manicaland Provincial Relocation Committee headed by the Governor provides technical and logistical support. The Committee had an opportunity to visit Arda Transau farm and was impressed with the infrastructure that has been put in place, such as houses, schools, shops and clinics.
The Committee observed with concern only 780 households have been evaluated and yet there are about 4 300 households that would be re-located. This will most likely prejudice the rest of the households from getting fair compensation.
The Committee was also informed the Provincial Administrator for Manicaland that the mining companies were not willing to co-operate in the construction of an irrigation project at Arda Transau so as to build stable and sustainable livelihoods for the communities. The Committee would like to implore the mining companies to re-consider their positions and build an irrigation scheme for the community.
However, the Committee was disappointed in that it failed to hold a public hearing with the community to hear of their re-location experiences and to get an understanding of how the valuation of their properties for compensation purposes had been done.
At the same time the Committee observed that ZMDC and the Provincial Task force did not have a clear re-location policy to guide the mining companies in the re-location program. It was left to the discretion of the mining houses. During the Committee’s field visit in 2012, DMC stated that its primary purpose was to make profits and that the exhumation and re-burial of the communities’ graves was secondary.
The Committee had requested to hold a public hearing to hear from the community on the impacts of the mining operations and the impending re-location program. Parliament Secretariat informed the Committee that authority to hold the hearing was refused by the relevant authorities.
The Committee also noted with concern that there was lack of effective communication between the mining companies, the provincial relocation committee and the communities on the relocation program. As a result some households still living in Marange suspended most of their livelihoods such as farming on the grounds that they would be relocated. As a result this caused anxiety and food insecurity within the community.
Below, is a table of the relocation status by the mining companies.
| Company | Total number of Houses to be Constructed | Total Number of Houses Constructed | Total Number of Households Allocated |
| Anjin Investments | 474 | 474 | 474 |
| Mbada Diamonds | 487 | 100 | 100 |
| Diamond Mining Company | 114 | 30 | 30 |
| Marange Resources | 350 | 184 | 116 |
| Jinan Investments | 350 | 110 | 31 |
| Rera Diamonds | 92 | 0 | 0 |
| Total | 1947 | 989 | 751 |
Out of the construction, Anjin has done far much better than the other companies. Discrepancies in CSR mandates government to come up with a standard.
4.6 Empowerment of the Indigenous People in the Diamond Sector
The diamond industry has the potential to stimulate substantive socio-economic growth through the development of upstream and downstream industries. The Committee observed that this will be difficult to achieve in the absence of a strong policy and legal framework. These were the observations of the Committee:
4.6.1 Cutting and Polishing Industry
The diamond policy that was adopted by government in 2012 stipulates that ‘a quota of all locally produced rough diamonds as set by the Minister of Mines and Mining Development shall be reserved for local beneficiation.’[8] In a meeting with the association of local cutters and polishers, the Committee noted with concern that government was not very supportive in developing this sector.
This was evidenced by the vague policy by government in terms of the quota and the quality of gems to be supplied to the local cutters and polishers. At the same time some local cutters and polishers lost their money to government after paying licence fees without a corresponding duty of accessing the diamonds.
The Committee would like to implore government to seriously consider the development of local cutters and polishers as this has the potential to create more wealth and employment for the economy. The country’s diamonds are being exported in raw form, creating more jobs and wealth for other countries. This is indeed a travesty of justice.
The Committee noted with concern that some of the diamond producers had plans to actively participate in the cutting and policy industry. This creates a conflict of interest and has the potential to stifle the growth of upcoming local cutters and polishers.
The growth of the local cutters and polishers was also being impeded by exorbitant licence fees which were increased in 2012 to US$100 thousand renewable every year and yet there was no guarantee of receiving a parcel or re-imbursement if the parcel is not delivered.
Although the licence fees have since been reduced to US$50 thousand, the Committee observed that the majority of keen Zimbabweans would not be able to effectively participate in the sector. As a result a number of local cutters and polishers had to fold up their operations and yet they had invested heavily through the acquisition of machinery and training of personnel.
The third observation made by the Committee was that Ministry of Mines had the responsibility of licensing the cutters and polishers and yet other players who are involved in value addition such as granite cutting and polishing and well as steel making, where under the responsibility of the Ministry of Industry. Government should come out clearly on which Ministry should spearhead value addition of the country’s resources, to avoid inconsistent policies applying to the same industry.
4.6.2 Supply Based Empowerment
The upstream industry in the form of local suppliers of goods and services have not benefited much since the establishment of diamond mining companies. The Committee had an opportunity to meet the business community of Manicaland, who highlighted that it was almost impossible to supply goods and services to companies operating in Chiadzwa. As a result, there has not been much development in the Mutare, the capital city of Manicaland.
However, the Committee observed with concern that the business community, through its affiliates such as the Confederation of Zimbabwean Industries (CZI) did not have a structured position on how the province could fully benefit from the resource.
Some well renowned cities such as Dubai have become world centre attractions, with huge volume of business and trade following the discovery of minerals such as oil. Given that the Marange diamonds is considered to be one of the largest recent deposit discoveries in the last decade, significant socio-economic developments should overflow into the nearby towns and communities.
4.6.3 Mining Communities
The KP Joint Work plan adopted in Swakopmund in 2009 which was submitted to the Committee states that government should identify and develop small-scale mining so as to curb illegal mining by panners. The area of Chiadzwa has very low rainfall patterns and hence there is not much agriculture that takes place in the area.
The Committee noted that not much progress has been made towards empowering the local communities by involving them in small-scale mining. Currently, the mining community has to rely on Corporate Social Responsibility by the mining companies, especially when their fields do not yield a good harvest.
The community expressed interest in actively participating in small-scale mining. At the same time the Committee observed that the mining companies were not keen in buying directly agricultural produce from the mining communities. This was one way of promoting sustainable livelihoods of the mining communities.
4.7 River Ranch and Murowa Diamond Companies
In 2009, the Committee had an opportunity to visit River Ranch Mine and Murowa Diamonds to get an appreciation of their operations. Both companies are KP compliant. However, the Committee observed with concern the glaring absence of government officials at the two mines given Treasury’s outcry of low revenue inflows from the sector. Both companies told the Committee that they would like to see a review of the Mines and Minerals Act so as to promote sector’s growth through investment. There have been some changes for example the presence of ZRP Minerals Unit and Zimra Officials at the mine.
4.8 Global Monitoring Resource Groups
During the enquiry, the Committee had an opportunity to meet members of the Kimberly Review Team on Zimbabwe which comprised of NGOs and World Diamond Council Members. The Committee also had an opportunity to interact with the KP Monitor on Zimbabwe, Mr. A Chikane. The members of these global resource monitoring groups provided some insights on how the diamond sector could be developed. The Committee concurred with some of the insights which included:
(a) allegations of human rights abuses in Marange should be handled by other internationally recognised bodies such as the SADC or the African Union and not by KPCS.
(b) sanctions imposed on diamond producers have to be removed because the companies operating in Marange were KP compliant.
(c) there was need to establish a tripartite relationship between government, business and civil society so as to build confidence in investors and buyers of Marange diamonds. However, the Committee noted with concern that the relationship between government and civil society groups working in Chiadzwa was still very shaky.
4.9 Future Outlook of the Diamond Sector
The Committee was informed by the mining companies that their operations had a lifespan of about 20years. The Committee observed that the future outlook remained uncertain in a number of areas which include:
4.9.1 Exploration Work
The committee was informed that diamonds in Chiadzwa are found in an area covering 123 thousand hectares, the greater part of which has not been fully explored. Therefore it becomes imperative for government to set aside resources for exploration work before inviting more investors into the area. This will enable government to negotiate contracts from a strong and informed position.
Mining of diamonds in Chiadzwa on mining areas for Mbada Diamonds, and Marange Resources is moving from alluvial to conglomerate mining as mining of alluvial is limited in their present areas of mining. Anjin has been mining conglomerate while DMC is for now limited to alluvial diamond mining.
The mining of conglomerate requires major investments in explorations, drilling, blasting and process equipment, capital, experts and labour Mbada Diamond, Marange Resources and Anjin in order to mining the diamonds and determine the potential of future diamond mining in Chiadzwa.
4.9.2 Demilitarization of Chiadzwa
A lot of land in Chiadzwa is still under the protection of the army and inadequate studies have been conducted to ascertain the presence of the diamonds. The Committee observed that de-militarization of Chiadzwa is going to take a long time and it was important that it’s done in phases so as to reduce any negative perceptions about Chiadzwa.
5. Recommendations
5.1 The Executive and its officials must by law to respect the constitutional oversight authority of Parliamentary as this is one of the prequisites for efficient and effective governance and a working democracy. All state institution has the obligation to adhere to the rule of law and promote good governance and democratic principles which must permeate through natural resource management.
5.2 The diamond industry is operating without a clear legal framework and administration to provide assurance that the people’s resources are being protected. The country must have put in place all necessary institutions and regulations to improve on diamonds extraction and commercialization. The government must desist from signing new contracts before the institutions and legal framework have been properly reformed. For this reason, the Ministry of Finance, diamond producers and the Ministry of Mines need to engage in dialogue to remove impediments that contribute to low revenue flows to Treasury.
5.3 Government must put in place an advocacy strategy to ensure that sanctions imposed by the USA on entities producing in Marange are removed taking into account the fact that the producers are KP compliant and the sanctions have resulted in low revenue inflows to Treasury.Government, mining companies and civil society, in the national interest, must work together and call for the removal of these sanctions.
5.4 The Ministry of Finance should speedily enact a comprehensive taxation law which will address some of the taxation discrepancies in the mining sector hence improve on revenue inflows to the fiscus. However, most of the discrepancies that occur in revenue collection find their origin in how mining contract were negotiated.
It is now common practice for negotiation of contract to be scrutinized by the public through their parliamentarians and communities and civil society should be allowed to make comments on the contracts before they are implemented.
The law should allow for mining development agreements to be overseen by Parliaments. For this reason the clause of confidentiality has lost its relevance. To enforce transparency and access to information mining contracts must be published.
Equally these ministries, including the MMCZ, ZMDC and ZRP must have sufficient capacity to manage key information, such as production figures, statistics, sales, taxes and other data in order to track the sector’s performance.
5.5 Government should consider establishing a one-stop mineral administration systems with sufficient capacity to deliver on their critical mandate.
5.6 Because of the discrepancies that exists between the amount that companies pay to government and what government report to have receive, companies are encouraged to publish what they pay to government and government is equally encouraged to publish what it received from companies. It is therefore important for government to operationalise a domesticated Zimbabwe Mining Transparency Initiative (ZMTI).
5.7 The Ministry of Mines should be encouraged to put in place a comprehensive law, whether a Diamond Bill or amendments to the Precious Stones Trade Act in order to promote legal certainty, introduce a level of predictability to lure investment [and layout the fiscal regime for the sector.
5.8 To avoid transfer pricing, an audit should be done to ascertain the true value of the capital investment injected by the joint venture companies so as to reduce the possibility of the investors financing their operations from the diamond proceeds. Equally, a proper evaluation of new investment in the project is critical to limit the overpricing by mining companies.
5.9 In many SADC countries, revenues from extractive companies are not equally distributed. Many times concession agreements are biased in favour of extractive companies due to the weak negotiation capabilities of the host government, it seems Zimbabwe is not different.
5.10 Government needs to ensure that results of due diligence exercise on potential suitors are taken into consideration in order to attract the best possible partners.
5.11 A law should be developed that will enable Parliament to ratify all major mining contracts. This will enable government to sign credible contracts.
5.12 Stern measures should be taken by the Ministry of Mines to discipline any company in mining of Diamonds for the illegal attempt to auction or illegally sale the country’s diamonds. Government has the right to apply sanction retroactively to discipline a mining company; just as government has the right to renegotiate dubious mining companies.
5.13 The Ministry of Mines is duty bound to observe the law in the appointment of people to sit on the ZMDC board and its subsidiary companies or any state enterprise. Personnel appointed to sit on the ZMDC boards and its subsidiary companies should be thoroughly vetted, employed based on merit to ensure they do not have a conflict of interest.
ZMDC needs to be more pro-active in protecting government’s interests in the joint venture companies so that the country’s investments are protected whilst at the same time reaping maximum benefits. ZMDC must also provide regular reports to the public on its participation in the joint venture and the health of the mining project.
5.14 A standard re-location model should be developed by the national and provincial task force on relocation of communities to reduce any inconsistencies and ensure that the communities concerns are treated in a humane manner. The development of these standards should be done in consultation with all relevant government institutions, communities and civil society.
5.15 There is need for government enact relevant legal statutory measures to reserve a quota for indigenous players to supply goods and services to diamond producers and all mining companies so as to promote the growth of upstream and downstream industries. Diamonds companies and all mining companies must prioritize the procurement of local goods and services in a transparent manner in order to promote local development and development of local industries in manufacturing, civil engineering, construction etc.
5.16 MMCZ should be encouraged to carry out a study on ways of developing the growth of local cutting and polishing industry so as to generate more wealth and employment for the country. Government should encourage local entrepreneurs to get involved and it should deliberately set favorable conditions for local entrepreneurs. Similarly investment policies and fiscal regimes must be put in place to encourage foreign investments in joint ventures with local entrepreneurs in cutting and polishing industry.
5.17 The local cutting and polishing industry should be moved from the Ministry of Mines and placed under the Ministry of Industry in line with best practices.
5.18 Exploration work should be conducted by government in partnership with investors so as to ascertain the true value of the minerals. This will enable government to sign credible contracts which will benefit the country. Put differently, governments must be in possession of correct geological data on the quantity and quality of its resources before entering into negotiations.
5.19 A strategy to integrate community participation into the diamond sector should be developed by both government and the mining companies so as to empower the local communities.
5.20 There is need for tripartite dialogue between government, the diamond producers and civil society groups in order to manage the negative perceptions about the sector both nationally and internationally. The tripartite engagement must go beyond just dialogue to provide space for real consultation and participation by civil society in policy formulation and monitoring of the diamonds industries.
The civil society must put national interest first in their engagement with government recognizing that government is elected and both have a national role to play in the economic development of Zimbabwe. Government must recognize that they registered and authorized civil societies operations to play a role that support national building.
5.21 Many communities are being relocated without proper resettlement plan which put communities in danger of losing their livelihood system, especially access to fertile land. Government must develop a national land use plan complimented by other laws at the relevant administrative levels, which define land use plans according to the suitability of the land and the quantity and quality of resources, in order to guide investments.
6. Conclusion
The challenges that have beset the diamond sector in the last few years are not insurmountable. It is possible that with the presence of a modernized administration founded on the principle of transparency and accountability, and strong legal and policy framework as well as its implementation, this sector could become the bedrock of the economy, as in other countries such as Botswana.
The sector also has the potential to create many jobs through the establishment of upstream and downstream industries. At the same time the Executive, the Legislature and civil society should be encouraged to work together in order to re-build the battered image of the country due the bad publicity over the diamonds in Marange. Last but not least the rights of the re-located communities should be respected and observed in line with the country’s laws.
Finally, we must congratulate the Minister, the Ministry of Mines official and the Diamond Mining companies for the investment and work they have done to make diamond mining in Chiadzwa a reality and for working hard to make Zimbabwe diamond KPCS compliant. We encourage government and the diamond mining companies to take all measure necessary to properly resettle the Chiadzwa communities and provide adequate compensation to the villagers and business people.
Government should consider developing a town plan for Hot springs Business Centre and encourage companies mining diamond in Chiadzwa to build their operational and administration offices at Hot Springs as well as encourage banks, shopping centers and industry that support the mining and community to be developed. It is encouraging that Banc ABC has already built and opened operations at Hot Springs.
[1] Erskine May: Treatise on the Law, Privileges, Proceedings and Usage of Parliament; 22nd Edition, pg 63
[2] Privileges, Immunities and Powers of Parliament Act
[3] Erskine May: Treatise on the Law, Privileges, Proceedings and Usage of Parliament; 22nd Edition, pg 63
[4] Oral Evidence by Mbada Diamonds Chairperson
[5] ZMDC Due Diligence Report, pg 3
[6] Oral Evidence by the Minister of Mines
[7] Due Diligence Report by ZMDC, pg 3
[8] Zimbabwe Diamond Policy, pg 7
[9] Governments must be held accountable for all contracts they enter in, especially, when it concern non-renewable resources, the need for scrutiny is even more pressing.
BILL
WATCH 26/2013
[25th June 2013]
Countdown
to Dissolution of Parliament
Both
Houses met this afternoon [Tuesday].
This leaves only two scheduled sitting days before the automatic
dissolution of Parliament at midnight on 28th June.
If
the parties reach agreement on presenting further Bills, there can be an extra
sitting day on Friday, and late night sittings, but only this week. There has been no evidence of Cabinet
agreeing to new Bills before the dissolution of Parliament and the last regular
Cabinet meeting was today.
If
the Constitutional Court rules in the case brought before it that the Electoral
Act Amendments made under the Presidential Powers (Temporary Measures) Act are
unconstitutional, it would be difficult to get an Electoral Amendment Bill
through Parliament in time, and also constitutionally impossible to hold
elections under the old, unamended, Electoral Act. [Reminder: The new Constitution says the Electoral Law
must be amended by an Act of Parliament – not in terms of another Act, i.e. the
Presidential Powers Act.]
There are other cases waiting in the Constitutional Court over the
electoral amendments made under the Presidential Powers Act. If any ruling this week gave rise to a
constitutional crisis, although the five-year term of this Seventh Parliament
has to end at midnight on 28th June, there could be an argument for the
President to declare a public emergency or a situation which may give rise to a
public emergency. [Section 31J of previous constitution – this section is
still in force]. In which
case the life of Parliament could be extended.
But this declaration would have to be done this week, before Parliament
is dissolved, as the House of Assembly would have to approve the Presidents
declaration and both Houses would have to pass resolutions extending Parliament
by up to six months.
In
Parliament Today 25th June
House
of Assembly The House passed both the Electricity
Amendment Bill and the Income Tax Bill, the latter with amendments proposed by
the Minister of Finance. Both Bills were
transmitted to the Senate to be dealt with tomorrow.
Senate The Senate rose after only five minutes
without debating any of the items on the Order Paper.
Coming
up in Parliament
26th June
No
News on Pre-Election Reforms
In
the Senate last Thursday, Minister Timba mentioned there would be a meeting
between the GPA principals to thrash out compromises on reforms but the meeting
did not take place. All the other
meetings mooted to do this since the SADC directive from the Maputo Summit of
16th June were either inconclusive or did not take place according to
schedule The responsibility for this
failure to has been the subject of accusations and counter-accusations from the
GPA parties.
House
of Assembly
Motions There
are still a number of uncompleted debates on a wide range of motions, ranging
from “take note” motions on Portfolio Committee reports to backbenchers’ motions
on such varied topics as the shortcomings of the Sports and Recreation
Commission and the generally poor performance of Zimbabwean athletes in all
sporting disciplines; the withholding from Treasury of revenue collected by
Government ministries and departments; and the historical significance of
certain prisons.
Senate
Bills The Electricity Amendment Bill and the
amended Income Tax Bill await passing by the Senate.
Adverse
PLC reports on statutory instruments The Senate still has to consider the
Parliamentary Legal Committee’s adverse reports on three statutory instruments –
the Youth Council regulations in SI 4/2013; the most recent tariff of mining
fees in SI 29/2013; and the Mangwe sand extraction by-laws in SI 25/2013. The reports
have gone undebated for some three weeks.
Other
business The Order Paper lists the part-heard debates
on delegation reports on last
month’s Conference in Bahrain of the Association of Senates, Shoora and
Equivalent Councils in Africa and the Arab World, and two sessions of the ACP-EU
Joint Parliament Assembly held in 2011.
In
Parliament – Thursday 20th June
Both
Houses pass Money Laundering and Proceeds of Crime
Bill
After
the announcement in the House of Assembly of a swiftly-provided non-adverse
report from the Parliamentary
Legal Committee,
this major Bill went through its Second Reading, Committee and Third Reading
stages in both Houses in what must be a Zimbabwe record time. The House took just 50 minutes to approve its
105 clauses and two schedules before sending it to the Senate. The Senate then got through it in less than
30 minutes. Apart from the Ministerial
presentations of the reasons for the Bill and for the haste involved, there was
little discussion and what there was limited to brief expressions of support for
the Bill and a protest against the way the Bill had been presented to Parliament
at the eleventh hour [see below].
Why
was the Bill so urgent? Zimbabwe is one of the founding members of
the Eastern and Southern African Anti Money Laundering Group (ESAAMLG), which in
turn is an associate member of the international Financial Action Task Force
(FATF), that sets international standards on money laundering and terrorism
financing. The 20th June was a FATF
deadline for member states to pass legislation to upgrade their on these
matters. If Parliament did not pass the
Bill, the Minister warned, Zimbabwe risked being blacklisted by FATF, which
would make it very difficult for Zimbabwean financial institutions, businesses
and even the State to make or receive international payments. Senator Chief Chitsunga, although supporting
the Bill, lodged a justified
protest against
the delays within Government that had brought about this unseemly haste:
“Our
Government should do things timeously and not wait for the last minute so that
we do not have guns pointed on our heads.
We only
have seen this Bill this afternoon. We did not have enough time to check what is
contained in it. That will not make us good leaders. What is more
important is that for the past two months, we did not have business in this
Senate, yet this Bill was there. It should have
been brought to this Senate in time rather than waiting for the last minute like
this. Someone was sitting on it.”
What
the Bill does The Bill aligns
our Anti-money Laundering and Combating of Financing of Terrorism (AML/CTF)
legal and institutional framework with the FATF recommendations. It repeals and replaces the Serious Offences
(Confiscation of Profits) Act, and amends the Bank Use Promotion and Suppression
of Money Laundering Act, the Criminal Matters (Mutual Assistance) Act, the
Building Societies Act and the Asset Management Act.
House
of Assembly
The
House transacted no business apart from passing the Money Laundering and
Proceeds of Crime Bill. The Acting
Speaker reported the receipt of a non-adverse report from the PLC on the
Electricity Amendment Bill; this cleared the Bill for the Second Reading stage
on 25th June.
Senate
While
waiting for the Money Laundering Bill to come across from the House of Assembly,
Senators put questions to Minister of State in
the Organ for National Healing, Reconciliation and Integration [“the Organ”]
Sekai Holland and Minister of State in the Prime Minister’s Office Jameson
Timba.
National
healing Mrs Holland, asked what will happen to the
national healing programme after the elections, explained that over the last
four years the Organ had succeeded in getting the GPA principals to adopt a
four-element “infrastructure for
peace”, now being implemented:
·
National
Peace and Reconciliation Commission, which is part of the new Constitution and
will deal with all transitional justice issues
·
Code
of Conduct for Political Parties already signed by the GPA
principals
·
History
Project at Midlands State University which will be part of UNESCO’s Africa
History Project
·
A
degree programme in the MSU’s new department of Peace, Economics and
Reconciliation.
The
Organ had also recommended a separate Ministry responsible for National Healing,
given the amount of work still to be done.
Election
timing Mr Timba was asked whether, as a result of
last weekend’s SADC Summit in Maputo, the coming elections would interfere with
the smooth running of the UN World Tourism Organisation Conference towards the
end of August. He told Senators that,
contrary to what had been agreed at the Summit, a Minister had unfortunately
applied prematurely to the Constitutional Court for an election date adjustment
before the GPA principals had reached a consensus position on the joint court
application called for by the Summit; the principals had met on 19th June and
would be meeting again on 21st June to settle this issue.
Death
of Edward Chindori-Chininga MP
Edward
Chindori-Chininga, ZANU-PF MP for Guruve South, Deputy Minister of Mines
1995-2000 and Minister of Mines 2000-2004, and in this Parliament, the
knowledgeable, energetic and determined chairperson of the House of Assembly
Portfolio Committee for Mines and Energy, died in a car accident on 21st
June. He had only recently presented to
the House two hard-hitting reports from his committee, one on diamond mining in
Zimbabwe with special reference to the Marange Diamond Fields, the other on
chrome mining.
Government
Gazette
Money
Laundering and Proceeds of Crime Bill
The
Bill was gazetted in a Gazette Extraordinary on 19th June, the same day it was
introduced in the House of Assembly. It
was passed by both Houses on 20th June [see above].
Statutory
Instruments
Regulation
bulk water suppliers: SI 90/2013 amends the Water (Permits)
regulations. This important SI, made by
the Minister of Water Resources Development and Management in terms of the Water
Act. It introduces a comprehensive regulatory scheme for bulk water suppliers,
defined as “persons who sell water in
bulk for any purpose exceeding 2 000 litres, and includes water bottling
companies”. Suppliers will have to
register with the Zimbabwe National Water Authority [ZINWA]. No foreign companies will be registered. Suppliers are prohibited from abstracting
water from boreholes or wells in urban residential areas unless ZINWA
approves Abstraction outside urban areas
must not result in unsustainable lowering of ground water levels, decreased
yields or deterioration in groundwater quality.
The regulations were obviously published later than planned, because they
require existing suppliers to apply for registration by an impossible 31st May
2013; this mistake will have to be corrected by an
amendment.
Collective
bargaining agreements: SIs 93/2013 [Grain Marketing Board] and
94/2013 [mining industry].
New
township in Mhondoro-Ngezi Communal Land: SI 91/2013 is the Communal Land (Excision of
Land) Notice and SI 92/2013 is the Communal Land (Setting Aside of Land) (Turf
Township) Notice. The 1672 hectares of
land affected is now set aside for the purposes of establishing a township. Existing occupiers of land in the area have
until the 31st December to depart.
Rights of use or occupation of land in the township will be governed by
regulations made by the Minister of Local
Government, Rural and Urban Development in
terms of section 10 of the Communal Land Act.
Customs
duty: SI 95/2013 provides for the granting of
rebates of duty to Zimbabwean food, soap and cosmetic manufacturers.
Veritas
makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal
responsibility for information supplied
COURT WATCH
8/2013
[25th June
2013]
Constitutional Court Sittings 9
am 26th June Onwards
Reminder: The Constitutional Court started work
promptly under the provisions of the new Constitution which was published on
22nd May [see end of bulletin for details of these provisions and the new
court’s judges]. Since then it has heard
two cases:
·
On
23rd May it heard a case on the rights of HIV-positive persons in police and
prison custody to receive treatment.
After hearing submissions from
both the applicants and the respondents the bench reserved judgment, which has
not yet been handed down.
·
On
24th May it heard a case in which a registered voter, Mawarire, asked for a
declaration by the court on the date of the forthcoming election. The court handed down its decision
ordering he President to hold the next harmonised elections no later than the
31st July 2013. [See Court Watch 7/2013 for a note on the
Election Date judgment]
[full
text of judgment available from veritas@mango.zw]
Since
then, many other cases have been filed with the court – more than thirty of
them. Six have been set down for hearing
from Wednesday 26th June. They are all
related to the forthcoming elections.
The
Prime Minister’s Application of Monday 24th June May Affect Order in which Cases
are Heard
The
latest application lodged yesterday by the Prime Minister – for the setting
aside of the Election Proclamation and the Presidential Powers Regulations
amending the Electoral Act – has been followed up his lawyers today with an
application for the Prime Minister’s case to be heard together with the
application by Minister Chinamasa for a two-week extension of the election
date. At the moment Minister Chinamasa’s
case is listed as first to be heard on the court roll [see below for this weeks court
roll]. But the application to hear
these two cases together means that the timing of the cases on the court roll
for tomorrow may well change.
This
Week’s Court Roll
The
first case will start at 9 am Wednesday and the cases will be heard one
after the other on Wednesday and if necessary Thursday and Friday. The order at the moment [although
this may change – see above] is
as follows:
1. Patrick Anthony Chinamasa (in his capacity as
Minister of Justice and Legal Affairs) v Jealousy Mbizvo Mawarire & 4 Others
Mr Chinamasa asks for a
14-day extension of the 31st July deadline set by the Constitutional Court in
its decision of 31st May. In the papers
filed he explains he does so because this is what the SADC Summit said he should
do, even though he sees no fault in the court’s original decision. Mr Mawarire – the successful applicant on
31st May – is the first respondent and opposes the application. Of the other respondents, the Prime Minister
has filed opposing papers, saying the SADC Summit mandated only an agreed joint
GPA principals’ application. Professor
Ncube has also filed opposing papers.
2. Mutumwa Dziva Mawere v Registrar-General
and 3 Others
Mr Mawere, born in Zimbabwe
but a South African citizen by registration, seeks a declaration that the new
Constitution automatically makes him a Zimbabwean citizen by birth without his
first having to go through a prior “restoration of citizenship” process and
vetting by Immigration as insisted on by the Registrar-General.
3. Tavengwa Bukaibenyu v
Chairperson, Zimbabwe Electoral Commission and 3 Others
Mr Bukaibenyu, who says he
is be a registered voter in Mabvuku, but currently based in South Africa, wants
the Constitutional Court to declare as unconstitutional sections of the
Electoral Act that deny foreign-based Zimbabweans the vote. He wants an order allowing all Zimbabweans in
the Diaspora to participate in the election by postal voting, as some diplomats
and Government officials based in foreign countries are able to
do.
4. Zimbabwe Development Party v
Minister of Justice and
Legal Affairs & 3 Others
This small party, denied
financing under the current Political Parties Finance Act, challenges the
constitutionality of the Act vis-à-vis the new Constitution, and is wants an
order entitling the party to $1.5 million.
5. Nixon Nyikadzino v President of the Republic
of Zimbabwe and 12 Others
Mr Nixon Nyikadzino in his
capacity as a registered voter also wants an extension of the election date,
complaining that elections cannot be held as early as 31st July without
infringing his constitutional right to a free and fair election. He says that this date does not leave enough
time to complete all the processes required for elections to be held by in a
constitutional manner.
6. Maria Phiri v
The President and 5
Others
Ms Phiri’s case highlights
the plight of the persons, formerly wrongly classified as “aliens” but confirmed
as citizens by the new Constitution.
She, too, seeks an extension of the election date to allow people in this
category more time to complete the relevant formalities, which require them to
first acquiring “citizen” ID cards and only after that to register as voters for
the purposes of the coming election.
Overview
of the Establishment of the Constitutional Court
The
Sixth Schedule to the new Constitution deals with transitional
arrangements. It lays down that certain
provisions come into force as soon as the new Constitution is published in the
Gazette [which happened on 22nd May] and the remainder when the person elected
President in the next harmonised elections is sworn in as such. Among the handful of provisions coming into
force on “publication day” by virtue of paragraph 3 of the Sixth Schedule is “Chapter 8, relating to the jurisdiction and
powers of the Constitutional Court”.
And, according to paragraph 18 of that Schedule, for the next seven
years the judges of the Supreme Court will double as judges of the
Constitutional Court – only after that will the entirely separate Constitutional
Court envisaged by the new Constitution come into existence. The practical effect of all this is that for
the first seven years of the new Constitution, constitutional cases will
continue to be heard by Supreme Court judges, but by a bench of nine judges,
rather than five which was the rule previously.
These cases will include not only new cases but also all the pending
constitutional cases lodged with the Supreme Court before the 22nd May in which
that court had not yet heard argument from the parties.
Appointment
of Two New Supreme Court Judges
On
22nd May, shortly before he signed the new Constitution, President Mugabe swore
in two new Supreme Court judges, both of whom have served as High Court judges
for several years – Justices Bharat Patel and Ben Hlatshwayo.
Why
were new appointments necessary?
These
appointments were prompted by the need to have enough Supreme Court judges to
make up a bench of nine judges for Constitutional Court purposes. They came at a time
when:
·
Justice
Omerjee’s retirement on health grounds was imminent [it became effective at the
end of May];
·
Justice
Gwaunza was still absent from active duty, although due back soon [she is now
back and sitting in this week’s cases]; and
·
Justice
Makarau, although still a Supreme Court judge, was indefinitely available for
judicial duties because of her recent appointment as full-time chairperson of
the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission.
The
enlarged Supreme Court bench
As
a result of these changes the nine substantive judges of the Supreme Court [and
of the Constitutional Court] are:
Hon
Godfrey Chidyausiku, Chief
Justice
Hon
Luke Malaba, Deputy Chief
Justice
Hon
Vernanda Ziyambi
Hon Elizabeth Gwaunza
Hon
Paddington Garwe
Hon Rita Makarau [full-time Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission
chairperson, so not available for active duty]
Hon
Anne-Marie Gowora
Hon Bharat Patel
Hon Ben Hlatshwayo.
Acting
Supreme Court judges
Because
Justice Makarau is not presently available for judicial duties, acting
appointments are necessary to bring Supreme Court numbers up to an effective
nine for the time being. Two acting
Supreme Court judges sat on the bench for the first two cases on 23rd and 24th
May: High Court Judge-President
George Chiweshe and High Court judge Antonia Guvava. Justice Chiweshe is sitting again in this
week’s cases.
Veritas
makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal
responsibility for information supplied