At last a bit of well good news.. (sort of).
My voting experience was
calm and we had no problems at all.
Living out in Glen Lorne - Harare
East, I avoided the long queue of nearly
a kilometre long and decided to get
up early on Sunday to avoid the rush.
Our polling booth was placed opposite
a satellite police station and
central to most in our area.
Having
braved the early morning chill I arrived at the station with only a
few cold
people in front of me. We watched as the polling officers had a
quiet
meeting and ensured the ballot box was untouched. The polling station
was
then opened and we all quietly went into the station and proceeded in
our
voting.
The officers were cheerful, friendly and very helpful. My husband
went to
vote at 9 am, to find there was no queue and he had the same
service.
People who had been in the queue the day before were treated the
same and
although the queue was very long everyone seemed to be in good
humour and
general conversations were cheerful.
I personally was very
impressed with the efficiency of the polling station
and I was very glad
that there was no violence or intimidation in our area.
Now we await the
results and hope...
Sent to us today (Sunday) by J L. We hear (several
phone
calls
to Zim. today) that the voting numbers are huge and so
far the voting has
been orderly. D and J have a voting
station on their farm and
all
is well. The feeling is that people
are sending a message with their
feet.
Please let the message be the
just one! All we have spoken to are v. v.
concerned about the days
immediately following the election results.
Thought you would find this very interesting - from a friend who is a
widow and farming near Mutare ... some insight into what is happening.
J
Subject: Saturday
24th
Dear All
Just a brief
note. All seems quiet at this end of the country, and C
said it was
quiet with them as well. At about 7.30 S and I went to
Penhalonga
just outside the Post Office where a large tent had been set up
as a
polling station. There were about 50 people ahead of us and everyone
was
most uncharacteristically subdued and quiet. It was as though they did
not want to be seen actually talking or smiling, not just to us but
to
each
other as well. It took about an hour and while we were
waiting first a 323
came in with EU stickers over it and three
observers,and then an
Australian
pair in a Land Cruiser flying a
flag. The EU people were very formally
dressed in suits and ties,
frightfully correct, not meeting any voter's
eyes, and only talked to
the Police and election officials. The Aussies
were much more casual in
both dress and manner, and I was delighted when
they were watching as
Simon and I went in to vote, and I had a word with
them afterwards.
First the ultra violet light, then one's name was checked
and you dipped
both hands into the revolting smelly fluid, top and bottom
of
fingers, and finally you were given the voting form. The form was rather
misleading and may lead to spoilt papers as across the page there
was
first
the name of each candidate, then a photo of him/her (or a
gap if none)
then
the party symbol, then the place for one's X. As
only the ruling party
candidate had a photo, and therefore only one
space for an X, the other
three may well be at a disadvantage specially
with some of the older
people.
I watched one elderly woman battling
to work out how to put her paper into
the ballot box.
J
and G G (who were ahead of us in the queue) had suggested a
couple
of days ago that we should all go to La Rochelle for breakfast
afterwards. J phoned D and S H to say we would be
late,
to
be told it would be wonderful to see us and we could have
breakfast any
time
we liked We would be the first people they had had
at the hotel for three
days. Five handscrubbing sessions later ( the
slightly sour smell was
still
there even then) we had an excellent
breakfast and all went home. Just now
I
am going over to Yardley and
then into Mutare to the Portuguese Club with
S to meet up with the
G's once again for piri piri chicken, then
back
to Yardley to
watch 'proper' TV- BBC seems the best cover.
We are told the votes
will be counted from 8pm tomorrow night and the
results will be out on
Monday. All we can do now is pray.
Much love - S
Observers say Zimbabwe election
unfair - CBC Mon Jun 26 00:17:37 2000
ZANU-PF says Mugabe won't lose power - CBC Sun Jun 25
18:19:18 2000 ET
Zimbabwe's Bloody Campaign - Washington Post - Thursday , June
22, 2000 ; A24
Observers say Zimbabwe election unfair
WebPosted Mon Jun 26 00:17:37 2000
HARARE - Votes are still
being counted after Zimbabwe's weekend parliamentary elections, but some
international observers have already dismissed the entire process as grossly
undemocratic.
"The term 'free and fair elections' is not
applicable in these elections," according to Pierre Schori, the head of the
European Union team that monitored the two-day vote.
"The level of violence and intimidation in the pre-election phase makes the
term not applicable," he told a news conference late Sunday.
Although voting appeared to go ahead peacefully Saturday and Sunday, there
were long line-ups and reports of threats by militants supporting the ruling
ZANU-PF party.
Schori accused both the government and ZANU-PF of preventing international
observers from doing their job.
He also blamed the ruling party for most of the violence during the campaign.
At least 30 people have been killed over the past few months.
More than half of the 5.1 million registered voters cast ballots to choose
120 members in the 150-seat parliament. The other 30 members will be directly
appointed by President Robert Mugabe.
Final results are not expected until Tuesday or Wednesday.
Mugabe himself is not up for re-election until 2002. But the president
appears to have already set the stage for another showdown with the country's
opposition, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
A senior official with ZANU-PF has already said that "there will be no change
in government" regardless of the election results.
The ruling party is facing its biggest challenge since Zimbabwe won
independence in 1980.
ZANU-PF's national chairman, John Nkomo, said at a news conference that
"ZANU-PF will form the government whatever the results. There will be no
opposition in government." He told reporters, "Mugabe is an institution."
In order to wrest control from ZANU-PF, MDC would have to win at least 76 of
the 120 seats — a tall order for an opposition movement that is little more than
a year old.
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai said Sunday he isn't bothered by the governing
party's assertions. "Mugabe is history. There is life beyond Mugabe."
Campaign violence has not been the only problem gripping Zimbabwe recently.
Some white farmers have been murdered by blacks demanding to reclaim land they
insist is theirs. And an economic downturn has left both inflation and the
unemployment rate hovering around 60 per cent.
ZANU-PF says Mugabe won't lose power
WebPosted
Sun Jun 25 18:19:18 2000 ET
HARARE - Zimbabwe President
Robert Mugabe has set the stage for another showdown with the country's
opposition, after a senior official in his party said no matter what happens in
the parliamentary elections, "there will be no change in government."
Mugabe's ZANU-PF party is facing its biggest
challenge in 20 years of rule from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
Since independence in 1980, ZANU-PF has enjoyed unbroken rule. That could all
change after the results of this weekend's voting are counted on Monday.
More than 5 million Zimbabweans are eligible to vote in the election, which
will choose 120 members of the 150-member parliament. The other 30 members are
directly appointed by Mugabe.
Mugabe himself is not up for re-election until 2002.
ZANU-PF's national chairman, John Nkomo, said at a news conference that
"ZANU-PF will form the government whatever the results. There will be no
opposition in government." He told reporters, "Mugabe is an institution."
In order to wrest control from ZANU-PF, MDC would have to win at least 76 of
the 120 seats - a tall order for the opposition movement, which is little more
than a year old.
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai said Sunday he isn't bothered by the governing
party's assertions. "Mugabe is history. There is life beyond Mugabe."
Reports say lineups at the polling stations across Zimbabwe were much lighter
on Sunday, than on the first day of voting. A spokesman for the European Union
election monitors said the voting had been carried out under largely peaceful
conditions. Pierre Schori said there had been " a few exceptions of intimidation
and violence."
The peacefulness of the vote is a sharp contrast to the election campaign. At
least 30 people died in campaign-related violence, most of them opposition
supporters.
Zimbabwe has also been gripped by the invasion and occupation of some
white-owned farms, and the economic downturn which has left both inflation and
the unemployment numbers hovering at 60 per cent.
The final result of the vote could be announced Tuesday or Wednesday.
Zimbabwe's Bloody Campaign
Washington Post - Thursday , June 22, 2000 ; A24
THE VIOLENCE goes on in Zimbabwe, where elections for a new parliament are to
take place this weekend. Last Sunday a mob from President Robert Mugabe's ruling
Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front attacked the home of Margaret
Dongo, one of three opposition members of the current parliament. For 30
minutes, Ms. Dongo hid under a table as her home was pelted with bricks and
rocks. Fortunately, she survived, unlike some 30 other Zimbabweans killed in
anti-opposition attacks orchestrated by Mr. Mugabe's party since February, when
constitutional amendments supported by the president were voted down by the
people. Yesterday Mr. Mugabe escalated tensions by urging his supporters to
strike back "with an ax" if attacked.
After 20 years in power, Mr. Mugabe has run out of ideas for salvaging
Zimbabwe's increasingly troubled economy. So he has seized on a legitimate
issue--the continuing concentration of land ownership in the hands of a few
thousand whites--and turned it into a demagogic rallying point. Defying a court
order, he has dispatched thugs around the country to "occupy" 1,400 of
Zimbabwe's 4,500 white-owned farms, and sometimes to beat or kill blacks who
work on them. Mr. Mugabe has refused to admit a European Union-sponsored
delegation of 17 Kenyan and Nigerian election observers, labeling them secret
British agents. He has also barred international nongovernmental election
observer organizations, such as the U.S.-based National Democratic Institute.
Inconveniently for Mr. Mugabe, the institute determined that the violence,
combined with Mr. Mugabe's control of the media and potential fiddling with
voter registration rolls, will render the voting much less than free and fair.
Nevertheless, the opposition, led by the broad-based Movement for Democratic
Change, persists. The results of last February's referendum demonstrated that a
majority of the country is looking for a democratic alternative to Mr. Mugabe.
The movement's leaders correctly perceive that even this highly flawed process
is better than none--and that as long as the voting and the vote count are
subject to at least some independent scrutiny, they could gain dozens of seats
in parliament. Barring a post-election coup by Mr. Mugabe, he may well have to
deal with an independent opposition in parliament for the first time. Such an
outcome would be a major victory for democracy in Africa, one made possible by
thousands of ordinary Zimbabweans who refuse to be beaten into submission.
© 2000 The Washington Post Company
Sunday, 25 June, 2000, 11:57 GMT 12:57 UK -BBC
http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/africa/newsid_805000/805202.stm
Zimbabwe poll result
warning
Some voters waited in line for three hours to cast
their
ballot
A senior member of the
Zimbabwean
Government says President Robert
Mugabe's
ruling party, Zanu-PF, will stay in
power
whether or not it wins the election.
As voting went into the final day, party
chairman Mr John Nkomo said the country's
constitutional system
allowed the president to
choose his cabinet as he saw fit.
He said the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) would not achieve
the two-thirds
majority it needed to block
presidential decisions.
For a second day running long queues have
formed outside polling booths and voting has
continued to run
smoothly despite a campaign
marred by violence.
Thirty people, mostly
from the
opposition
MDC, were killed and
there were
reports of
widespread
intimidation.
The issue of land
distribution
in
Zinmbabwe has led to
an increase in
tension,
with squatters
occupying
white-owned farms
with the support
of President Mugabe.
Turnout among Zimbabwe's five million
voters
was high on Saturday, which passed off
with
reports of some irregularities - but no
serious
incidents.
As polls opened again
on Sunday in the capital,
hundreds of people rushed to try to
beat the
queues and then resigned themselves to a
long
wait.
International
observers
say they continue to be
pleased on
the whole
with the way the
election is going.
Most observers have
been allowed to
remain
with the ballot boxes
overnight,
narrowing
the scope for fraud.
First results
are
expected on Monday.
The president,
who voted early on Saturday
insisted that Zanu-PF party would
see off the
challenge from the newly-formed
opposition
MDC.
Mr Mugabe told reporters:
"We are winning the
elections. I hear that people are voting in
their
masses."
MDC leader
Morgan
Tsvangirai countered
that he was
confident
of a majority but did
not believe
the election
was fair.
Speaking on the
BBC's
Breakfast With Frost
programme he
said:
"Given the violence it
cannot be
considered a
free and fair poll."
But he
added that he would work with Mr
Mugabe. "The only route out of
these elections
is co-existence," he said.
A BBC correspondent says Zimbabweans are
voting in numbers not seen since the
independence elections of
1980.
Long queues stretched
out from some
polling
stations, as people
waited for up to
three
hours to vote. Many
were mothers
with
babies strapped to their
backs.
Some people were even reported to have
slept
outside to be sure of their place in the queue.
Election officials said many polling stations
had
been swamped by the demand.
The head
of a network of local monitors, Kumbi
Hodzi, said there had
been isolated incidents of
intimidation in rural
constituencies, and some
monitors had been prevented by
Zanu-PF
supporters from guarding ballot boxes on
the
night before the poll.
The MDC itself
reported
50 incidents of
harrassment
and
intimidation, including
one in which it
said
farm workers were met
at a polling
station and
taken to a camp to be
"re-educated" before
casting their votes.
MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai, casting his
vote
in the town of
Buhera, praised the
high
turnout.
He said people clearly wanted change,
and
were prepared to vote for it despite the
intimidation they had suffered.
The country's last white
prime minister, Ian
Smith, was also among the early
voters,
casting his ballot at the Belgravia Sports
Club
in Harare.
He told reporters: "All I
want to do is get rid of
the present gangsters. We have only
got a
weekend to go, and then we will know
whether
we have saved our country or not."
Mr Mugabe will be hoping that his party's
traditional supporters in rural areas will vote in
sufficient
numbers to outweigh the opposition's
advantage in towns and
cities.
Correspondents say the MDC has a
realistic
chance of winning a majority of the
120
parliamentary seats being contested.
But, as president, Mr Mugabe has a big
advantage - he is
allowed to pick another 30
MPs to make up the 150-seat
parliament.
Currently, only three seats are held
by
opposition MPs.
_______________
From The Sunday Times 25th June 2000
http://www.sunday-times.co.uk/news/pages/sti/2000/06/25/stinwcldr01001.htmlBe
bold, Zimbabwe
When the 5m voters of Zimbabwe go to the polls
today, completing
the two-day election process, their task is obvious. It
should be to
send the clearest possible message to Robert Mugabe, its
president,
that his time is up and that the country needs Morgan
Tsvangirai
and his Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Mr Mugabe's
20
years at the helm have seen all hopes crushed. What should have
been
one of Africa's brightest prospects has been turned into an
economic
disaster zone, saddled with 60% inflation and more than
50% unemployment.
The idea that Mr Mugabe and his Zanu-PF
party could even contemplate still
being in government when the
results come through this week seems absurd.
But this is Zimbabwe. The election campaign has been
characterised
by intimidation and terror. Zachariah Rioga, an opposition
candidate,
is lying in a coma, having been beaten by Zanu-PF supporters
with
iron bars. One of his colleagues died after an assault earlier in
the
campaign. Another narrowly escaped death after a petrol attack.
MDC
supporters have been beaten and murdered. Attacks on white
farmers and their
workers, openly encouraged by Mr Mugabe, have
been targeted on those with
sympathies for the MDC. Zimbabwe's
five elections since 1980 have all been
violent. Never before,
however, has the president's determination to use
force to cling to
power been quite so naked. "You can't have an election
campaign
with opposing parties without incidents," he says in his
interview
with David Dimbleby in The Sunday Times today.
Intimidation is one barrier to the political change that
Zimbabwe
desperately needs, but Mr Mugabe also has constitutional
weapons
at his disposal. The law allows him to appoint 30 of the 150
members
of parliament, presenting the MDC with the formidable challenge
of
winning 76 of the 120 seats up for grabs today. Even if it
succeeds,
Mr Mugabe has the right to remain president until 2002. It
should
not come to that. A clear victory in the polls for the MDC
should
mark an end to a Mugabe era characterised by corruption,
violence,
incompetent government and, latterly, irrational homophobia. It
will
be a long road back for Zimbabwe. But it needs to begin today.
Mr
Mugabe should give way gracefully, and swiftly.
_____________
The Sunday Times June 25 2000
http://www.sunday-times.co.uk/news/pages/sti/2000/06/25/stifgnwfc02001.html
WORLD FOCUS
'honourable exit' Tsvangirai to offer tyrant a
quick
RW Johnson and Jon Swain,
Harare
Election 2000
MORGAN TSVANGIRAI, the
opposition leader who is promising to
end Robert Mugabe's "dictatorship", is
a roly-poly man with a deep
belly laugh and a strong belief in his own
destiny.
"I hope he [Mugabe] is not going to be like an ostrich," he
said in an
eve-of-poll interview. "To ignore us would be suicidal. The
people
want change and as far as I am concerned he is already history
and
the sooner he goes the better."
Tsvangirai, the leader of the
Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC), the main opposition party, neither
drinks nor smokes. Being a
teetotaller is the one thing he has in common with
Mugabe.
He fears that Mugabe is an ageing tyrant who will "try anything"
to
hang on if the MDC triumphs. Two years remain of his
presidency.
Tsvangirai gives him three to six months, during which he hopes
to
negotiate "an honourable exit" for Mugabe.
"Why I say an
honourable exit is to try to knock some sense into the
man," he said. "Mugabe
cannot hang in there when he has lost the
mandate of the people. What
legitimacy will he have?"
Tsvangirai is a forceful character who has
been through too much
these past four months to be anything but forthright.
Even as he
spoke last Friday, news came in that an MDC candidate had
been
taken to hospital in a coma after an attack by thugs from
Mugabe's
Zanu-PF. "These bastards, these bastards," he muttered.
"Out
in the country these things happen in the middle of the night
beyond the
sight or knowledge of the election observers -
're-education sessions', with
beatings, torture, murders. Houses
burned down - just last night that
happened in five places."
Two hundred women had been raped, he said.
"Ask the villagers,
they'll tell you what is happening. And they reassure us
that it just
makes them more determined to vote MDC."
Tsvangirai is a
survivor. A carpenter's son, the eldest of nine
children, he rose through the
ranks to become a miners' leader, then
head of the Congress of Trade Unions.
Imprisoned by Mugabe after he led the unions out of their
alliance
with Zanu-PF, he has survived an assassination attempt
when
assailants tried to throw him from a 10th-floor window.
He seems
fearless: "There can be 10 billion on my head for all I care,"
he said. But
he has told his candidates to maintain maximum security.
He believes
Zanu-PF had a target of killing five MDC candidates and
winning in those
seats unopposed. "But they haven't managed it.
And if they kill any of us
now, it's too late: the seat would have to be
re-contested."
Tsvangirai believes the MDC has the support of up to 70%
of
Zimbabweans. "Zanu-PF can only win by rigging. They can't rig
every
seat but they'll try to rig enough to stop us getting the 76 seats
that
constitute an overall majority," he said.
"We know they have targeted 30
constituencies for rigging but we
will challenge them in the courts, get the
results declared null and
void and then win them on the rerun. One way or the
other, I expect
us to end up with 80-85 seats."
There is no doubting
Tsvangirai's confidence. His whole frame
exudes it, and he is impatient to
get on with government. "Once we
have won, Mugabe has to choose between
co-existence or mass
repression. He cannot go for repression against the
whole country,
especially since he would face international sanctions.
"In any case, the army have told him that they will respect any
duly
elected government, that they are not available for the work
of
repression. We know that. We have talked to them, too."
What if
the election is stolen? What if the MDC fails badly, getting
only 40 seats or
fewer? Would Tsvangirai call a general strike?
He said 40 seats would be
"ridiculous"; that would require rigging on
a huge scale.
There were
various options, he said. There would not necessarily be
a strike like the
national protests he led in 1998 against tax and price
increases. Mugabe sent
in riot police and the army to crush what he
saw as an attempted revolt.
This time the first thing to do would be to challenge "rigged"
results
in the courts, Tsvangirai explained. The MDC is nervous that
rigging
could provoke serious civil unrest, even a popular uprising,
because
the hunger for change is so great. Then, he said, the plan would be
to
call for calm while the courts annulled ballots found to be unfair.
Zanu-PF's electoral violations have been so great that
Tsvangirai
cannot imagine any judge upholding victories won by such means.
But even an MDC victory could cause problems: it could send
huge
celebrating crowds on to the streets of Harare and a march on
the
presidential palace could not be ruled out.
Could a victorious
MDC work with Mugabe? "There have to be
tough negotiations for the transition
- but on an MDC agenda," he
said. "We need to change the structure of
government and
constitutional reform. That's non-negotiable. But we would
not
expect Mugabe to last more than three to six months.
"If he is
there longer than that he will start manoeuvring to try to
divide us. A lot
of the negotiations would have to be about his
honourable exit."
Tsvangirai sees the initial job of an MDC government as
rebuilding
confidence. "I have a national agenda now, not a trade union
agenda.
We must build a national consensus. And we need to rebuild
our
relations with all the major powers and institutions, Britain included."
Relations between Britain and Zimbabwe have suffered because
of
Mugabe's paranoid obsession, he said. He could find no
rational
explanation other than Mugabe probably having money in
Britain
and thinking the authorities would freeze it.
Tsvangirai was
scathing about the government-backed squatters and
war veterans who have
invaded hundreds of white-owned farms.
"They are a bunch of outlaws. The
first thing to do is to restore the
rule of law. We will tell the police to
go in and get them off the farms.
"We will have our own resettlement
scheme and they can take their
place in the queue with everyone else, but
they will have no priority.
And some of them will be facing serious criminal
charges."
Tsvangirai has no doubt that the police will obey. "The
police
commissioner has taken a political position, and he will have to
go.
But we need an army and a police force that people can respect,
that
are outside politics."
What about tame Zanu-PF judges who have
ignored the
constitution? Tsvangirai impatiently swept his hand across his
desk.
"We have to clean up the police, we have to clean up the judiciary."
The constitution allows Mugabe to hang on until the next
presidential
election in 2002. It is difficult to believe in the sort of
transition
Tsvangirai wants while Mugabe remains. But Tsvangirai
does not believe he
will stay. "We would vote down his budget,
deprive him of the means to run
the country. And he would not want
to stay in order to legislate an MDC
agenda."
The question of an honourable exit for Mugabe is
tantalising.
Atrocities in Matabeleland that left thousands dead in the
1980s
remain unpunished. "How far back should we go? Should we
prosecute
Ian Smith for the atrocities he committed? It's more
important to look
forward than back," Tsvangirai said.
He sounds as if he's almost leaning
over backwards to offer Mugabe
a way out. The phrase "honourable exit"
constantly recurs. But what
about the things Mugabe has done in the past four
months?
"I have been talking that way to try to knock some sense into
the
man.
"But he's done what he has done and he must face
the
consequences. Even presidents can go to jail. The law must take
its
course. In any case, his time is up."
Election 2000
Of
150 seats in parliament, 120 are being contested in a
first-past-the-post
system
President Mugabe, the leader of Zanu-PF, appoints 30 MPs.
This
means the opposition Movement for Democratic Change needs 76
seats to
win a majority, while Zanu-PF requires only 46
5m of Zimbabwe's 12.5m
people are registered to vote
About 16,000 local monitors and 300
foreign observers are trying to
prevent intimidation and vote rigging at
4,000 polling stations
Polls show the MDC is the overwhelming
favourite among urban
voters, while Zanu-PF support is higher in rural areas
___________
From The Sunday Times 25th June 2000
http://www.sunday-times.co.uk/news/pages/sti/2000/06/25/stifgnwfc02002.htmlVoters
defy terror to break Mugabe's
grip on power
Jon Swain, Harare
ZIMBABWE was fraught with
tension
and mistrust yesterday as voting began
in its most crucial
elections since
independence from Britain.
At stake is President
Robert Mugabe's
unbroken 20-year-stranglehold on
power, which has brought
Zimbabwe to
the brink of economic ruin and
threatens the future of a
beleaguered
white farming community he says is no
longer welcome.
The misty African dawn had hardly
broken before lines of voters
formed at
polling stations, so eager were people
to vote. For the most
part the early
polling was orderly, even
goodhumoured. But as the
day
progressed reports trickled in of
pockets of trouble from several
points
of the compass around Harare.
One hundred yards from a polling
station at Nzimbo, 37 miles
northeast of the capital, a bomb exploded,
setting a petrol station on
fire. The opposition candidate, Shepherd
Mushonga, said it blew up
as he was filling his tank. He was sure it was an
attempt to kill him. As
he drove off, he was attacked by a gang and had to
shelter in a police
station.
Opposition monitors were pelted with
stones at a roadblock set up by
pro-government militias in the Hwedza
district, south of Harare. At
Guruve, to the north, "war veterans" were said
to have occupied a
polling booth. There was also a report of veterans setting
up
barricades at Domerville Estate, east of the city, to prevent
people
from voting.
In Harare, Clive Chimbi, a former government
supporter standing as
an independent, reported his election agent's house had
been
firebombed.
Finn Nielsen, the leader of an European Union
observer team in the
Midlands, said there was trouble at some polling
stations, with
people unable to enter. At one, a gang of war veterans
demanded the
names and addresses of voters.
Mugabe's Zanu-PF party
faces possible defeat in the polls for the
first time at the hands of the
Movement for Democratic Change, an
opposition party that sprang up only seven
months ago.
At his rallies, Mugabe called the MDC the Movement for
the
Destruction of the Country. He claimed it was the stooge of the
whites
and bankrolled by Britain.
But Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC leader,
genuinely believes his
party will emerge as outright winners by Tuesday,
despite the
campaign violence and the serious doubts raised at home and
abroad
about the fairness of this weekend's vote.
Tsvangirai and
Mugabe heartily detest each other. Tsvangirai has
escaped one assassination
attempt already, and in recent months the
76-year-old president has shown he
is determined to cling on to
power at all costs.
At least 30 people
have been killed and hundreds injured in
pre-election violence since
February, when a referendum on
constitutional reform was defeated, the first
indication that Mugabe's
grip was slipping.
Five white farmers have
been murdered and many have lost their
homes since then. Thousands of armed
Mugabe supporters have
occupied more than 1,500 white farms, demanding they
be distributed
to landless blacks.
Mugabe has made the
disproportionate white ownership of farmland
a leading campaign issue. He has
promised to begin confiscating the
land without compensation and
redistibuting it after the election.
Little wonder the white community
sees the MDC as its beacon of
hope.
As the campaign peaked last week,
this view seemed to be shared
increasingly by millions of black Zimbabweans,
fed up with sky-high
unemployment, inflation and interest rates that have
wrecked what
was until recently one of Africa's most prosperous nations.
As the 4,000 polling booths opened, the climate of intolerance
that
has marked the past four months was carefully hidden beneath a
veneer
of respectability.
Most candidates who had been in hiding in Harare
after death threats
managed to sneak back to their rural constituencies to
vote. One who
had fled to neighbouring Zambia after being warned personally
by
the army chief, a relative, to stay away or be killed, also
returned,
convinced that the presence of the EU and other
international
observers made it safe.
But for Didimas Munhenzva,
standing for the MDC against Sydney
Sekeramayi of Zanu-PF in Marondera,
southeast of Harare, it was not
so straightforward. As the minister for state
security, Sekaramayi
runs the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO). The
CIO is known to
have been behind a number of the recent killings,
intimidation and
violence.
Yesterday Sekeramayi voted at Marondera,
scathingly dismissing
Munhenzva as "never showing up". In fact, after many
death threats,
Munhenzva stole into his constituency hours before the poll.
When
two CIO cars followed him to a meeting of polling agents, he
was
forced to return to Harare.
Munhenzva came back to vote at
lunchtime, saying his absences
from Marondera since April had made it "very
difficult" to get his
message across.
His defiance was reflected in
Elias Pfebve, the MDC candidate for
Bindura, whose brother was murdered and
father beaten up. Pfebve is
standing against Border Gezi, one of the
architects of the farm
seizures.
Despite the violence there was also
a lighter side to the voting
yesterday. The Zimbabwe election is the only one
where voters could
cast their ballots for "Hitler" and "Stalin" - both, as
the MDC pointed
out, being candidates for Zanu-PF.
Chenjerai Hitler
Hunzvi is better known as the radical war veterans'
leader who has been a
thorn in the side of the white farmers. Stalin
Mau Mau, standing in Harare,
is a former boxing promoter.
Observers and opinion polls give the MDC a
realistic chance of
winning a majority of the 120 parliamentary seats being
contested.
The party could certainly cry fraud if it got many fewer than 60
seats.
Mugabe has said he will abide by the result, taken by the
opposition
to mean he has realised that he cannot rely any more on the army
to
impose what would effectively be one-man rule. But some fear that
chaos
and more bloodshed will follow an MDC triumph.
The farmers may yet have
their revenge for the violence visited on
them during the campaign. Many were
ordered by Zanu-PF to
transport their workers to polling stations yesterday.
Farm workers
had been told the party had satellites in the sky, which could
see how
they voted.
Some farmers therefore drove their labourers to
different polling
stations, where they could vote for the MDC without
feeling
intimidated.