The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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International Herald Tribune - letters

.
Mugabe should go
.
Regarding "Robert Mugabe's time has come and gone" (Views, June 25) by Colin
L. Powell:
.
Secretary of State Colin Powell has finally weighed in against the outrages
committed in Zimbabwe over the last few years. Forced confiscation of land,
rampaging thugs, fraudulent elections, mass starvation, and the ruin of a
once thriving economy - all have met with the approval or averted gaze of
President Robert Mugabe.
.
Mugabe has trampled on anyone or anything he believed posed the slightest
opposition to his rule. In the last few months, Mugabe was quoted as saying
he was Zimbabwe's Hitler and he would continue to be so if he felt it was
necessary. Such bizarre statements and destructive behavior should, as
Powell writes, relegate Mugabe and his cronies to obscurity. The sooner they
head into oblivion the better.
.
Paul Kellogg, New York
.
Modified foods
.
Regarding the report "Europe and U.S. spar over modified foods" (June 25):
.
Today's problems with famine have nothing to due with a lack of genetically
modified foods, but rather with a breakdown in the distribution of resources
due to market failures and catastrophes such as civil wars and drought.
.
Genetically modified organisms could have the potential to help relieve the
plight of those stricken by famine, but we need to understand which options
would best serve those in need. Today the vast majority of genetically
modified crops are not designed for those markets, but rather for the
supermarkets of the rich world.
.
The primary concern has never been how genetically modified organisms may
directly affect human health. Rather, it is what happens when they are
planted and traded on a wide basis in a globalized economy. There have been
no reliable scientific studies to determine the potential for hybridizing
genetically modified organisms with plants in nature. It is inaccurate to
say or suggest that "Most scientific studies have shown genetically modified
foods to be safe."
.
I am appalled that an allegation as strong as the one made by President
George W. Bush - essentially that the European Union's position aggravates
famine in Africa - does not get questioned on the merits.
.
I suggest that civil war, drought, American and European farm subsidies -
along with President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe - are more likely the
aggravating factors we should be concerned about.
.
Andre Heinz, Stockholm
.
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Independent (UK)

Mugabe gives nation's oil assets to Libya to secure fuel
By Basildon Peta, Southern Africa Correspondent
27 June 2003


The President of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe, has mortgaged strategic oil assets
to Libya in a desperate attempt to obtain fuel and overcome unprecedented
shortages in his embattled country.

The Libyan leader, Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, has reportedly long wanted
Zimbabwe's oil facilities as part of his plans to set up his own "imperial
economic empire" in Africa.

The assets, consisting of an oil pipeline that runs from Mozambique's port
of Beira to Zimbabwe's eastern city of Mutare, and world-class oil blending
and fuel storage facilities in Harare, will enable Col Gaddafi to supply
fuel to other southern and central African countries, such as Zambia,
Malawi, Botswana, Swaziland, the Democratic Republic of Congo and
Mozambique.

After African leaders rejected Col Gaddafi's attempt to merge Africa's 53
countries into one with him as the likely leader of a "United States of
Africa". Col Gaddafi has continued to try to use his oil wealth to gain more
influence around Africa. Zimbabwean oil industry officials described
President Mugabe's current visit to Tripoli as a "do-or-die" mission for the
leader.

Mr Mugabe is trying to revive an earlier fuel deal with Col Gaddafi that
stalled last year when Zimbabwe failed to keep its side of the arrangement,
after the government's seizures of white farms led to the collapse of
agriculture revenues.

Col Gaddafi immediately discontinued supplying fuel products to Zimbabwe in
the middle of last year, plunging Zimbabwe into a crisis that has worsened
by the day. The original US$360m (217m) deal had been expected to last
until the end of August this year, had Mr Mugabe kept up payments.

But Mr Mugabe's pleas for Libya to resume supplies fell on deaf ears as Col
Gaddafi demanded more assets from Zimbabwe, particularly the oil assets, and
labelled his staunch ally President Mugabe a "bad customer".

Oil industry officials say Mr Mugabe had not wanted to hand over these
assets because of their critical and strategic importance to Zimbabwe. The
oil pipeline is an important national asset because landlocked Zimbabwe does
not have the capacity to meet requirements by road or rail.

But now Mr Mugabe has run out of options because other countries are
unwilling to do business with his government, whose policies have
impoverished his once prosperous country. Other suppliers had discontinued
supplies because of non-payment, and Mr Gaddafi was the only one helping
Zimbabwe with fuel before he turned off the tap.

Before Mr Mugabe left for Tripoli on Tuesday, his government had brought in
new fuel-saving measures, including banning motorists from carrying fuel in
containers without state permits and introducing coupons for urban transport
operators to make "good use" of the little fuel that private importers are
able to bring into the country.

Officials said Zimbabwe had agreed to mortgage its main oil facilities under
the deal with Libyan officials who visited Zimbabwe before Mr Mugabe's
departure to Libya.

The new asset arrangement plan will settle a bill for US$67m that Mr Mugabe
already owes Col Gaddafi, while securing fresh fuel supplies from Libya. Mr
Mugabe and Col Gaddafi are expected to seal their private deal during the
President's current visit. However, officials said they were nervous that
Col Gaddafi, who no longer trusts Zimbabwe, could demand more.

"Mugabe and Gaddafi will hopefully tie up all loose ends so the deal can
take off," said one official. "It's a do-or-die mission because if the trip
somehow fails, then Zimbabwe has no other hope of ever getting fuel from
anywhere in the world. All other suppliers have severed ties with us due to
our failure to pay."
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Zimbabwean exporters urged to develop southern African market

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

Xinhuanet 2003-06-27 01:15:45


  HARARE, June 26 (Xinhuanet) -- Zimbabwean exporters were on Thursday
urged to develop alternative strategies to improve export performance in the
southern African region.

  Speaking at a seminar on Zimbabwe-Zambia trade talks held in Harare,
Zimbabwe's export promotion body, ZimTrade's chief executive Freddy
Chawasarira said his organization would continuously provide relevant market
information as input into exporters' decision making.

  "Up until 2001 Zambia had been Zimbabwe's largest trading partner
from southern Africa, with exports covering a wide range of Zimbabwean
manufactured products. But the total exports to Zambia dropped in recent
years," he said.

  He said that in 1999 and 2001, Zimbabwe's poor export performance in
Zambia was further exacerbated by the trade misunderstandings between the
two countries that led to a ban on Zimbabwe's key export products onto that
market.

  The meeting that was attended mainly by exporters resolved thatthere
was need for dialogue between the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority,the exporters
themselves and ZimTrade to clarify issues on the export procedures and how
best Zimbabwean exporters could get a better bargain in their export deals
to Zambia.

  Chawasarira also encouraged companies and exporters to join andtake
advantage of the facility that Zimbabwe had set up in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo as ZimTrade had already set up offices in that country
to facilitate exporters when doing business in that market. Enditem
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Transcript of Bush Remarks to the Corporate Council on Africa's U.S.-Africa
Business Summit

6/26/03 4:56:00 PM


----------------------------------------------------------------------------
----

To: National Desk

Contact: White House Press Office, 202-456-2580

WASHINGTON, June 26 /U.S. Newswire/ -- Following is a transcript of remarks
by the President to the Corporate Council on Africa's U.S.-Africa Business
Summit:

Washington Hilton Hotel Washington, D.C.

12:13 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Please be seated. Thanks for the warm welcome. It is my honor
to be here with the entrepreneurs and scholars who are committed to building
a hopeful future for Africa. I'm honored to be with so many distinguished
African leaders who know that market reforms and open trade can lift every
nation on every continent.

All of us here today share some basic beliefs. We believe that growth and
prosperity in Africa will contribute to the growth and prosperity of the
world. We believe that human suffering in Africa creates moral
responsibilities for people everywhere. We believe that this can be a decade
of unprecedented advancement for freedom and hope and healing and peace
across the African continent. That's what we believe.

In eleven days I leave for Africa, and I will carry a message -- (applause.)
And I will carry this message: The United States believes in the great
potential of Africa. (Applause.) We also understand the problems of Africa.
And this nation is fully engaged in a broad, concerted effort to help
Africans find peace, to fight disease, to build prosperity, and to improve
their own lives.

I want to thank Stephen for his invitation. And I want to thank those
involved with the Corporate Council on Africa. I appreciate so very much
Frank Fountain, the Chairman; Anita Henri, the Vice President. I want to
thank all the board members who are here. I want to thank you and your -- if
you're not a CEO, thank your CEOs of the companies you represent for not
only serving our nation by helping to create jobs, but serving our nation by
helping creating more compassionate and hopeful countries in the continent
of Africa.

I want to thank very much Ambassador Robert Perry, who is a Special Advisor
to the President on these matters. I want to thank the senior African
government officials here, but I particularly want to welcome the African
heads of state and the heads of government who are with us today. It was my
honor to have the traditional photo op. But besides smiling for the cameras,
I was smiling to see people who I had known before, and I was so
appreciative that you all took time to fly here to our country. And our
country extends a warm welcome, and we hope you have a great stay.

I'm honored that President Chissano of Mozambique is here. After all, he is
the incoming President of the African Union. And I'm pleased to see
President Mogae of Botswana. The reason so is that he has graciously
extended me and my delegation an invitation to visit his country, an
invitation I have accepted. (Applause.) Botswana is a stable democracy; was
one of the strongest economies of all of Africa. And I look forward to my
trip. (Applause.)

I'll go to Senegal and see West Africa's longest-standing democracy.
(Applause.) A country with a vibrant civil society and a growing independent
media. I look forward to going to South Africa, where I'll meet with elected
leaders who are firmly committed to economic reforms in a nation that has
become a major force for regional peace and stability. (Applause.) I'm
looking forward to my trip to Uganda -- (applause) -- where the government's
visionary policies have brought about the most dramatic decline in the rate
of HIV infection of any country in the world. (Applause.)

And finally, I'll be going to Nigeria -- (applause) -- a multiethnic society
that is consolidating civilian rule, is developing its vast resources, and
is helping its African neighbors keep the peace. (Applause.)

My trip should signal that I am optimistic about the future of the continent
of Africa. After all, there's a generation of leaders who now understand the
power of economic liberty and the necessity for global commerce. I also
understand that freedom and prosperity are not achieved overnight. Yet the
48 nations of Sub-Saharan Africa have an historic opportunity to grow in
trade, and to grow in freedom and stability, and most importantly, to grow
in hope. (Applause.)

On the path to freedom, and with the friendship of the United States and
other nations, Africa will rise, and Africa will prosper. (Applause.)

This is a long-term commitment. And I know there are serious obstacles to
overcome. Introducing democracy is hard in any society. It's much harder in
a society torn by war, or held back by corruption. The promise of free
markets means little when millions are illiterate and hungry, or dying from
a preventable disease. It is Africans who will overcome these problems. Yet
the United States of America and other nations will stand beside them. We
will work as partners in advancing the security and the health and the
prosperity of the African peoples. (Applause.)

The first great goal in our partnership with Africa is to help establish
peace and security across the continent. Many thousands of African men and
women and children are killed every year in regional wars. These wars are
often encouraged by regimes that give weapons and refuge to rebel groups
fighting in neighboring countries. The cycle of attack and escalation is
reckless, it is destructive, and it must be ended. (Applause.)

In Congo, nine countries took part in a five-year war that brought death to
millions. Now the parties to the conflict are moving to form a government of
national unity, holding out the real possibility of peace. President Mbeki
of South Africa deserves credit for his efforts to broker a peace agreement.
(Applause.) All the Congo's neighbors have officially withdrawn their
forces. Now I urge these governments to actively support the creation of an
integrated national army and the establishment by June 30th of a
transitional government.

The United States is working with the Congo and its neighbors to ensure the
security and integrity of their borders. To encourage progress across all of
Africa, we must build peace at the heart of Africa. (Applause.)

In Liberia, the United States strongly supports the cease-fire signed
earlier this month. President Taylor needs to step down -- (applause) -- so
that his country can be spared further bloodshed. All the parties in Liberia
must pursue a comprehensive peace agreement. And the United States is
working with regional governments to support those negotiations and to map
out a secure transition to elections. We are determined to help the people
of Liberia find the path to peace.

The United States is also pressing forward to help end Africa's
longest-running civil war in Sudan, which has claimed an estimated 2 million
lives over 20 years. Progress over this past year, aided by the leadership
of Kenya, has brought us to the edge of peace. (Applause.) Now the north and
south must finalize a just and comprehensive peace agreement, and the world
must support it.

I've asked my Special Envoy for Peace in Sudan, former Senator John
Danforth, to return to the region in two weeks. He will make clear that the
only option on the table is peace. Both sides must now make their final
commitment to peace and human rights, and end the suffering of Sudan.
(Applause.)

The United States supports efforts by African governments to build effective
peacekeeping forces. America is providing resources and logistical support
to African Union peacekeeping forces in Burundi, and ECOWAS forces in the
Ivory Coast. During my visit to South Africa, U.S. military forces will
participate in a joint humanitarian and disaster relief training exercise
with South African defense forces. Skilled and well-equipped peacekeeping
forces are essential, because in the long run, Africans will keep the peace
in Africa. (Applause.)

The United States is also working with African nations to fight terrorists
wherever they are found. Africans from Casablanca to Nairobi, to Dar es
Salaam have experienced firsthand the pain and the evil of terror. Kenya and
other nations of Eastern Africa are suffering under a particularly serious
threat, and we're working closely with those nations to end this threat.

Today I announced that the United States will devote a $100 million over the
next 15 months to help countries in the region increase their own
counter-terror efforts. (Applause.) We will work with Kenya and Ethiopia and
Djibouti and Uganda and Tanzania to improve capabilities, such as air and
seaport security, coastal and border patrols, computer databases to track
terrorists, intelligence-sharing, and the means necessary to cut off
terrorist financing.

Many African governments have the will to fight the war on terror, and we
are thankful for that will. We will give them the tool and the resources to
win the war on terror. (Applause.)

The second great goal of our partnership with Africa is to make the
advantages of health and literacy widely available across the continent. And
that work begins with the struggle against AIDS, which already affects
nearly 30 million Africans.

As former President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia has said, "We have conquered
slavery, colonialism, and apartheid. We must now fight HIV-AIDS, the most
deadly enemy we have ever faced." (Applause.) And he is right. And many
others are fighting against this enemy. Yet my message today, and my message
when I go to the continent, is you are not alone in the fight. (Applause.)

Under the law I signed last month, the United States Congress has authorized
$15 billion over the next five years to fight AIDS abroad. (Applause.) That
money will be used to support the Global AIDS Fund, as well as specially
focusing on 14 African and Caribbean countries where the crisis is most
severe. Overall, this expansion of America's efforts will prevent seven
million new HIV infections, treat at least two million people with
life-extending drugs and provide humane care for 10 million HIV-infected
individuals and AIDS orphans.

This is one of the largest public health projects in history. America is
proud to be a part of this cause, and we are absolutely determined to see it
through until we have turned the tide against AIDS in Africa. (Applause.)

My administration is ready to start this vital work. Now the Congress must
appropriate the money it promised. (Applause.) In 2004, this effort will
require $2 billion, including $200 million for the Global Fund for AIDS and
Other Infectious Diseases. Having passed the emergency fund for AIDS relief,
Congress must now fully fund this life-saving initiative. (Applause.)

The health of Africa also depends on the defeat of hunger. Forty million
Africans are now at risk of starvation. They face severe food shortages, or
lack of clean drinking water. This year the United States will provide more
than $800 million to address food emergencies in Africa. I've also asked
Congress to provide $200 million new dollars for a Famine Fund, so that when
the first signs of famine appear we can move quickly and save lives.

Yet the problem of hunger requires more than emergency measures. To help
Africa become more self-sufficient in the production of food, I have
proposed the initiative to end hunger in Africa. This initiative will help
African countries to use new high-yield bio-tech crops and unleash the power
of markets to dramatically increase agricultural productivity.

But there's a problem. There's a problem. At present, some governments are
blocking the import of crops grown with biotechnology, which discourages
African countries from producing and exporting these crops. The ban of these
countries is unfounded; it is unscientific; it is undermining the
agricultural future of Africa. And I urge them to stop this ban. (Applause.)

Nigeria's former Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development Hassan Adamu
speaks for many in Africa. He speaks the truth. Here's what he said: "To
deny desperate, hungry people the means to control their futures by
presuming to know what is best for them is not only paternalistic, it is
morally wrong." (Applause.)

Africa's progress also depends on the education of Africa's children.
Forty-two million boys and girls across Sub-Sahara Africa are not even
enrolled in schools. If Africa is to meet its full potential, these children
must have the chance to study and learn. My administration is committing
$200 million over five years to train more than 420,000 teachers in Africa,
to provide scholarships for 250,000 -- (applause) -- to provide scholarship
for 250,000 African girls, and to partner -- (applause) -- and to partner
with Historically Black Colleges and Universities in America in bringing
more than 4 million textbooks to African children. (Applause.)

Every country, every business, every private organization that cares about
this continent must unite to give Africa's children the literacy and skills
they need to build Africa's future. (Applause.)

The third great goal of our partnership with Africa is to help African
nations develop vibrant, free economies through aid and trade. Wealthy
nations have a responsibility to provide foreign aid. We have an equal duty
to make sure that aid is effective, by rewarding countries that embrace
reform and freedom. Too often in the past, development assistance has been
squandered or used to prop up corrupt regimes. The world needs a new
approach to foreign aid -- and America is leading the way with the
Millennium Challenge Account.

Under my proposal, money will go to developing nations whose governments are
committed to three broad strategies: First, they must rule justly. Second,
they must invest in the health and education of their people. And third,
they must have policies that encourage economic freedom. To fund this
account, I've proposed a 50-percent increase in America's core development
assistance over the next three years. And I urge the United States Congress
to give full support to the Millennium Challenge Account. (Applause.)

Corrupt regimes that give nothing to their people deserve nothing from us.
(Applause.) Governments that serve their people deserve our help, and we
will provide that help.

Many African leaders are currently pledged to the path of political and
economic reform. That shared commitment is expressed in the standards of
NEPAD, the New Partnership for Africa's Development. Yet those standards are
mocked by some on the continent, such as the leader of Zimbabwe, where the
freedom and dignity of the nation is under assault. I urge all nations,
including the nations of Africa, to encourage a return to democracy in
Zimbabwe. (Applause.)

We can add to the prosperity of Africa through development assistance that
encourages your reform. Yet aid alone is not enough. President Museveni of
Uganda has put it well. "By itself," he says, "aid cannot transform
societies. Only trade can foster the sustained economic growth necessary for
such a transformation." (Applause.) He's right. The powerful combination of
trade and open markets is history's proven method to defeat poverty on a
large scale, to vastly improve health and education, to build a modern
infrastructure while safeguarding the environment, and to spread the habits
of liberty and enterprise that lead to self government.

Trade is the great engine of economic progress, the great engine of human
progress. Yet Sub-Sahara Africa, with 11 percent of world's population, has
less than 2 percent of the world's trade. The peoples of Africa have been
left out long enough. The United States is committed to making the
transforming power of trade available to all Africans.

Three years ago, Congress passed the African Growth and Opportunity Act,
which gave greater access to American markets for African products. AGOA is
proving the power of trade. Even with a weak global economy, AGOA countries'
duty-free exports to the United States in 2002 were $9 billion. That's a
10-percent increase from 2001. From countries all across the continent of
Africa, AGOA is helping to reform old economies, creating new jobs, is
attracting new investment; most importantly, is offering hope to millions of
Africans.

We must build on AGOA's success. Today, I call on the United States Congress
to extend AGOA beyond 2008. (Applause.) We must extend AGOA beyond 2008 to
give businesses the confidence to make long-term investments in Africa.
(Applause.) At America's urging, the World Bank will provide more than $200
million over the next three years to support loans to small businesses in 10
African countries. (Applause.) These loans will give African entrepreneurs
the capital they need to achieve their dreams.

Here's what we believe in America -- and it's true elsewhere: Ownership and
independence are the hopes of men and women in every land. (Applause.)

To expand commerce between America and Africa, we're working towards a free
trade agreement with the Southern African Customs Union. And in the global
trade negotiations, we are pushing to open agricultural markets, reduce farm
subsidies in wealthy nations, and to create new opportunities for African
farmers. (Applause.)

I also urge African nations to lower their own trade barriers against each
other's products. (Applause.) Just as America can do more to open its
markets, so can the nations of Africa. (Applause.) Together we can ensure
that all our citizens have access to the opportunities of markets around the
globe.

The measures I've outlined today -- actions on security, and health,
education, hunger, foreign aid, and global trade -- constitute a major focus
of American foreign policy. America is committed to the success of Africa
because we recognize a moral duty to bring hope where there is despair, and
relief where there's suffering. America is committed to the success of
Africa because we understand failed states spread instability and terror
that threatens us all. America is committed to the success of Africa because
the peoples of Africa have every right to live in freedom and dignity, and
to share in the progress of our times. (Applause.)

The responsibilities we have accepted in Africa are consistent with the
ideals that have always guided America and the world. Our nation has more
than a set of interests; I believe we have a calling. For a century, America
has acted to defend the peace, to liberate the oppressed, and to offer all
mankind the promise of freedom in a better life. And today, as America
fights the latest enemies of freedom, we will strive to expand the realm of
freedom for the benefit of all nations.

The members of this council, with your energy and optimism, are bringing new
opportunities to millions. I want to thank you for your efforts. I want to
thank you for heart. I want to thank you for your vision.

May God bless the people on the continent of Africa. And may God continue to
bless the United States of America. Thank you. (Applause.)

END 12:42 P.M. EDT


http://www.usnewswire.com/

-0-

/ 2003 U.S. Newswire 202-347-2770/
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International Information Programs
Washington File

Washington File
26 June 2003

Bush Calls Torture "an Affront to Human Dignity Everywhere"

(Statement on International Day in Support of Torture Victims) (630)

President Bush says torture anywhere is an affront to human dignity
everywhere, and the United States is committed to building a world
where human rights are respected and protected by the rule of law.

In a statement issued on United Nations International Day in Support
of Victims of Torture June 26, the president called on all governments
to join in prohibiting, investigating and prosecuting all acts of
torture and in undertaking to prevent other cruel and unusual
punishment.

Following is the text of Bush's statement:

(begin text)

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
June 26, 2003

STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT

United Nations International Day in Support of Victims of Torture

Today, on the United Nations International Day in Support of Victims
of Torture, the United States declares its strong solidarity with
torture victims across the world. Torture anywhere is an affront to
human dignity everywhere. We are committed to building a world where
human rights are respected and protected by the rule of law.

Freedom from torture is an inalienable human right. The Convention
Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment,
ratified by the United States and more than 130 other countries since
1984, forbids governments from deliberately inflicting severe physical
or mental pain or suffering on those within their custody or control.
Yet torture continues to be practiced around the world by rogue
regimes whose cruel methods match their determination to crush the
human spirit. Beating, burning, rape, and electric shock are some of
the grisly tools such regimes use to terrorize their own citizens.
These despicable crimes cannot be tolerated by a world committed to
justice.

Notorious human rights abusers, including, among others, Burma, Cuba,
North Korea, Iran, and Zimbabwe, have long sought to shield their
abuses from the eyes of the world by staging elaborate deceptions and
denying access to international human rights monitors. Until recently,
Saddam Hussein used similar means to hide the crimes of his regime.
With Iraq's liberation, the world is only now learning the enormity of
the dictator's three decades of victimization of the Iraqi people.
Across the country, evidence of Baathist atrocities is mounting,
including scores of mass graves containing the remains of thousands of
men, women, and children and torture chambers hidden inside palaces
and ministries. The most compelling evidence of all lies in the
stories told by torture survivors, who are recounting a vast array of
sadistic acts perpetrated against the innocent. Their testimony
reminds us of their great courage in outlasting one of history's most
brutal regimes, and it reminds us that similar cruelties are taking
place behind the closed doors of other prison states.

The United States is committed to the world-wide elimination of
torture and we are leading this fight by example. I call on all
governments to join with the United States and the community of
law-abiding nations in prohibiting, investigating, and prosecuting all
acts of torture and in undertaking to prevent other cruel and unusual
punishment. I call on all nations to speak out against torture in all
its forms and to make ending torture an essential part of their
diplomacy. I further urge governments to join America and others in
supporting torture victims' treatment centers, contributing to the UN
Fund for the Victims of Torture, and supporting the efforts of
non-governmental organizations to end torture and assist its victims.

No people, no matter where they reside, should have to live in fear of
their own government. Nowhere should the midnight knock foreshadow a
nightmare of state-commissioned crime. The suffering of torture
victims must end, and the United States calls on all governments to
assume this great mission.

(end text)

(Distributed by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
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The Star

Zimbabwe hits back at 'liar' Powell
June 27, 2003

By Angus Shaw


Harare - Zimbabwe's embattled government has accused the US secretary
of state of lying and distorting political and economic conditions in the
Southern African country.

Colin Powell, writing in Tuesday's New York Times, described President
Robert Mugabe's rule as a tyranny. He urged South Africa, other countries in
the region and the 79-year-old leader to enter into dialogue with political
opponents ahead of new elections.

Powell warned that Mugabe's continued rule posed a threat to regional
stability.

In his commentary, Powell said the US and others would be quick to
offer Zimbabwe financial aid even before an election was held to replace
Mugabe.

Zimbabwean Information Minister Jonathan Moyo, also a spokesperson for
Mugabe's ruling party, said Powell was "ready to utter blatant falsehoods
that reduce him to an ordinary liar", The Herald newspaper, a government
mouthpiece, reported.

Its main front-page article alleged Powell had distorted the gains of
Zimbabwe's land reform programme that handed over thousands of white-owned
farms to blacks.

Moyo said that instead of criticising the programme, Powell should
support the confiscation of more white-owned land.

"Mr Powell's falsehoods exonerated Americans who viewed him as a
disgraceful Uncle Tom who always sang his master's voice to the detriment of
social justice and the rights of people of colour." - Sapa-AP

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The Star

By helping Zim we help ourselves
June 27, 2003

By Jovial Rantao

Six years ago, Thabo Mbeki, then the deputy president of this country,
went on tour of east Asian countries on a major mission.

One of the objectives of the two-week trip was to attract foreign
direct investment.

During his visit, Mbeki addressed well over a dozen meetings.

He met heads of states, cabinet ministers and businessmen. In Hong
Kong, considered by some at that stage to be the capital of the world's
economy, he met top businessmen from around the world with one message. The
message was that South Africa and the southern African region was an
attractive destination for international investors .

In all the meetings, Mbeki did the extraordinary: not only did he talk
to potential investors and heads of states about investment opportunities in
South Africa but he also encouraged them to look at Mozambique, a country
whose economy was where the Zimbabwean economy finds itself today.

Alive to the reality that the investors, known for their shrewdness,
would want some guarantees for their money, Mbeki rose to the occasion,
declaring, quite boldly, that this country, whose economy was stable and
reasonably strong at that stage, would stand surety for Mozambique.

So the attitude of investors, whose confidence had been boosted by
South African confidence in the ability of the Mozambican economy to rise
from the ashes, changed.

Money poured in for projects such as Mozal. The project acted as one
of the many kickstarts that the Mozambican economy needed. Homegrown
solutions were found and six years later, that sacrifice made by South
Africa and boosted by the Mozambican government's own economic policy and
the leadership of President Joaquim Chissano is starting to yield dividends.

This could be why Mozambican President Chissano was all smiles this
week during his one-day visit to South Africa. He was obviously excited at
the prospect of taking over the leadership of the African Union, a body
charged with leading our continent's struggle to develop its economy,
entrench democracy and put an end to the wars. In my book, Chissano had more
than one reason to smile.

The first is that it is now 11 years since the civil war ended and his
country has held two hugely successful democratic elections. The other
reason is that, while the economies of South Africa, Japan and the United
States are growing at 2 or 3%, Mozambique's economy is growing at an
impressive rate of 10%. So, something good and positive is coming out of a
country which not so long ago was destined for the scrapheap. If sustained,
Mozambique's growth should change the lives of its 19-million citizens and
have a major impact outside its borders. This country has amazing natural
resources. For instance, Cahorra Bassa,working at full capacity, can produce
electricity for the entire country.

The revival of the Mozambican economy also means that job
opportunities become available for the masses who are unemployed. These
developments have stemmed the flow of illegal immigrants from that country
to South Africa.

Mozambique is politically stable. Differences between Frelimo and
Renamo seem to have been addressed. This week the Renamo leader appeared in
public for the first time next to Chissano, signalling a entente cordiale
between the two leaders.

Mozambique has also made tremendous strides in the consolidation of
its democracy and the implementation of a comprehensive economic reform
programme since 1994. In spite of its humble achievements, Mozambique
remains one of the poorest countries in the world. Almost 70% of people
there live below the breadline. The levels of HIV/Aids are shocking.

However, when Mozambique was in the doldrums, South Africa extended a
helping hand. Leaders of both countries had a vision then of how these two
countries could live side by side. That vision was to form the basis of the
New Partnership of African Development.

The question then is whether or not this country and other African
countries should now lend a helping hand to Zimbwabwe and the DRC. The
answer has to be yes.

When Laurent Kabila was installed as president of the DRC, South


Africa volunteered to help set up systems which enabled his government
to function effectively. That assistance was crucial in getting the DRC
where it is now. The major problem facing the DRC now are the massacres in
Bunia. Something has to be done, by African leaders, to stop this mayhem.

As far as Zimbabwe is concerned, the tide of immigrants coming across
Beit Bridge is increasing on a daily basis. The only way of stopping it is
to make Zimbabwe politically stable and revive the economy.

By helping Mozambique, Mbeki helped himself and South Africa. We would
be helping ourselves by helping Zimbabwe and other African countries.
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The Star

Africa gets French connection for Zimbabwe's crises
June 27, 2003

By Christelle Terreblanche


French Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin has endorsed an African
solution for Zimbabwe and warned against sanctions.

De Villepin, who is on a two-day visit to South Africa, yesterday
addressed parliament's foreign affairs committee in Cape Town after
bilateral discussions with Foreign Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma.

He also met with President Thabo Mbeki, religious leaders and captains
of industry.

De Villepin said Western nations should have a constructive and
pragmatic approach to the New Partnership for Africa's Development.

"It has to be a process, because we are facing situations in Africa
which are very different from one country to another and one region to
another," he said.

Naming Africa's current "problem countries" as Zimbabwe, the Central
African Republic and Liberia, De Villepin said: "We have to take into
account that there are countries in Africa that are concerned enough to take
time to be part of a process to help each of these countries."

He lauded the role of the troika - South Africa, Nigeria and
Australia - in trying to resolve the crisis in Zimbabwe and said countries
like France should support these processes.

In what was a subtle swipe at American and British demands on
Zimbabwe, De Villepin warned against acceptance of interference that could
complicate the situation.

"So it is not a question of a country somewhere in the world, with an
idea it wants to put into action in one region of Africa, but a matter of
having countries around one country with difficulties showing the way to
solve it," De Villepin emphasised.

He hinted that France might be able to provide support
to South Africa's efforts to solve regional and continental problems.
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Natal Witness

Never-ending story

The backwash from last week's exchange of views between DA leader Tony Leon
and President Thabo Mbeki on the issue of racism has not subsided. And it
won't because the politics of race, as has been the case elsewhere in
Africa, is central to the ANC's management and aggrandisement of power.

Sadly, the spat between Leon and Mbeki shows they are poles apart. While
Leon urges Mbeki to get out of the cul-de-sac of racism, Mbeki has stated
that "we have not yet moved beyond the politics of the past" and that he
"neither wants to nor will forget the past" (Sunday Times, June 22). One
leader wants to bury the hatchet and move on; the other wants to dwell on
the past and milk it for its vote value. That's the new divide in South
African politics. Yet, ironically, Mbeki claims "the tide has turned".
Reality suggests otherwise and that the tide won't turn until mindsets
change.

History shows that the race or ethnic card has long featured as the
political modus operandi of ruling elites in Africa. It's the reason Katanga
tried to break away from the Congo in the early sixties. To escape ethnic
domination, Biafra tried to break away from Nigeria in 1967. Only Eritrea,
in 1993, succeeded in freeing itself after a long and costly war with
Ethiopia. Internecine conflict, on the other hand, devastated Somalia. As
Basil Davidson remarked in Africa in Modern History (p.319), "Somalia offers
the clearest case of the impossibility of achieving unity of consciousness
within the nation state."

This is not to say that there was or is an absence of groups and parties
willing to transcend tribal and other structures and to embrace real demo-
cratic freedom. It's just that such groups have so often been marginalised
and harried into submission and exile by elites who are not prepared to
tolerate any threats to their power. Robert Mugabe's repressive actions
against Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDC in Zimbabwe illustrate that all too
well.

Even though colonialism brought health, hygiene, education, transport, food
and industry to many parts of Africa, 40 years after its demise it is still
used as a weapon by Africa's political elite to divide and rule. That after
nearly a decade of freedom the ANC harps on about colonialism and apartheid
should not surprise anyone. Instead, it should focus attention on the
credibility of the ANC's rhetoric as regards reconciliation and
transformation. The reality is that contradictions abound.

Last week Mbeki spoke of a "feel- good concept" among many young black and
white South Africans. He called them achievers because, among other things,
they had carried out the process of transformation and reconciliation. But
in the same breath he refused to let go of the past and trotted out the same
rhetoric that characterised his speeches 10 years ago. And while he praises
young South Africans, his government discriminates against young whites in
terms of bursaries for study and employment opportunities. Why should they
be marginalised for the policies of the previous generation? If these young
people are truly valued by Mbeki why are they not treated as such? What
really lies beyond the rhetoric and the slogans?

The answer is in the ANC's policies. They talk about the "struggle to build
a non-racial South Africa". But they are busy re-racialising the country
with quota systems and job reservation far more pervasive in its
prescriptiveness than what went before. They talk about transformation but
as long as they insist on perpetuating the hurtful aspects of the past,
transformation will remain a non-starter. The Constitution enshrines the
diversity of the population but the ANC cultivates the idea of two camps -
one black, one white - which is why Mbeki clashes with Leon. The DA with its
growing support base among all sectors of the population constitutes both a
threat and an embarrassment to the ANC because it practises transformation
and reconciliation rather than merely paying lip service to them.

The answer is to be found in the rigid, authoritarian nature of the ANC's
elite. Power is concentrated in its hands to such an extent that it even
appoints provincial leaders. Long-standing links with Marxist, totalitarian
parties reinforce the practice of democratic centralism. With an election
due within a year, the essentially pan-Africanist line inherent in ANC
thinking can be expected to feature more and more as attempts are made to
shore up flagging support. Like a falling barometer before a storm, attacks
on the opposite camp and on the DA in particular can be expected to become
more vicious.

Where delivery has not lived up to expectations, local ANC structures can be
expected to indulge in measures to divert attention away from those
shortcomings. The decision this week by the ANC in the Durban Metro Council
calling for a report on how to change and to rename the cultural and
historical face of Durban is a case in point. Never mind that the preamble
of the Constitution calls on all to "respect those who have worked to build
and to develop our country", never mind that the exercise will not generate
any new, sustainable jobs or feed the hungry. Its thrust is to sustain the
"struggle" idea and to rouse support for the 2004 election. In this way it
can avoid the real issues of joblessness, HIV/Aids, crime, Zimbabwe and
poverty.

By servicing the past rather than the future Mbeki does South Africa no
favours.

.. Duncan du Bois is a DA Durban Metro ward councillor. He writes in his
personal capacity.

Publish Date: 27 June 2003

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