http://www.voazimbabwe.com/
Irwin
Chifera
28.06.2013
HARARE — Ten Zimbabweans, among them unity
government leaders President
Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
and Industry Minister
Welshman Ncube, on Friday registered to run in this
year’s presidential
election in which Mr. Mugabe is seeking to extend his
three-decade rule.
The nomination court opened its doors early this
morning with Chief
Elections Officer, Lovemore Sekeramayi acknowledging that
they received Mr.
Tsvangirai’s nomination papers that were filed in advance
Wednesday.
An excited MDC-T secretary general, Tendai Biti, told
reporters outside the
court that Mr. Tsvangirai is Zimbabwe’s next
president.
Mr. Mugabe’s chief elections agent, Defence Minister Emmerson
Mnangagwa then
arrived at the court 20 minutes after it opened to file
nomination papers
for his party's candidate, who is currently receiving
medical treatment in
Singapore.
Like Mr. Biti, the defence minister
told the media he is confident the
veteran leader will lead Zanu PF to
victory in the elections.
Asked about the health of the Zanu PF
presidential candidate, Mr. Mnangagwa
said President Mugabe is fit, adding
he is in Singapore for an eye check-up.
Third in line was Regional
Integration Minister, Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga, who filed Mr. Ncube’s
nomination papers, effectively
pouring water on grand coalition talks by
parties opposing Mr. Mugabe and
Zanu PF rule.
Misihairabwi-Mushonga
denied her party had been engaged in talks to form an
election coalition,
adding the MDCs had only cooperated on opposing the July
31 poll
date.
Mavambo Kusile Dawn leader Simba Makoni announced Thursday he was
pulling
out of the presidential race to pave way for a coalition
candidate.
But one of the parties involved in the talks, Zapu registered
its leader
Dumiso Dabengwa to participate in the presidential
elections.
Then there were several candidates from small parties and
independents who
also approached the nomination court to file their
papers.
Among them are Kissnoti Mukwazhi of the Zimbabwe Development
Party and
Langton Toungana, who came last in the 2008 presidential
election.
The court closed in the afternoon was still processing some
nominations
papers late last evening which they said lacked relevant
information.
Electoral Commission officials said the court will be open
until midnight to
allow late comers to lodge their papers ahead of the
elections.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tichaona
Sibanda
SW Radio Africa
28 June 2013
MDC President Welshman Ncube
submitted his nomination papers on Friday to
stand as a presidential
candidate in the upcoming elections.
Other candidates whose papers were
lodged with the court in Harare were ZANU
PF leader Robert Mugabe and Morgan
Tsvangirai of the MDC-T.
There is also a female challenger, Irene Bete,
who successfully filed her
papers to stand as an independent candidate in
the hot race. There was no
word from Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara.
The party that he leads
did not field any parliamentary, senatorial or
council candidates.
But it is Ncube’s candidature that has surprised the
many who believed the
opposition would gang up and field just one candidate
in the presidential
race. In 2008 he did not contest, but instead put his
weight behind Simba
Makoni, leader of the Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn
(MKD).
This is a clear indication that Ncube, whose papers were filed at
the High
Court by Priscilla Misihairambwi-Mushonga, will not be part of the
‘grand
coalition’ that is still on the drawing board, seeking to end Robert
Mugabe’s
33 years in power.
Misihairambwi-Mushonga told journalists
soon after filing Ncube’s papers
that they’ve never been approached by
anybody to talk about a grand
coalition.
‘Let me make it clear that
we have never been approached to discuss this
grand coalition. We only read
about it in the newspapers. We’ve made it
known that whoever wants to sit
down and talk about it we are open to it and
they know where to find us,’
she said.
However the MKD leader, Simba Makoni, withdrew from the
presidential race on
Thursday, throwing his weight behind the coalition that
he said will be led
by Tsvangirai.
Makoni said he was withdrawing
from the race to mount a united front against
Mugabe and ZANU PF, adding
that he was prepared to serve the nation in any
capacity in the
post-government of national unity era.
ZANU Ndonga has already indicated
they would back Tsvangirai in the pending
crucial elections, with its
chairman Reketai Semwayo on Friday filing his
nomination papers to stand as
an MP in Chipinge Central on an MDC-T ticket.
ZAPU leader Dumiso Dabengwa
on Wednesday addressed the media and said that
if there is to be a coalition
it should be inclusive, and that all parties
involved must be awarded top
posts.
Emmerson Mnangagwa, the ZANU PF Defence Minister, said his party
is
confident that they will win the elections by a landslide. Briefing
journalists soon after submitting Mugabe’s papers, Mnangagwa said their
victory was certain because of the progressive policies that they’ve put
across to the people.
‘One other thing that makes us confident is the
number of people that
participated in our primaries. We averaged 10,000
people in some
constituencies whilst our colleagues had 70 to 90 people
participating in
their primaries,’ he said.
Asked about the
well-being of Mugabe who flew to Singapore for a health
check up, Mnangagwa
retorted; ‘He’s fitter than you. He’s gone for a normal
check-up on his
eye.’
The MDC-T secretary-general, Tendai Biti, who submitted papers on
behalf of
Tsvangirai, also predicted victory for his party.
‘It is an
honour to be filing papers for the next president of Zimbabwe.
This winter
we will be celebrating,’ Biti said.
http://www.timeslive.co.za/
Sapa-AFP | 28 June, 2013
17:14
Zimbabwe's veteran President Robert Mugabe and his
long-time rival Morgan
Tsvangirai on Friday both threw their hats into the
ring to run in the
upcoming presidential election.
Their candidacies
were approved by a court in Harare, although a final date
has yet to be
confirmed for the elections that will end an uneasy four-year
power-sharing
arrangement between Mugabe and Tzvangirai.
"The people of Zimbabwe are
ready for change. We have absolutely no doubt
that Morgan Tsvangirai will be
the next president of Zimbabwe," said Finance
Minister Tendai Biti, who is
also Tsvangirai's electoral agent.
Tsvangirai has posed the stiffest
challenge to Mugabe's 33-year rule of the
southern African nation, but
failed to win in the last elections in 2008
which were mired in
violence.
But Mugabe's own election agent, Defence Minister Emmerson
Mnangagwa, voiced
confidence that his candidate would win.
"We as
ZANU-PF are very confident of victory in the harmonised elections
with
President Mugabe because of the progressive policies that we have put
across," Mnangagwa told journalists.
Asked about Mugabe's health
after the 89-year-old flew to Singapore for a
medical check, Mnangagwa said:
"He is fitter than you, he is a careful man.
He has gone for a normal
medical check-up for his eye."
Mugabe has proclaimed July 31 as the date
for Zimbabwe's general election
but it is not clear if they will be held on
that date.
Following pressure from regional leaders for key reforms to be
implemented,
Mugabe called for the constitutional court to agree a two-week
delay.
Tsvangirai also filed an appeal arguing that a two-week delay was
not enough
to implement reforms and the court has set a hearing on the issue
for
Thursday next week.
http://www.voazimbabwe.com/
Irwin
Chifera
27.06.2013
HARARE — Mavambo Kusile Dawn (MKD) party president
Simba Makoni says his
party is not fielding a presidential candidate in the
next elections to pave
way for a possible single candidate that may be
agreed to by a coalition of
parties.
Zapu leader Dumiso Dabengwa on
Wednesday said he will put his name on the
presidential ballot, signaling
the stalling of coalition talks but Makoni
said he has hope that political
parties will unite in the presidential race
against veteran President Robert
Mugabe.
Makoni told journalists in the capital that in the spirit of
co-operation
with parties like the two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
formations,
Zanu Ndonga and Zapu, the party's national management committee
resolved not
to present a presidential candidate.
This, Makoni, said
is to allow for the on-going coalition talks which are
expected to come up
with a single candidate to stand against President
Robert Mugabe.
He
said the parties have so far not agreed on any candidate and could not
say
when they are likely to be completed.
Mr. Makoni said his party will
field candidates for senatorial, national
assembly and council
elections.
However, he explained that it is MKD’s view that the coalition
fields one
candidate in senatorial, national assembly and council
elections.
Coalition parties are expected to file nominations Friday. Mr.
Makoni said
if the parties make a concrete agreement even after the
nomination court
process, some candidates would have to stand down for
coalition candidates.
The MDC-T formation filed nominations for its
candidates in advance
Wednesday.
In a related development, the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission has relaxed
requirements for candidates
wishing to contest council elections.
In a statement, the Commission said
it is no longer a legal requirement for
candidates to attach police and
local government clearances on their
nomination papers.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
BRIDGET MANANAVIRE AND FUNGI KWARAMBA • 28 JUNE 2013
12:33PM
OPPOSITION leader Simba Makoni has withdrawn from the
presidential race,
throwing his weight behind a grand coalition seeking to
end President Robert
Mugabe’s 33-year rule.
The coalition will be led
by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.
The former Finance minister, who now
leads Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn (MKD), told a
news conference yesterday that he
was withdrawing from the presidential race
to mount a united front against
Mugabe and Zanu PF.
He said he was prepared to serve the nation in any
capacity in the
post-Government of National Unity (GNU) era.
“I am
happy to advise the nation that the National Management Committee
(NMC) of
MKD resolved on Tuesday June 25, 2013 not to field a presidential
candidate, in the forthcoming elections,” he said adding “we took this
decision in order to pave the way for agreement on a single presidential
candidate for all those yearning for change in national leadership at the
highest level.”
Tsvangirai, who in 2008 nearly ended Mugabe’s
hegemony had it not been for a
fractured opposition, is widely regarded as
the front runner to lead the
coalition, not only because of the legislative
strength of his party but
also because of his popularity.
Clad in a
green jersey and apparently in buoyant mood, the ex-Zanu PF
politburo member
said he is prepared to work under a coalition government
led by Tsvangirai,
adding he would not have withdrawn his presidential bid
if he was not
prepared to work with other leaders.
“I am fully-committed to back the
one candidate who is chosen by the grand
coalition,” Makoni told
reporters.
“If I was not prepared to back that person, I wouldn’t have
made this
statement.”
Asked if there was buy-in from other parties to
the idea of a coalition and
if they will agree on the candidate in time for
the Nomination Court, Makoni
retorted: “Chances are 10 out of 10. We are
constantly in meetings, we are
having one right now.”
The Nomination
Court closes today at 4pm.
While Makoni has openly rallied behind the
coalition, other parties such as
Zanu Ndonga have already indicated they
would back Tsvangirai in the pending
crucial elections, with yet another
erstwhile Zanu PF stalwart Dumiso
Dabengwa, who now leads a revived Zapu,
saying grand coalition talks are
ongoing and at an advanced
stage.
“If it is decided to have a coalition it should be inclusive, we
would like
to see all parties involved, awarded top posts,” Dabengwa told
reporters on
Wednesday.
Using the MDC maxim “real change”, Makoni
talked up putting national
interest before egos.
“In preparing
ourselves for the likelihood of elections this year, we
reaffirm our
commitment to put the national interest above our party of
individual
members’ interest,” Makoni said.
“We also agreed to apply our separate
and collective energies to the cause
of cooperation.”
After Mugabe
unilaterally declared that elections would be held on July 31,
five parties
that included the governing MDC formations, MKD, Zapu and Zanu
Ndonga
collectively took a stance vowing not to be frogmarched into an
election
without the full implementation of agreed reforms.
In turn, the Sadc
extraordinary meeting that was held in Maputo, Mozambique,
on June 15, used
the letter as the basis for rejecting Mugabe’s bid to
railroad the country
into an early poll without implementing security sector
and media
reforms.
The strengthening coalition that is gathering momentum on the
eve of
watershed elections is likely to rattle Mugabe’s Zanu PF which held
chaotic
primary elections for three days as infighting took centre stage,
with
several disenchanted candidates threatening to stand as independent
candidates.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com/
28/06/2013 00:00:00
by Staff
Reporter
THE MDC denied it had been engaged in talks to form an
election coalition
Friday as party leader Welshman Ncube filed his
nomination papers to run for
the presidency against President Robert Mugabe
and Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai.
Speculation had been rife that
the MDC formations would form a grand
coalition with Mavambo Kusile’s Simba
Makoni and Dumiso Dabengwa’s Zapu for
the election which Mugabe called for
July 31.
Makoni confirmed the parties had discussed the possibility as he
announced
he would not run to make way for a “single presidential
candidate”.
However, Welshman Ncube and Dumiso Dabengwa filed papers to
run for the
presidency on Friday along with MDC-T leader Morgan
Tsvangirai.
Speaking as she filed Ncube’s papers, MDC secretary general
Priscilla
Misihairambwi-Mushonga said her party was not involved in efforts
to form
the mooted coalition.
“I can’t speak on something that has
not been brought to our attention and
we have always been clear about it
people talk about it in the papers,” she
said.
“I don’t even know
what that grand coalition is about no one has spoken to
us about it.”
She
said the only time the parties had worked together was when they
discussed a
joint strategy after Mugabe proclaimed the election dates.
Makoni
insisted at a press conference Thursday that the parties had
discussed the
idea but conceded that the leadership of the coalition had
proved a major
sticking point.
“It (alliance leadership) is a complex issue; MKD prefers
Simba Makoni (but)
there are many considerations to accommodate. Many
parties had prepared to
contest alone,” Makoni said in response to questions
by journalists.
“(However) I am sure we will make it on time. I am
convinced that other
leaders who are genuinely committed to national
interest will rise to the
challenge. I am fully committed and so is our
party to back one candidate
agreed by the grand coalition. We are in
constant meetings.”
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Alex Bell
SW Radio
Africa
28 June 2013
The Constitutional Court on Friday dismissed a
legal challenge that was
trying to secure the voting rights of Zimbabweans
in the Diaspora, in a
decision that is set to have a serious impact on
millions of citizens around
the world.
The challenge had been filed
last year by a South African based Zimbabwean,
Tawengwa Bukaibenyu, who
argued that the barring of postal ballots for
exiled Zimbabweans violated
his right to choose his country’s government.
Bukaibenyu was arguing that
the lack of a Diaspora vote was inherently
unfair, because he does intend on
returning to Zimbabwe one day when the
situation normalises.
He
wanted the country’s electoral laws that prohibit the Diaspora vote to be
declared unconstitutional, saying: “I therefore have a vested interest to do
my part to ensure that the situation in Zimbabwe normalises as soon as
possible, and this includes participation in elections and civic duties in
Zimbabwe.”
But on Friday the Constitutional Court bench unanimously
dismissed his
application. The Court did not give reasons for the decision,
saying this
would be communicated in due course.
The decision is a
serious blow to millions in the Diaspora, who are all
being denied their
right to cast their votes.
But the decision could also have serious legal
ramifications for Zimbabwe,
which stands on the verge of being declared in
contempt of the African
Commission on Human and People’s Rights.
The
Commission in February ordered the Zim government to make provisions for
exiled Zimbabweans to cast their votes using the postal voting system. This
was ahead of the March referendum, but the government has still not
responded to this order.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Violet
Gonda
SW Radio Africa
28 June 2013
Business mogul Mutumwa Mawere
finally acquired new identification documents
from the registrar general’s
office and has now registered to vote, after
winning a landmark case on dual
citizenship in the Constitutional Court
(ConCourt) on
Wednesday.
However Mawere fears many people, classified as aliens, are
still going to
face hurdles despite the ConCourt ruling, as he was made to
show the court
order to officials in order to receive the new identity
documents.
Mawere, who collected his documents on Thursday, denied
reports stating he
had filed papers in the nomination court on Friday to
stand as a candidate
in forthcoming elections.
He told SW Radio
Africa that some people wanted to nominate him but he had
to be a registered
voter first and “that was only done this afternoon so
there was no way that
would be possible.”
Mawere said his rights were violated, as in terms of
the constitution he was
supposed to have been given the same rights as any
other Zimbabwean to
participate in the electoral process when the new
charter was adopted on
22nd May -even if it meant having the same time
allocated for voter
registration.
He added that constitutionalism has
not dawned on Zimbabwe: “Until yesterday
I was classified as an alien today
I am classified as a Zimbabwean but there
are many other people who are
either resident aliens or non-resident aliens.
So if you want to have an
inclusive process then it must be fair and
equitable to all.
“Even
when I went to the registrar general’s office they asked me for a copy
of
the court order, but the constitution says you do not need a court order
to
be entitled to the rights entrenched in the constitution. But they could
not
process any of my papers without evidence of a court order which means
if
somebody goes to the RG’s office they may not receive the same treatment
that I received.”
A South African by naturalization, Mawere had
traveled to Zimbabwe earlier
this month to apply for his ID and a passport,
so that he could register to
vote in the forthcoming polls. But Registrar
General Tobaiwa Mudede told him
that he would have to renounce his South
African citizenship first.
He appealed the matter in the ConCourt,
resulting in a judgment that said
dual citizenship is permissible under the
new constitution. This is a
ruling that has widespread implications for
Zimbabweans living in the
Diaspora.
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights
project manager, Rose Hanzi, said the
ruling means if a person is born in
Zimbabwe and ‘one or both’ of their
parents is a Zimbabwean citizen then
they are allowed dual citizenship. The
same applies to a person born in
Zimbabwe whose grandparents (either both or
just one of them) are
Zimbabwean.
But she said for children born outside the country the
situation is
different. If born in the Diaspora, to Zimbabwean parents, they
would be
regarded as citizens by descent IF their birth is also registered
in
Zimbabwe.
“For those who are citizens by descent or by
registration, they are not
allowed to have dual citizenship because
parliament has the power to
prohibit that. So if they want to then become
Zimbabwean citizens they have
to renounce the other citizenship so that they
are still Zimbabweans.
“But that child’s birth should also have been
registered in Zimbabwe. So it
also depends on where the birth of the child
is registered – if it’s in
London alone or it’s also registered in
Zimbabwe,” the ZLHR explained.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Nomalanga Moyo
SW
Radio Africa
28 June 2013
Candidates from different political parties
on Friday submitted their names
to the nomination court, as Zimbabwe takes
another step towards elections.
The build up to the election has been
full of high drama, starting with the
disputed election date unilaterally
declared by President Robert Mugabe.
Then came the parties’ primary
elections, which were characterised by
complaints of factionalism,
corruption and violence, especially in ZANU PF
and the MDC-T.
On
Friday, with the nomination court in session throughout the country,
there
were reports that some disgruntled MDC-T members have decided to stand
as
independents.
Already in Bulawayo, outgoing MDC-T Member of Parliament
for Magwegwe, Felix
Mafa Sibanda, confirmed filing his papers as an
independent.
Mafa was pitted against Anele Ndebele during the MDC-T
primaries and he was
announced on the party’s website as having won the
election. However a few
days later, that decision was rescinded, with
Ndebele sailing through.
There are fears that numbers of people standing
as independents will likely
to split the MDC-T vote, at a time when analysts
already predict another
run-off, with the poll producing no outright
winner.
Speaking to SW Radio Africa, Mafa said he is disappointed that
his party had
failed to stem the factionalism fanned by Parastatals Minister
Gorden Moyo
and Deputy Prime Minister Thokozani Khupe.
He said: “It
is regrettable that the leadership of the party we formed under
difficult
conditions where people were being raped, killed and maimed is
eating its
own children.
“The Bulawayo leadership, under the stewardship of Gorden
Moyo, has been
infiltrated by intelligence operatives so much so that the
old guard of the
MDC-T is being discarded. Moyo is replacing us with his
former members of
(the defunct) ZAPU 2000, and his former mates in the civil
society movement,
especially Bulawayo Agenda and the Bulawayo Progressive
Residents
Association.”
Mafa said the constituency was now riddled
with tribalism, racism and the
senior party leadership had failed to address
these issues, despite numerous
appeals by long-serving
supporters.
There are strong indications that the current squabbles in
Bulawayo will see
a number of other MDC-T members contesting the poll as
independents,
including Pelandaba-Mpopoma MP Samuel Sandlwana Khumalo, who
also filed
Friday.
Others were said to be holding on till the last
minutes of the nomination
process, which is now set to continue well past
the initial 4pm deadline, to
bargain with the party.
Senior MDC-T
member Gwace Kwinjeh was also shocked to learn a few days ago
that she will
not be representing the party in Makoni Central, after being
announced as a
winner. She told the Daily News that she had lodged a
complaint with the
party leadership, party president Morgan Tsvangirai.
In Harare, SW Radio
Africa is reliably informed that so far about 25 MDC-T
members have
indicated that they will be standing as independents.
Harare
correspondent Simon Muchemwa said the group, calling itself MDC
Independents, will be challenging MDC-T winning candidates, with Norman
Chiroto challenging Theresa Makone and Tendai Biti facing a challenge from
Mr. Macheza.
“Apparently the candidates will be using the MDC-T logo
but where Morgan
Tsvangirai’s name appears, they will put their
faces.”
Political analyst Rejoice Ngwenya said some independent
candidates are good
for democracy, but it would affect the party’s numbers
in parliament.
“Of course every individual who gets a vote deserves that
vote but what it
also means is that it reduces the party’s majority in
parliament which makes
the implementation of programmes very
difficult.
“In politics there will always be dissenting voices, but it
defeats the
whole issue of unity of purpose and the dominance of the
progressive forces.
These intra-party fissures demonstrate that our leaders
lack the capacity to
unite their structures in order that the mission to
unseat ZANU PF is
accomplished,” Ngwenya said.
By Violet Gonda
SW Radio
Africa
28 June 2013
The House of Assembly will be dissolved on Saturday ending the five year ‘love affair’ of the inclusive government.
But Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Eric Matinenga told SW Radio Africa that while the term of office of the Seventh Parliament of Zimbabwe will come to an end this weekend, by law, the executive and judiciary will continue to function until elections are held and a new parliament and executive is put in place.
However Mugabe told a Namibian
newspaper this week that the dissolution of parliament will spell the end of his
partners in the inclusive government.
He said: “Doomsday is coming for them
on the 29th of June. How many days have we to go? It’s on Saturday . . . and
then the life of Parliament comes to an end and this Parliament dies, and they
die politically also.
“Those of them who are MPs … all MPs cease to be MPs and we can’t continue without a Parliament but some of them say we go on and on. Ah! What sort of people are we to suggest that we have elections August next year, or it’s this year I suppose.”
The outgoing coalition partners are currently squabbling in court over when the elections should be held. At present elections are earmarked for July 31st but the Constitutional Court is scheduled to hear multiple cases next week Thursday, calling for the delay of elections.
Meanwhile, the outgoing parliament came under attack for failing to function during its term. Parliamentary watchdog Bill Watch revealed in recent weeks that very little has happened in the House despite the imminent elections. This month especially, sometimes legislators met for under an hour or less than 15 minutes, before dispersing without discussing anything substantial.
“The House of Assembly has been more or less marking time with business that could easily have been shelved in deference to tasks of national importance, such as passing essential amendments to the Electoral Law or tackling other essential pre-election reform legislation, if only the necessary Bills had been brought before it,” the watchdog said.
Matinenga said: “The parliament was just like the inclusive government, hamstrung politically and hamstrung by the judiciary, after private members’ Bills were said not to be acceptable.”
He said government business was only brought to parliament if the fractious cabinet agreed, which was a very rare occurrence, and without this parliament found itself in a difficult position to legislate.
The minister said: “But this Seventh Parliament can hold its head high in having, in the past 33 years, participated in constitution making and to finally have a constitution in place.”
http://www.newzimbabwe.com/
27/06/2013 00:00:00
by Staff
Reporter
PARLIAMENT will be automatically dissolved on
Saturday as the curtain comes
down on the country’s fractious coalition
government.
Constitutional Affairs Minister Eric Matinenga, who is not
seeking a return
to the legislature at the next elections, confirmed the
development on
Thursday.
“I hope most of the MPs would come back
(after elections),” Matinenga told
MPs.
“For some of us, today’s
sitting is the last supper. Parliament will be
dissolved by operation of the
law by June 29 2013.”
The end of the Seventh Parliament triggers the winding
down of the fractious
coalition government which came into office after
violent elections in 2008.
Although credited with helping ease political
tensions and putting nudging
an economy that was on its knees back on the
path to recovery, the
government was riven by bitter policy and other
disputes between Zanu PF and
the MDC parties.
Still, President Robert
Mugabe said he hoped his rivals had gained some
insights into governance
during the coalition experiment although he vowed
not to give them the
chance to put into practice whatever they might have
learned.
“It
(coalition) was a good thing because some of those MDC people who could
learn, have learnt something about government, how to govern,” Mugabe said
in interview view he gave to a Namibian newspaper this week.
“But the
issue is, now, they want to stick, they don’t want to go. It’s so
sweet and
we said no, it was temporary. This was a temporary thing, don’t
make it
permanent.”
He also said the unity administration had helped the parties
realise that
“violence does not pay”.
“It made us work together, it
made us actually realise that it doesn’t pay
to have violence,” the Zanu PF
leader said.
“We may differ, we may belong to different organisations and
have different
views but that should not make us fight each other.
“We
emphasised that, we hope that has been understood but many of the
leaders
say, yes, they understand that and that this election should be free
and
fair and free of violence.”
But true to form, the coalition is drawing
towards an acrimonious end as the
parties have failed to agree on how and
when to end the power sharing
arrangement in a case set to be heard by the
Constitutional Court next
Thursday.
The MDCs want the polls delayed
to allow further reforms but Mugabe claims
they are trying to postpone the
inevitable – election defeat.
“They (MDCs) are afraid, they are cowards,
cowards, cowards, you know . . .
cowards I have never seen,” he
said.
Mugabe, who refused to entertain suggestions by his partners that the
government could stay in office for a few more months after the end of
Parliament, said elections will have to be held after
Saturday.
“Doomsday is coming for them on the 29th of June. How many days
have we to
go? It’s on Saturday . . . and then the life of Parliament comes
to an end
and this Parliament dies, and they die politically also,” he
said.
“Those of them who are MPs … all MPs cease to be MPs and we can’t
continue
without a Parliament but some of them say we go on and on. Ah!
What sort of
people are we to suggest that we have elections August next
year, or it’s
this year I suppose.
“Even this year, a person is
completely, completely defiant of the tenet of
democracy and is saying it
doesn’t matter, it doesn’t matter. We can go on
without Parliament as
what?
You can’t do that, no, no!
“We never, never went without
Parliament, every five years we had Parliament
since 1980, you see and I
don’t want our nation to be taught that a sitting
Government can prolong the
term, the life of Parliament, prolong its own
life without a mandate from
the people.
“That’s wrong, we must seek a mandate from the people. If
you lose, you
lose.”
Mugabe said he hoped his rivals had learnt something
about government during
the experiment with coalition politics although he
vowed not to give them
the chance to put in practice whatever they might
have learned.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Alex
Bell
SW Radio Africa
28 June 2013
Suspended Mutare Mayor, Brian
James on Friday won a Constitutional Court
challenge, allowing him to
contest in the coming local government elections.
James, who was
suspended by Local Government Minister Ignatius Chombo last
year, had
approached the ConCourt to challenge a section of the Electoral
Act, which
bars suspended government officials from standing for
re-election.
Chombo had suspended James last year, accusing him of
incompetence and
financial mismanagement. This suspension is being
challenged in the High
Court and James has previously said that he believes
Chombo’s action was
undertaken to keep him away from contesting again in the
forthcoming polls.
Lawyer Tawanda Zhuwarara told SW Radio Africa that
this section of the
Electoral Act undermines the new constitution, which
states that anyone over
the age of 18 can file nomination papers and stand
for elections.
“This was a monumental argument in the sense that this is
the first time the
court is dealing with question of right to be elected and
the court agreed
with our argument that it was unfair and unreasonable for
him to be barred,”
Zhuwarara said.
The decision by the court was made
just hours before the window to file
nomination papers ahead of the general
elections closed on Friday at 4pm.
Zhuwarara said the case sets an important
precedent.
“It is a very important decision and arguably one of the most
important ones
of the court because it confirms that an individual has
political rights
that are constitutionally entrenched,” the lawyer
said.
He added: “So as of 4o’clock today, Mr. James filed his nomination
paper and
will be standing as an independent candidate in his constituency,
regardless
of the suspension.”
http://mg.co.za/
28 JUN 2013 00:00 KUDZAI MASHININGA
The
country's human rights commission has urged the Zimbabwean Republic
Police
to respect human rights ahead of polls.
The Zimbabwe Human Rights
Commission (ZHRC) has met police commissioner
General Augustine Chihuri and
the prisons commissioner general, retired
Major General Paradzai Zimondi, to
impress on them the need to respect human
rights in the forthcoming polls
and to accept the outcome.
The commission's chairperson, Jacob Mudenda,
last week told a workshop on
human rights in the mining sector that the
commission had met the two men
and that a meeting was on the cards with army
General Constantine Chiwenga
and other generals.
The Zimbabwe
Environment Law Association moderated the workshop. "The
police, we met them
– the very top brass within the ZRP [Zimbabwe Republic
Police] and
[discussed] what we think about promotion of human rights. We
have met
Zimondi. We will be meeting Chiwenga, but we will not rush to say
this is
what we have done with Chiwenga. We want constructive engagement not
publicity," Mudenda said.
Chihuri has said openly he supports Zanu-PF
and has called the Movement for
Democratic Change leader, Morgan Tsvangirai,
a "lunatic". Zimondi has been
quoted in the media as saying he would take up
arms should the MDC win.
The warning comes after many reports of the army
and police chiefs saying
that they would not salute or respect a poll
outcome favourable to MDC or
Tsvangirai. Also, in the past election, the MDC
implicated the police and
army in orchestrating politically motivated
violence against it. President
Robert Mugabe last year conceded at an
anti-violence meeting that there were
times when the police had not acted
for the people.
The commission was a requirement of the unity government.
Mudenda said the
commission, which will be observing polls for the first
time, was battling
to secure funding to assess the state of human rights
comprehensively.
Mudenda, a lawyer, said that, when the Act that set up
the commission was
brought before Parliament, there was no discussion about
how the body would
be funded – it was rushed through based on a Cabinet
agreement. He said the
commission had been able to sustain its operations
because of a €500 000
donation by the Danish Institute for Human Rights.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
FUNGI KWARAMBA • 28 JUNE 2013 8:59AM
ZAPU
leader Dumiso Dabengwa says army generals who have threatened to veto
the
political transition if President Robert Mugabe loses the forthcoming
election cannot stand in the way of a popularly-elected
government.
Recalling the Lancaster House negotiations in 1979, the
ex-intelligence
supremo said even Rhodesian army commanders including
general Peter Walls
had vowed not to accept a rule by “terrorists”, but when
push came to shove
after Mugabe’s 1980 electoral victory, the army was
following civilian
orders.
Speaking to journalists yesterday,
Dabengwa indicated that negotiations
towards forming a grand coalition are
still under way and did not rule out
the prospects of a poll pact with Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, the
subject of ridicule from service
chiefs.
“The so-called threat of the army is no threat at all,” Dabengwa
said.
“I don’t see the army taking matters into its hands, we might have
had that
experience but it is all in the past, I don’t think they will try
it this
time around.”
Sabre rattling from service chiefs, some of
whom have described Tsvangirai
as a “psychiatric patient”, have fuelled
speculation that the country may
descend into a military rule if the former
trade unionist wins the imminent
elections.
However, Dabengwa said if
army bosses attempt to subvert the will of the
people, they would not get
away easily.
“I do not think the army will go that far because they know
they will not
get away with such.
“It is the people who choose
leaders and not the army, soldiers can say
whatever they want to say but at
the end of the day they will follow
civilian leadership,” he
said.
Citing the new Constitution which clips the wings of army bosses
and also
introduces a 10-year term limit on service chiefs, Dabengwa said
prospects
of a coup in Zimbabwe were slim.
At its extraordinary
meeting on Zimbabwe in Maputo, Mozambique on June 15,
Sadc underscored the
need for haggling coalition partners Mugabe and
Tsvangirai to ensure that
the forthcoming elections are held under
conditions fertile to produce an
undisputed result.
The 15-member regional bloc, urged Mugabe — who has
repeatedly dodged
implementing security sector reforms since 2009 — to
publicly call his
troops to order so as to restore public confidence in the
army, widely
regarded as pro-Zanu PF.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
CHENGETAI ZVAUYA, PARLIAMENTARY EDITOR • 28 JUNE
2013 12:27PM
HOME Affairs minister Theresa Makone has condemned Zanu PF
for abusing
police officers in the primary elections by using them to
supervise the
shambolic vote.
Makone made the remarks in Parliament
on Wednesday when she was answering
questions from legislators during
Parliament’s question time.
Pishai Muchauraya, MDC MP for Makoni South
demanded an explanation why Zanu
PF was using the police in conducting its
elections.
“I want to know if it is a government policy to deploy
uniformed ZRP
officers to conduct Zanu PF primary elections and who is
funding that
exercise on behalf of the government?” asked
Muchauraya.
Makone told the legislators that it was not government
policy.
“Police should not be used as party agents in any form or
manner,”
Makone said. “If that has happened, it is regrettable, illegal
and wrong.
"The police are expected to be present at party political
functions as
keepers of peace in that role, nothing else.”
She said
during the primary elections for other political parties including
the MDC,
police were present only as peace keepers.
Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai’s MDC held its primary elections last
month.
“We
experienced it over the last few weeks during the primary election
processes
of the parties that have finished their exercise. The police were
present
only as keepers and defenders of the people,” said Makone.
Turning to
Zanu PF’s use of uniformed police officers at polling stations
where they
were issuing ballot papers to voters, Makone said it was an
illegal
act.
“If police officers have been used to carry ballot boxes, count
people or
verify anything on behalf of parties it is an illegal activity and
we cannot
blame people when they think that it is State resources that have
been
misused,” said Makone.
Zanu PF and MDC are gearing up for
holding harmonised elections as the
parties are preparing to submit names of
their respective parliamentary
candidates to the Nomination Court.
http://www.voazimbabwe.com/
Jeremy Groce, VOA
Staff
28.06.2013
WASHINGTON, DC — An aide to President Obama says the
US leader will include
Zimbabwe in his discussions with South African
President Jacob Zuma, when
the two leaders meet in South Africa on
Friday.
Deputy National Security Advisor Ben Rhodes told VOA that the
“contrast
could not be clearer” between democracy as seen in South Africa
and Senegal,
two of three African countries Mr. Obama is visiting during his
first trip
to the continent since 2009, and Zimbabwe, “where you have deeply
undemocratic practices that have been pursued in the past, very questionable
elections, crackdowns on independent media and civil society.”
Mr.
Rhodes said the US position on Zimbabwe “is going to be that that [the
upcoming harmonized] election has to be free, fair, and credible, and there
has to be a means of establishing that that is the case.”
However, he
said, “democracy goes beyond elections, so we would like to see
space for
independent media, for civil society, and for those elements of
democracy to
exist within Zimbabwe.”
While Rhodes did not mention any specific actions
or policies the President
might propose regarding Zimbabwe, US Ambassador to
Zimbabwe Bruce Wharton
told VOA that America is still pursuing what former
Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton described as a policy of "action for
action" in dealing with
Zimbabwe, meaning that an “acceptable election” in
Zimbabwe is likely to
prompt positive changes to the US’ policy of “targeted
sanctions” against
some Zimbabwean officials and parastatals.
On
Saturday President Obama will hold a town hall meeting with university
students in Soweto, an area of Johannesburg, South Africa. The VOA will
broadcast and digitally stream the event live. Mr. Obama is expected to
mention Zimbabwe in remarks he will make at the town hall, according to a
State Department official.
Obama’s Visit to
Senegal
Senegal was the first stop for Obama and his family on their
weeklong trip
to Africa that includes South Africa and
Tanzania.
Thousands turned out to welcome America's first
African-American president,
on his first return to sub-Saharan Africa since
2009.
At the presidential palace in Dakar, Obama and First Lady Michelle
were
welcomed by Senegalese President Macky Sall and his wife
Mareme.
Bilateral talks covered a range of issues, from U.S. support for
Senegal's
democracy and infrastructure to joint security.
sapestrust
SOUTHERN AFRICAN POLITICAL ECONOMY SERIES
POLICY DIALOGUE FORUM
Friday 28 June 2013
5pm – 7pm
SAPES Seminar Room
4 Deary Avenue, Belgravia, Harare
THE ROLE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN RESOURCE GOVERNANCE IN SOUTHERN AFRICA
Moderator: Gilbert Mudenda , Sapes Trust (Zambia)
Panelists : Yao Graham, Third World Network (Ghana)
Masego Madzwamuse, OSISA (Botswana)
ALL WELCOME
SAPES TRUST Policy Dialogue Forum Membership forms available at entrance
Feel free to visit our website at www.sapes.org.zw
MEDIA
RELEASE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
AfriForum / SADC Tribunal Rights
Watch
27 June 2013
Legal breakthrough for Zimbabwe
farmers
Two
important developments have now taken place in the legal campaign to ensure that
Zimbabwe is unable to escape its international-law obligations arising from its
land seizure programme.
Today the Constitutional Court dismissed Zimbabwe’s appeal
against South African court orders authorising the attachment of Zimbabwean
Government property in execution of awards by the SADC Tribunal. Chief Justice
Mogoeng held: “Lawful judgments are not to be evaded with impunity by any
State or person in the global village.”
The Constitutional Court held that South Africa, like
Zimbabwe itself, was bound to give effect to awards of the Tribunal. It noted
that Zimbabwean farmers had lost their land without compensation pursuant to an
“agrarian reform programme”. It held that the Tribunal’s jurisdiction was
founded on the rule of law, and that the aggrieved farmers had properly had
recourse to the Tribunal’s protection.
The second development is that South Africa, as a SADC
member State, has formally conveyed to the African Commission in The Gambia that
it will not be advancing argument on the merits of the case brought by the
Zimbabwean farmers before the Commission. The farmers had lodged a challenge to
the decision by SADC members to suspend the Tribunal’s operation following its
series of awards against Zimbabwe.
The application asked for an order that
would ensure the SADC Tribunal would continue to function, as established by
Article 16 of the SADC Treaty.
The application was filed on behalf of Luke
Tembani, a dispossessed Zimbabwean commercial farmer, and Ben Freeth, son-in-law
of the late Mike Campbell of Mount Carmel farm in Zimbabwe, against the 14 SADC
governments.
The applicants submitted that closing the
SADC Tribunal to individual access deprived 250 million inhabitants of SADC
countries of access to the only international-law court in the region when
justice systems have failed them in their own countries. The effect of the
closure is to prevent the Tribunal from hearing cases where governments had
committed human rights violations and domestic law has offered no
relief.
In a letter sent by the South African
Embassy in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on June 20 to the African Commission, the
embassy said that the South African government would not be making any
Submission on the Merits of the Communication. The embassy also confirmed that
the South African government would “abide by the decision of the Commission on
the Communication.”
The African Commission will deliberate on
the issue. The case may proceed further to the African
Court.
“If the European Court was dissolved
following an executive decision by the Heads of State of Europe without any
democratic process, the world would be outraged,” commented
Freeth.
“Why is it that when an international
regional court in Africa gets dissolved, and 250 million African citizens become
subject to the whims of various autocratic governments without recourse to
justice when domestic justice systems fail them, the world is so deafeningly
silent?” he asked.
“I am an old man, a committed Christian who
contributed to food security in Zimbabwe and who built a church and school on my
farm for the benefit of the community,” Tembani said. “I am devastated by the
injustice committed against me and my family in Zimbabwe which has left us
destitute.”
“I am calling for Africans and the world to
raise their voices so that younger Africans in the future may be protected from
the injustices that continue to take place without recourse. It’s time that
those who care about the poverty and hunger in Africa speak out for justice and
the rule of law so that Africa’s potential can be unlocked and its people can
thrive,” Tembani concluded.
ENDS
For
more information call:
Willie
Spies
Legal
representative: AfriForum
Cell:
083-676-0639
E-mail: willie@hurterspies.co.za
Ben
Freeth
Spokesman for SADC Tribunal Rights
Watch
Cell:
+263 773 929 138 - Zimbabwe
E-mail: freeth@bsatt.com
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
The
Luke Tembani case
Luke
Tembani (76), a successful black commercial farmer, took his case to the SADC
Tribunal in June 2009 after the farm he bought in 1983 was sold by the
Agricultural Bank of Zimbabwe in 2000 without any court
hearings.
In August 2009, the Tribunal ruled that the repossession and sale of Tembani’s
farm to recoup an outstanding loan during a period of soaring interest rates -
to which the bank was unable to put an exact figure - was illegal and void.
The court noted that Tembani’s proposal to sell of a viable section of the farm
to cover the debt had been turned down by the bank. The judges ruled that he
should remain on his farm where he had built a church and a school which
provided free education to 321 pupils.
In defiance of the Tribunal ruling, Tembani and his family were evicted two
months later and Tembani’s two primary school-going children were forced out of
school. Following the collapse of the Zimbabwe dollar, all of Tembani’s savings
were eroded and he now struggles to feed his family and educate his
children.
The
Campbell case
In
October 2007, after exhausting all legal remedies under domestic jurisdiction,
the late Mike Campbell filed a case with the Tribunal contesting the acquisition
of his farm which had been transferred legally in 1999 with a certificate of
no interest* from the Zimbabwean government.
In
March 2008, 77 additional Zimbabwean commercial farmers were granted leave to
intervene. Interim relief similar to that given to Campbell on December 13, 2007
was granted to 74 of the farmers since three were no longer residing on their
farms.
Eight months later, on November 28, 2008, the Tribunal ruled that the land
reform programme was racist and unlawful and that the Zimbabwe government had
violated the SADC treaty by attempting to seize the 77 white-owned commercial
farms. In response, Lands and Land Reform Minister, Didymus Mutasa said the
government would not recognise the ruling.
*Certificate of No Interest: Under the Zimbabwean law, farmers who
wished to sell their farms had to first offer them to the government at a market
price. When the government declined to purchase such farms, it issued the
farmers with the “certificate of no interest” and the farmers could proceed to
sell their farms on the open market. The government purchased some 3.8 million
hectares of farmland in that way between 1980, the year of Zimbabwe’s formal
independence from Great Britain, and the commencement of the fast track land
reform programme.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mike_Campbell_(Pvt)_Ltd_and_Others_v_Republic_of_Zimbabwe
Further
background: The Gondo Case [victims of organised violence and torture in
Zimbabwe]
The SADC Tribunal awarded damages of nearly US$17 million
to nine Zimbabwean torture victims, in a landmark ruling that exposed Harare's
continued and flagrant disregard of the rule of law.
The judgement handed down on 9 December 2010 followed a case in which the
victims of organised violence and torture (OVT), assisted by the Zimbabwe Human
Rights NGO Forum, sued the Zimbabwean government for failing to comply with the
orders of the country’s High Court.
Previously, Barry Gondo and eight other victims had successfully claimed
compensation in the High Court of Zimbabwe but the government of Zimbabwe had
refused or neglected to pay compensation.
Statement by the SADC Lawyers Association following the
decision of the SADC Extraordinary Summit to extend the suspension of the SADC
Tribunal - 20 July 2011
Implications of the
decision to review the role, functions and terms of reference of the SADC
Tribunal 4 November 2010
http://www.ditshwanelo.org.bw/SADCOPINIONfinal4%20Nov%202010.pdf
http://mg.co.za/
27 JUN 2013 00:00 WONGAI ZHANGAZHA
Questions
are being raised over whether the deaths of a number of Zimbabwe
politicians
in car crashes were all accidental.
The death of outspoken Zanu-PF MP
Edward Chindori-Chininga has reignited
debate over the mysterious deaths of
Zimbabwean politicians that have
haunted the ruling Zanu-PF party since its
days in exile.
Chindori-Chininga, who died in a car crash last week, was
declared a
liberation war hero by his party. But many Zimbabweans believe he
is the
latest victim of internal purges that have claimed the lives of
generals,
Cabinet ministers and other senior politicians in pre- and
post-independence
Zimbabwe.
Chindori-Chininga was the vocal
chairperson of a parliamentary committee
that had just released a highly
critical report on Zimbabwe's diamond
industry. News reports pointed out
that his car, which veered off the road
into a tree, had left no skid
marks.
The mystery deaths have generally occurred at times when Zanu-PF
has been
torn by factional conflict.
Chindori-Chininga's death evokes
memories of the baffling deaths of other
liberation war icons, including
Zanu chairperson Herbert Chitepo, Zanla
commander Josiah Tongogara, Zipra
commander Alfred Nikita Mangena, Zapu
second vice-president Jason Ziyaphapha
Moyo, Zanu-PF rising star Zororo Duri
and Brigadier General Paul
Gunda.
Since independence, rumour and speculation have swirled around the
"accidental" deaths of former defence minister Moven Mahachi, former
industry and commerce minister Chris Ushewokunze, army captain Edwin Nleya,
former Zanu-PF political commissars Border Gezi and Elliot Manyika and
retired army general and Zanu-PF heavyweight Solomon
Majuru.
Controversial
Among the most controversial deaths are those
of:
Hebert Chitepo, who was killed in March 1975 by a car bomb in Lusaka.
Several investigations have been hampered by lack of evidence, and theories
about the motive and perpetrator abound. Former Zambian president Kenneth
Kaunda instituted an inquiry which made damning findings about infighting in
Zanu-PF in exile. The inquiry also fingered Josiah Tongogara, the commander
of Zanu's guerrilla army.
Tongogara himself was killed in a car crash
in Mozambique in 1979 while on
his way to Zimbabwe, six days after the
Lancaster House agreement was
concluded. His vehicle rammed an army truck
parked on the side of the road.
The charismatic Zanla commander had clashed
with Mugabe over the need for a
government of national unity with Joshua
Nkomo and speculation was also
highlighted by his “ambition, popularity and
decisive style".
This year it was reported that his wife, Angeline Tongogara,
had demanded to
be driven to the scene of her husband's fatal accident,
saying she felt
bitter about the way Mugabe and Zanu-PF had handled the
death. The party
released a statement by an undertaker that Tongagara's
injuries were
consistent with a car accident, but no autopsy results have
ever been
released.
Chris Ushewokunze, a former ministry of industry
and commerce, died at the
age of 49 after a mysterious car accident at Suri
Suri, about 110km from
Bulawayo, on the road to Harare, in 1994. He had
differed with Mugabe on
economic policy.
Zororo Duri was rising
rapidly through Zanu-PF ranks as one of the young
technocrats seen as poised
to take over the party in the mid-1990s. Party
bosses had told him not to
contest the chair of Manicaland province against
Kumbirai Kangai, but he
went ahead and won. Appointed ambassador to Cuba, he
was killed in a car
accident on the Mutare-Harare road in 1996.
Moven Mahachi was minister of
defence at the time of his death in a car
accident in 2001 on the
Mutare-Nyanga road after attending a Zanu-PF
Manicaland meeting as national
political commissar. In 2009 Enos Nkala, one
of Zanu's founders, claimed
that Mahachi was eliminated because of his
robust opposition to Zanu-PF's
looting of diamonds in the Democratic
Republic of Congo.
Paul
Armstrong Gunda, a brigadier general and hero of the liberation war,
died
after his car allegedly collided with a train on the Harare-Marondera
road
in 2007.
Before his death, regarded as suspicious by many Zimbabweans, there
were
persistent allegations that the 1 Brigade commander was among the
military
officers involved in a failed plot to topple Mugabe.
Tatenda
Gunda, his widow, published advertisements insinuating that he had
died in
suspicious circumstances. In an interview this week she said the
damage to
the car was not serious enough to have been caused by a train and
Gunda had
had a mysterious back injury.
No foul play
A board of inquiry set up
under the defence force's disciplinary regulations
found no foul
play.
Eliot Manyika, former youth minister, died in a road accident on
the
Zvishavane-Mbalabala road in 2008. In his capacity as national commissar
he
was travelling from Mutare to Gwanda on a Zanu-PF restructuring mission
that
could have upset the leadership ambitions of some top party
officials.
Manyika's family asked police to investigate, claiming that
his injuries
were inconsistent with a road accident. A close relative also
claimed that
he had received anonymous death threats. A tyre from his
official
Mercedes-Benz was sent to South Africa for forensic analysis, but
the
inquest found his death was consistent with a traffic
accident.
Border Gezi was killed when his car careered out of control
after it had a
blow-out on the Harare-Masvingo road. Gezi was travelling to
Masvingo to
address party supporters and reshuffle the political leadership
in the
province. Some theorists hold that he had decided to speak out
against the
seizure of white-owned farms. It is also believed that the
Zanu-PF old guard
was unhappy with his meteoric rise through the party's
ranks.
Solomon Mujuru died, allegedly in a fire, at his farm in Beatrice
in 2011.
Many politically neutral Zimbabweans, and even some Zanu-PF
supporters,
believe Mujuru was murdered, and the speculation became so
intense that his
widow, Vice-President Joice Mujuru, had to appeal for calm.
His family's
request to have his remains exhumed and re-examined in a second
postmortem
by a South African pathologist were turned down. In his report,
the
director of Zimbabwe's forensic science laboratory, Birthwell Mutandiro,
said there were indications that Mujuru had died before the fire spread to
the room in which his remains were found.
http://mg.co.za/
28 JUN 2013 00:00 TELDAH MAWARIRE
Critics argue the
restitution policy has done little to improve food
security or the
agribusiness sector in the country.
More than a decade after Zimbabwe's
controversial and chaotic land reform
exercise, the subject remains emotive.
Whether the programme has been a
success depends on whom you talk to. Those
who favour it say it is Africa's
largest resettlement programme. It has seen
more than 245 000 black families
replace 6 000 white commercial farmers. But
if it has been so successful,
critics ask, why does the country continue to
import maize, its staple crop,
from once poorer counterparts in the
region?
These critics refer to a deal to purchase 150 000 tonnes of maize
that was
sealed with Zambia's vice-president Guy Scott's visit to Harare in
May. The
government says that the need arose because of poor rains last
season, not
the failure of resettled farmers. Land reform has not been free
of the
politics of the day. Zanu-PF says there was no other way to carry it
out. It
had to happen.
Land resettlement in whatever form was
inevitable, says Lands Minister
Herbert Murerwa. And there is no reversing
it, he added. The Movement for
Democratic Change also says it had to happen,
but it could have been handled
better; in a way that could be less
disturbing to the economy. The
opposition party, which was initially against
reform, is changing tack –
perhaps a realisation that any attempt to reverse
it could result in a
backlash at the ballot.
At its May policy
conference, it said that it supported reform but insisted
on an audit of the
land. Murerwa says his government is willing to carry out
that audit but
lacks the funds for it. One of the MDC's complaints is that
there are too
many people who own multiple farms, most of them
well-connected to Zanu-PF.
The MDC also says vast tracts of land belong to
President Robert Mugabe’s
cronies, some who expropriated land from newly
resettled farmers. University
of Sussex professor Ian Scoones, who has
conducted research on Zimbabwe’s
land reform, says much of the MDC’s policy
is excellent, with a solid set of
principles at its core, but there is also
confusion in its current policy
thinking about the role of private tenure,
the type of compensation to be
offered to former commercial farmers and the
role of state
support.
"The policy has not got to grips with the implications of the
new agrarian
structure, and so has not captured the potentials of the land
reform, but
mostly focuses on redressing the shortcomings of the fast-track
policy." The
MDC says if it comes to power it will stop the provision of
farming inputs
to farmers but provide title deeds for the new land owners.
Currently, land
owners are issued with "offer letters" from the lands
ministry; a document
that they often find useless when they try to apply for
loans from banks.
This is also the gripe of the once-white dominated
Commercial Farmers' Union
(CFU). The body, once seen as being vehemently
against reform, recently
flighted advertisements that show otherwise. Using
images of black and white
farmers, one advert reads: "We can both be
winners. Let's fight for each
other, not against each other."
Another
says: "Just like agriculture every year brings a new season for
growth, we
the CFU are ready, willing and very able to plant together the
seeds that
will grow Zimbabwe … We are ready to say goodbye to our past and
hello to
building a strong and viable future."
The CFU's president Charles Taffs
says his union has not changed. "The CFU
is not racial." It has always
represented black and white commercial farmers
and still represents about
"10% of those who were actively farming prior to
2000", he
says.
Opinions on research
Taffs takes strong exception with Scoones's
Masvingo research, as well as
with Joseph Hanlon, Jeanette Manjengwa and
Teresa Smart – the authors of a
recently published book, Zimbabwe Takes Back
its Land, accusing them of
"spreading propaganda through generalised
statistics found in one small
area" for the whole country. "These [research
findings] are academic and are
doing the country and region a disfavour as
aid is being moved away from
people who need it based on this
research."
But Scoones says his research is detailed, rigorous and can
assist the
country. "If this is ‘academic’ then so be it. I am trained as a
researcher,
and aim to dig into the complexities of the situation. I do not
see how
knowing this sort of detailed, empirical research can damage any
regional
efforts. Far from it, our work shows a way forward that regional
bodies,
donors and other investors can support."
Agriculture has
collapsed and suggesting otherwise in research or any other
form is
misleading, says Taffs. He says the reform has not been successful
because
the country has gone back 100 years in the farming methods it is
using. It
has returned to hoe-farming because there are no loans available
to fund
mechanised methods. Taffs says that while the country may be seeing
increases in production, the benefits to farmers are meagre. The sector
needs to return to the basics of agribusiness, he says.
He spoke
strongly against contract farming – where farmers get inputs from
businesses, mostly Chinese, and have to sell the crop to the same businesses
at their prices. "It's unsustainable and a poor business model. Because of
it, farmers get stuck in single crops and Chinese funders export all the
produce and do not produce for local markets," he says.
Taffs says it
isn't true that new farmers were let down by a bad rainy
season, because the
past 10 years of rainfall were better than the previous
10, yet output is
dwindling. This, he says, is because the agricultural
system before land
reform was built on an irrigation system that does not
exist anymore, so
there is reliance on rainfall alone.
On compensation of farm land
expropriated by the state, Taffs says: "What
all these academics forget is
that we are white but are Zimbabwean too. We
also bought these farms with no
government funding. Where is the respect for
property rights? Or us as
citizens?" Farming can recover if the land is
secured by giving farmers the
titles to land, Taffs says. "Under the 'offer
letters' land can be taken
away from you with a 30-day notice. Where is the
security in that? We must
get back to the basics. Respect property rights;
offer titles for new farms
and encourage sustainable agribusiness
practices."
Success on the
ground
The little research that is available on the new farmers and what they
are
producing is an area that is also contested. Zimbabwe Takes Back Its
Land
paints a picture of new farmers who it says "are doing well". The book
is
widely quoted by government officials, especially the section that says
it
takes a decade for new farmers to master their trade and that it also
takes
a decade to see the success of land reform anywhere in the world so
Zimbabwe
is no exception.
Figures on tobacco coming out of Zimbabwe
also lend credence to that view
that there is success on the ground.
According to the Tobacco Industry and
Marketing Board, production is
improving. In its 2012 annual report it says
volume and value of sales were
both up on 2011 figures; 2012 realised an
output of 144.5-million kilograms
of flue-cured tobacco valued at
$527.6-million. The 2011 season had
realised 132.4-million kilograms worth
$361.4-million. The profile of the
farmer now seen on the auction floors has
changed.
Gone are the few
farmers who dominated the sector. They have been replaced
by smaller players
who also look down on growing maize and cotton due to low
market prices.
Taffs says the figures in tobacco cannot tell the whole
picture alone. He
says that 12 years ago, Zimbabwe produced 237-million
kilograms of tobacco
and its biggest competitor was Brazil at 350-million.
Now, he says, Brazil
is at 550-million kilograms and Zimbabwe lags at
150-million. "If Zimbabwe
had continued at the same trajectory," he says,
"we would be at 450-million.
So it’s not a success story."
Taffs also says the methods being used by
the new farmers to cure tobacco
are methods from 60 years ago. Most farmers,
he says, cure tobacco by
burning indigenous timber whereas former commercial
farmers used coal and
"other modern methods" so the increase in tobacco must
also factor in the
cost of burning down forests. Scoones disagrees with
criticism that Zimbabwe
has divided its farms into smaller pieces that have
resulted in subsistence
farming at best, which cannot contribute
meaningfully to economic growth.
"Our studies have shown that a significant
proportion of the A1 farmers
[small farmers] are regularly producing and
marketing surpluses and
investing in farming. Such small-scale farm
production is an effective route
to long-term, broad-based
growth."
Infrastructure, better financing needed
Asked why, if
Zimbabwe is doing well as is suggested by his 2010 research,
there is a need
to import food, Scoones says that the last season saw a
combination of
drought and a decline in maize planting across the country as
a whole and
this has required food imports, which are not a new phenomenon.
"However
other crops are being grown and exported, generating cash,
including cotton
and tobacco." Scoones’s 2010 Masvingo research is one of
the most
comprehensive on new farmers covering 400 households in that
region. The
research found a clear pattern of "accumulation from below",
where new
farmers use their own investments – profits from previous
seasons – to
invest in their activities.
On his blog, Scoones says his research
dispelled a number of myths about
Zimbabwe's land reform especially that it
has been a total failure, has
largely benefited political cronies and has
created chronic food insecurity.
So there are no problems on the ground?
Scoones says there needs to be more
infrastructure built to support new
farmers and better financing can be made
available with the backing of
government. The authors of Zimbabwe Takes Back
Its Land agree; they say new
farmers are poorly resourced, often relying on
traditional labour-intensive
methods.
Poor financing also means new farmers stretch small quantities
of fertiliser
over vast tracts of land, leading to poor yields. Government
seed and
fertiliser are often allocated along political party lines. Can
Zimbabwe
return to its "breadbasket" status? "All past studies of
resettlement show a
transitional period as new production and marketing
systems become
established," says Scoones. "This is happening in Zimbabwe,
particularly
after the stabilisation of the economy from
2009."
Tobacco is lighting up farmers' lives
The first thing I
want my old school friend, Farai Mangwiro, to show us at
his farm is that
shiny new Honda quad bike, but he has other news. "Look at
this," he waves a
newspaper, pointing to an article. "And you still doubt
me?"
I have
always quizzed him about why he gave up a comfortable job in finance
to take
up farming. Now he is raving about an article in the paper showing
that
tobacco farmers have reaped over $500-million in sales this year. It is
a
story many in his business are eager to tell: How the new black farmers
who
took over farms with no capital and, in many cases, no skills, are now
reaping the benefits after years of struggling on formerly white-owned
farms.
So far, over 153-million kilograms has been sold, raising more
than
$565-million in revenue for the tens of thousands of tobacco growers.
Mangwiro's cut of that is still small. This year will only be his second as
a tobacco grower and he is hoping to "open new income streams" to add to the
barley crop he grows on contract for Delta, the country's largest brewer.
"It was blind territory for me," he explains. "I knew nothing about the
crop, save for the fact that it grows well around here. But I knew nothing
about farming as a whole either, and yet here I am."
Mangwiro says
this year he sold 40-bales of tobacco – about $25 000 worth.
In 2000, the
year the "fast track" land reform began, about 250-million
kilograms of
tobacco was produced. Eight years later, the industry had
collapsed,
producingless than 50-million kilograms. That record crop was
produced by
fewer than 3 000 mostly white commercial farmers.
Many of the early black
tobacco growers had to operate on a trial-and-error
basis, with no bank
loans, little government support and scant training from
the state-owned
farm support agency. But tobacco companies and merchants are
increasing
training and support for the farmers, and local research bodies
are
recruiting more farmers for training. At the local Kutsaga training
centre,
farmers receive training three days a week. In the early years, as
the new
farmers learnt the ropes, the quality of the crop deteriorated and
prices
suffered. But Andrew Matibiri of the Tobacco Industry Marketing Board
says
quality has improved in the past few seasons, and prices offered to
farmers
are rising. Prices that averaged below $2 for a kilogram before 2006
now
average $3.71 per kilogram, he said.
"Our records show that the quality
of our tobacco has improved tremendously
over the last 10 years or so. This
can be attributed to the diligent
research into production being done at the
Tobacco Research Board and the
adoption of new techniques by the farmers
themselves, with assistance from
extension departments and tobacco
contracting companies." Banks still refuse
to lend to new farmers because
many do not have a real title to put up as
security. "This means we are not
growing as fast as we should," he said.
"You need a bit of financial
expertise to go with the [skills], because we
are all on our own,
really."
Despite all the rhetoric, there is very little direct government
support for
farmers. This has left many at the mercy of merchants, mostly
large Chinese
buyers. "An overview of most contracted farmers in the tobacco
growing areas
will show that most are in arrears and can hardly break even,"
says Temba
Mliswa, a black empowerment activist who is a tobacco farmer.
"The [Chinese]
firms have put substantial markups on inputs supplied, an
administration fee
and an extra top-up charge on fertilisers." But while the
business is tough,
more farmers are going in for tobacco, leaving behind
other crops such as
maize, which sells for less. Mangwiro says he has no
regrets about leaving
his former job. His farm sits on more than 150
hectares, much of it under
barley, grain and tobacco. “"I am going to run
out of space soon, the way
things are going." – Jason Moyo
http://mg.co.za/
28 JUN 2013 00:00 RAY NDLOVU
High prices are
reviving the crop from its slump, but the demographics are
altogether
different.
A strong stench of tobacco fills the air at the Boka
Tobacco Auction floors
on the outskirts of Harare, but it does not appear to
bother the new farmers
eager to sell their crop. Loud chatter takes place
among the groups of women
seated on the cold floor, while the men stand and
talk among themselves,
keeping a watchful eye on their prize produce as they
wait for the start of
business.
A cafeteria, located at one end of
the auction floor, provides hot meals for
the farmers, with a sizeable queue
of the hungry gathering to buy sadza and
meat. The profile of the tobacco
farmer has certainly changed. Gone are the
predominantly white, mostly male
commercial farmers. After the chaotic
land-reform exercise in 2000,
resettled small-scale farmers both male and
female – some coming to the
floor with their toddlers – have now waded into
the tobacco
business.
Upstairs are the snug and carpeted offices of the auction
floor. An imposing
portrait of the late founder of the auction floor, Roger
Boka, towers over
the large mahogany table at the centre of the boardroom.
With several other
photos of the tobacco baron and his family looking on in
the room, one
cannot shake off the feeling that the late Boka is keeping a
watchful eye
over his empire.
On an iPad, sales people present the
figures for the day to Rudo Boka, the
chief executive of Boka Tobacco
Auction floor and the daughter of the late
Roger. Boka says the updates give
real-time information on the best selling
farmer each day, the amounts in
cheques paid out, those farmers who have
cashed their cheques at the bank,
and the amount of tobacco sold. She points
out one of the highest selling
tobacco farmers the previous day, with a crop
worth $10 000 sold. "His crop
was very good. It is likely he has some more
at home and he will bring it to
the auction floor."
At their peak, white commercial farmers produced
236-million kilograms of
tobacco in 2000, but by 2008, production had
slumped to only 48-million
kilograms. Now, 90 000 newly resettled black
farmers grow tobacco on between
one and two hectares of land each. Last
year, Zimbabwe’s tobacco exports
raked in $771-million from the
144.5-million kilograms of tobacco sold at an
average of $5.94 a kg. Andrew
Matibiri, the chief executive of the Tobacco
Industry and Marketing Board,
indicated that of the 90 000 newly resettled
farmers that had registered to
grow and sell tobacco this season, more than
20 000 black farmers were
first-time growers.
Alarm bells for maize, cotton sectors
A
combination of high international prices for tobacco and demand for the
Zimbabwe-grown crop from foreigners such as South Africa – the highest buyer
of tobacco – China and the United Arab Emirates has been the central plank
for the rise of the black tobacco farmer. The price offered for other
agriculture produce such as maize and cotton remains subdued, with
agricultural experts sounding alarm bells that those sectors of agriculture
are under threat as scores of farmers of cotton, once a prized crop, are
turning to tobacco.
The cotton price is $0.35 a kilogram, while maize
farmers continue to haggle
with the Grain Marketing Board, the sole buyer of
maize, over the payment of
a sustainable price and the debt owed from last
season’s crop. According to
the tobacco board, 151-million kilograms of
tobacco have been sold so far
and the projected target for this year is
17- million kilograms from 77 910
hectares of land put under tillage. That
increase would mark a 38%
improvement from the 56 377 hectares under tobacco
tillage last season. "We
are still confident that we will get to the
170-million kilogram target,"
said Matibiri.
Professor Sam Moyo, the
director of the African Institute for Agrarian
Studies, said the quality of
the tobacco crop had been steadily improving.
"In the first five years, the
quality was low, but in the past three years,
there are now new growers and
a lot more gains are possible in the future,"
Moyo said.
Finance
Minister Tendai Biti has come under fire from Zanu-PF for not
channelling
more funds to support tobacco production. With no collateral,
the banks have
been sceptical about financing new black farmers, leaving
many unable to
increase their productivity.
http://mg.co.za/
Editorial:
28 JUN 2013 07:56 EDITORIAL
SA's highest court,
without staking out any position on Zimbabwe's land
process, has shown the
SADC a most unflattering image in the mirror.
A fortnight ago, the
Constitutional Court reinstated Mpondombini Justice
Sigcau as Mpondo king.
Sadly he did not live to hear the decision. This
week, the court issued a
ringing affirmation of the South African
Development Community (SADC)
Tribunal as an instrument for the protection of
human rights almost a year
after it was stripped of any power to fulfil that
role. Justice can come
wrapped in cruel irony.
Zimbabwean farmers, stripped of their land and
denied both compensation and
access to courts, had approached the tribunal
for redress. It ruled in their
favour, referring the case to the SADC summit
for an appropriate remedy, and
awarding costs against the Zimbabwean
government. When the government
refused to comply, some of its property in
South Africa was attached in
execution of the debt. The question before the
court was whether the
decisions of the tribunal were binding in South
Africa.
The answer was a resounding yes. More than that, it was a
statement of the
larger significance of the tribunal that stands as a rebuke
to the decision
by regional leaders to drastically limit its
powers.
Writing with the support of eight of his colleagues, Chief
Justice Mogoeng
Mogoeng frames the decision of the court in terms that
stress the centrality
of SADC to a broader project of African
renewal.
He says: “For the right or wrong reasons, Africa has come to be
known … as
the dark continent, a continent which has little regard for human
rights.
Apparently driven by a strong desire to contribute positively to the
renaissance of Africa, shed its southern region of this
development-inhibiting negative image, co-ordinate and give impetus to
regional development, Southern African states established the SADC with
special emphasis on the need to respect, protect and promote human rights,
democracy and the rule of law.”
Mogoeng goes on to situate the
tribunal as the keystone of justiciability
for that project, saying it was
set up to “ensure that no SADC member state
is able to undermine the
regional development agenda by betraying these
noble objectives with
impunity”. Critically, “it was created to entertain
human rights related
complaints particularly by citizens against their
states”.
Zimbabwe
not only ignored the ruling, it also sought, and won, the effective
neutralisation of the tribunal in precisely those cases between citizens and
their states that Mogoeng identifies as central to its mission.
In
2010, SADC agreed, at Zimbabwe’s behest, to suspend the work of the
tribunal, and in August 2012 gutted it as a human rights instrument,
limiting it to a vehicle for dealing with disputes between members states
around the interpretation of the SADC protocol. It was a disgraceful
capitulation.
Now South Africa’s highest court, without staking out
any position on
Zimbabwe’s land process, has shown them a most unflattering
image in the
mirror. The judgment should be a spur by South Africa’s
authorities, and for
those of our neighbours, to return this crucial
institution to its proper
role.
http://editorials.voa.gov/
The country’s leaders have set too short a timeline to
carry out critical
reforms before the much-anticipated
balloting.
06/28/2013
Leaders of the Southern African
Development Community, or SADC, met recently
to discuss the upcoming
elections in Zimbabwe. At the end of the
discussions, there was consensus
that the country’s leaders have set too
short a timeline to carry out
critical reforms before the much-anticipated
balloting, the first
presidential race since a controversial 2008 vote
marred by incidents of
political violence.
Delaying the July 31 date set by President Mugabe
could allow the time
needed to give the elections a better chance of being
credible, free and
fair, the SADC leaders said. A rush to the polls in
Zimbabwe would leave
little time to overhaul restrictive media and security
sector laws.
Accordingly, the SADC nations, which took action to mediate
the political
crisis that followed the 2008 voting and helped broker the
country’s current
unity government, requested that President Mugabe ask the
courts to extend
the July 31 deadline.
Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai says Mugabe’s actions violate the
constitution and create a new
political crisis at a time the nation should
be drawing together. Meanwhile,
reports indicate that elements within
Zimbabwean political parties and
government security agencies have begun
intimidating voters with threats,
detentions and harassment of groups and
individuals working on human rights,
electoral assistance and related
issues.
The government of Zimbabwe
now faces a tipping point. It must decide whether
it will support a credible
electoral process or go back to the violence,
divisions and instability of
2008 that isolated the country. The United
States is concerned that holding
elections without providing adequate time
for voter registration, inspection
of voters rolls and other needed
electoral and democratic reforms will put
the credibility of the outcome at
risk.
The Zimbabwean people deserve
the full enactment of the reforms called for
in the Global Political
Agreement, the SADC election roadmap and the new
constitution before the
voting is held. An environment free of political
intimidation and violence
and the inclusion of a broad range of independent
observers are essential
for the balloting to be credible in the eyes of the
international community
and –- most importantly -- the Zimbabwean people.
Dr Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, 28th June
2013.
The landmark ruling this week by the Constitutional Court restoring
dual
citizenship following an application by Mutumwa Mawere represents one
of the
several issues to write home about.
The court ruled that dual
citizenship is permissible under the New
Constitution. Mawere told SW Radio
Africa on Wednesday 26 June 2013: “The
court declared me a Zimbabwean
citizen notwithstanding that I am also a
South African citizen.”
That the
landmark ruling will have far reaching implications in Zimbabwe’s
transformation would be an understatement. While for some people it will
take time to sink, Zimbabweans in the Diaspora lift their glasses ‘bottoms
up’ in celebration of a major blow against the Mugabe dictatorship.
Some
people who find it difficult to understand why Mugabe earned the titles
‘dictator’ or ‘ tyrant’, will be reminded by the restoration of dual
citizenship about the pain and suffering that the former liberator and
freedom fighter inflicted on families by depriving them of their birthright
for political expediency.
The other excellent news to write home about is
the restoration of
citizenship for the so-called stateless Zimbabweans who
were made ‘aliens’
by the ‘Mugabe’ Citizenship Act of 2001. That is another
positive aspect of
the new constitution passed in April 2013. But that was
not before one
Zimbabwean, Agnes Galawu Nemakonde died stateless under
mysterious
circumstances in a Kenyan jail in December 2012 (see Newsday,
‘Zimbabwean
dies in Kenyan jail,’ 20/12/12).
Despite criticisms of the
New Constitution, there are some parts of it that
are sweet like a fruit as
long as you know where to bite.
Yet more good news to write home about is the
grand opposition coalition of
Zimbabwe which is causing Zanu-pf
propagandists endless nightmares, enough
to provoke hostile comments by
Mugabe’s spokesman, George Charamba writing
in the Herald as Nathaniel
Manheru.
There are no illusions about election coalitions because they are
fraught
with power struggles let alone damaging propaganda. Those in the
MDC-T , MDC
Ncube and Zapu who are reportedly expressing reservations about
the grand
coalition may be unaware of the immense opportunities and
challenges of
making sacrifices in the short term to end Zimbabwe’s
crisis.
Inevitably, there will be horse trading in any coalition. It would be
a
reversal of one form of patronage with another, but it would be
self-deceptive to suggest that governments the world over would operate
without those whom they trust.
If Mugabe were to be swept from power in
the next elections without the
option of another GNU, the grand coalition’s
partners could be appointed as
ambassadors abroad to Zimbabwe’s over two
dozen embassies abroad as long as
it would be on merit, not tribalism,
racism or gender.
Some could also be appointed as permanent secretaries to
replace the likes
of George Charamba or as heads of departments and
commissions including
defence, internal security, state security, the media
and so on.
Only through a grand opposition coalition to fight elections
against Mugabe’s
Zanu-pf can there be hope of media reforms to replace
director generals of
parastatals including ZBC, ZewZiana, the Herald and
others that have been
dominated by Zanu-pf since independence.
As a
result, Zanu-pf ‘s propagandists are lambasting Simba Makoni for
showing
practical support for the grand opposition coalition by withdrawing
his
presidential candidature to garner more support for the new movement.
Proof
that the grand coalition is causing the former ruling party to tremble
is
the Herald’s latest attack. For example see www.herald.co.zw, ‘Grand
coalition
suffers stillbirth’, 28/06/13.
The other good news to write home about was
the dismissal by the South
African ConCourt of an appeal by the Mugabe
against a ruling by the
Bloemfontein Supreme Court of Appeal in favour of
the late Mike Campbell and
77 other Zimbabwean farmers.
Mugabe’s foot
soldiers will understandably be disappointed that the long arm
of the law is
finally catching up with tyranny.
The Sudanese Ambassador Eisddleg Andulazzi
Abdalla has no right from any
planet on earth whatsoever to determine who
observes Zimbabwean elections
(See Herald, “Don’t allow West observe our
polls: Envoy’’, 28/06/13). Could
the Sudanese diplomat be now a Zanu-pf
political commissar?
Mr Abdalla and the ‘Zanu-pf Herald’ seem unaware that a
US diplomatic cable
published by the whistle-blowing website WikiLeaks
revealed on 18 December
2010 that the chief prosecutor at the International
Criminal Court (ICC),
Louis Moreno-Ocampo, told US diplomats on 20 March
2009 that president
Al-Bashir of Sudan had siphoned off as much as 9 billion
US dollars into
foreign bank accounts.
Meanwhile, the ICC has issued two
warrants for the arrest of Al-Bashir on
charges of war crimes, crimes
against humanity and genocide allegedly
committed in Sudan’s western region
of Darfur, where a seven-year conflict
killed 300,000 people and displaced 2
million people according to UN
figures.
Back to Zimbabwe’s melting pot,
indications are that the succession debate
has been revived in the wake of
Robert Mugabe’s possibly 15th or 16th visit
to Singapore in 3 years for what
is officially an eye check.
With an 89 year old presidential candidate, there
are fears of another
“Bhora musango” a euphemism for protest vote by Zanu-pf
supporters voting
for the opposition in harmonised elections following
chaotic primaries.
Amid fights, demonstrations, accusations and counter
accusations even among
spouses and former marital partners, Zanu-pf
primaries tend to resemble more
of a circus than democracy for the
anachronistic Soviet-styled party.
Pictures on the Herald website of people
queuing to vote seem to portray
renewed support for Zanu-pf, however, some
say people are thinking and
acting strategically with 2008 violence in mind,
knowing that their vote is
secret.
An observable electoral malpractice
that is the public is being gradually
made to accept ahead of national
elections is the politicisation of ZRP
officers seen carrying Zanu-pf
primary elections materials as empirical
evidence on the Herald coverage of
primary elections.
Of course, MDC-T still has to resolve outstanding
challenges to some of its
primary election results. There seems to be no
convincing evidence why Grace
Kwinjeh should not stand as a
candidate.
After a long time, we had something to write home
about.
Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London,
zimanalysis2009@gmail.com
http://www.cathybuckle.com/
June
28, 2013, 12:04 pm
“Kunyepa! It’s a lie!” That was one of the first
useful phrases I
learned in Shona. I was intrigued by the difference between
the more direct
and accusatory “You’re lying!” that one would use in
English. In Shona that
is very impolite, I was told. Kunyepa! is the polite
response to a false
statement - and surely much more diplomatic. No one’s
integrity is being
directly questioned, only the accuracy of the facts. It’s
a fine distinction
perhaps but it says a lot about the cultural pitfalls
that lie in wait for a
second language learner. One of the major problems is
that language is about
so much more than vocabulary, grammar and syntax.
There’s a whole cultural
background to be understood if one is to use the
language correctly. A
highly educated person such as Professor Jonathan Moyo
would understand that
very well but, as we see from the following example,
the learned professor
is above all else a spokesperson for Zanu PF and his
political allegiance
over-rides all other considerations, even the
truth.
In a Hot Seat interview with Jonathan Moyo, Violet Gondo had
asked Moyo
a straight question. She was referring to a scheduled meeting
that was due
to be held last Friday between MDC and Zanu PF negotiators to
discuss the
way forward after the Summit in Maputo. SADC had been very firm
on the
question: there must be reforms before elections can be held in
Zimbabwe.
The MDC had claimed that their delegates, drawn from both MDCs,
waited for
three hours for the Zanu PF delegation led by Robert Mugabe to
arrive for
that meeting. There was, they claim, no phonecall, no message or
apology to
explain their non-arrival; Zanu PF simply failed to turn up.
So, Violet
Gondo asked the MP for Tsholotsho, “Are you saying they (the MDC)
lied?” and
Jonathan Moyo replied, “Yes, I’m saying that they lied and not
for the first
time, they have lied many times before.” As the old saying
goes, ‘It takes
one to know one’!
The level of trust between
Zanu PF and their coalition partners must be
rock-bottom but then as we saw
this week, the results of telling the truth
in Mugabe’s Zimbabwe can be
fatal. There have been too many fatal but
‘convenient’ road accidents for
any normally intelligent person not to
question the accident that killed
Zanu PF’s Edward Chindori-Chininga. He was
the brave man who had dared to
tell the truth about what was really
happening in Zimbabwe’s diamond
industry. The consequences for anyone who
tells the truth about matters in
which Mugabe and Zanu PF have a vested
interest can be fatal but
Chindori-Chininga chose to do the right thing. He
told the truth about the
corruption in the industry and paid with his life.
With just a few
hours to go before the nomination deadline, Zanu PF is
rushing to complete
their selection of candidates. While the opposition
completed their
nominations in six weeks with no problems, Zanu PF has had a
torrid time
with stories of irregularities and violations as well as a host
of
logistical issues. All the selected candidates will have to pass some
very
strict nomination rules as announced by ZEC. Each candidate must sign
two
copies of the Code of Conduct and not less than ten registered voters
from
the same constituency must sign their nomination papers. Perhaps
honesty
really will be the watchword for the next election? If Mugabe is
indeed
‘living in fear’ as Simba Makoni claims, that might explain why he
rushed
off to Singapore again for a medical check-up. All this worry and
stress
must be very bad for his health…and that’s no lie.
Yours in the
(continuing) struggle, Pauline Henson.
In Zimbabwe Election Watch Issue 3 we discussed The President's controversial decision to set the election date for the next harmonised polls by invoking Presidential Powers, and in so doing by-passing discussion with his partners in the Global Political Agreement (GPA). Constitutional experts have noted that the new constitution does not permit the President to invoke the Presidential Powers Emergency Act in relation to electoral law. The resultant dispute between the parties was taken to a special SADC summit, the outcome of which instructed the principals of the three parties signed up to the GPA to approach the Constitutional Court and request an extension beyond the 31 July date stipulated in the earlier ruling. The already high discord between the parties was further heightened when Patrick Chinamasa, the Zanu PF Minister of Justice, returned to Zimbabwe after the SADC meeting and filed a court application on behalf of the Zanu PF party, without first discussing it with the other GPA partners:
The wording of Patrick Chinamasa's application raised serious objections from the excluded parties who claimed it was designed to be rejected by the Court, an attempt to leave the date of 31 July 2013 unchanged. During his presentation to SADC leaders, Morgan Tsvangirai said "we have always insisted that we do not have an honest and genuine partner" (http://bit.ly/11Wi7bI), and the recent unilateralism of Mugabe and especially of Chinamasa after the SADC meeting, seems to underscore that point. In the meanwhile Morgan Tsvangirai has a filed an application seeking the nullification of President Robert Mugabe’s proclamation for elections to be held on July 31 (http://bit.ly/15BRR4u). At the time of writing, the Constitutional Court will hear all cases relating to the election date in one 'super case' on Friday 28 th June. Clause 4.1.2 of the SADC electoral guidelines asks governments to provide a conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections. The disagreements between the parties over the polling date, largely due to an incalcitrant Zanu PF, seriously undermines confidence that the forthcoming elections will be free and fair or substantively different from previous elections which have always been stalked by violence and questions over the fairness of the polls. In addition to this, the arguments - located as they are in legal jargon and constitutional niceties - is incredibly difficult for non-experts to fully understand. Yet again, by Zanu PF choosing not to follow the letter of the law clearly and completely Zimbabweans are again witnessing what looks like chaos, with the law playing second-fiddle to political imperatives. Given that it is the law that underpins the Zimbabwean people's democratic rights, t his is incredibly disconcerting. The 31 July date also undermines the constitutionally enshrined rights of voters. As we noted in Issue 3, the new constitution specifies a minimum 30 day period for voter registration and inspection exercise which is a fundamental precursor for nomination courts, and a further 30 days between nomination day and election day. While Zimbabweans await the final decision of the Constitutional Court, now faced with various applications regarding the election date, the current date officially remains 31 July until the court says otherwise, and electoral processes are consequently being shoe-horned into an unfeasibly tight timeframe. State media reported on Sunday 23 June that the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) has established the Nomination Court to approve Presidential, parliamentary and council candidates to sit on Friday 28 June (http://bit.ly/1adj8RT). In the meanwhile, voter registration continues beyond the date the Nomination Court is to sit, due to conclude on 9 July (30 days after it commenced). Senator David Coltart makes the following point:
In line with Senator Coltart's words, this is also a clear violation of SADC guideline clause 2.1.6 which demands that citizens have an equal opportunity to exercise the right to vote and be voted for, and of 4.1.1 of the SADC electoral guidelines which requires signatories to provide constitutional and legal guarantees of the freedoms and rights of citizens. Nothing, it currently seems, is guaranteed by Zimbabwean electoral law. Justice Rita Makarau, the head of ZEC, has confirmed that the Nomination Court will proceed as stated in the press. Her comments perhaps inadvertently underscores the point that the right to be voted for could consequently be compromised.
If this is not troubling enough, in the run-up to ZEW Issue 4 Sokwanele recorded other SADC guideline breaches that impact on the rights of voters relating to voter registration in particular. For example, Justice Rita Makarau admitted that the voters' roll is in "shambles" and expressed concern about the potential for chaos on polling day. At the time she acknowledged this, she also expressed concern about how little time there was to rectify the situation, asking Zimbabweans to use the planned 30 days of voter registration to help correct errors and build a credible roll. This admission highlights a breach of SADC clause 4.1.4 of the electoral guidelines which demands that signatories guarantee the existence of an updated and accessible voters' roll. Other concerns relating to voter registration are continuations of problems flagged time and time again but which continue to remain unresolved. Tendai Biti recently flagged multiple issues with the registration process, describing it as a "charade of deception", citing a calculated 'go slow' by Mudede's team, which he argues is designed to disenfranchise some people. In contrast, he noted that others trying to register were receiving preferential treatment:
In a different example, Tobaiwa Mudede is accused of attempting to deliberately disenfranchise citizens by refusing to carry out ward level voter registration, saying he could only complete the process at District level. Mudede is also accused of trying to impede efforts by people considered 'aliens' to register to vote. In one report, dozens of 'aliens' were allegedly directed to the army and police for clearance first, before they could be registered:
Media reform remains one of reforms Zanu PF's MDC partners are insisting must take place prior to elections. Simba Makoni, leader of the Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn (MKD) party, has recently argued that Zanu PF enjoys an unfair advantage in media coverage, and that the state-controlled ZBC is not giving fair coverage to all political contestants. He said "Opening up ZBC to Morgan Tsvangirai, Simba Makoni and Dumiso Dabengwa does not require a new law, but requires Webster Shamu to instruct Happison Muchechetere that he should not bar other people from the air". The bias towards the Zanu PF Party breaches SADC electoral guideline clause 2.1.5 which seeks to uphold an equal opportunity for all political parties to access the state media. In addition to media access, four journalists have recently been in the news with reports of violent attacks on them. In these cases, MDC-T security staff are allegedly responsible for three attacks, a worrying development if the MDC-T party, which is calling for media reforms, itself fails to understand the right of journalists to report without hindrance. In chronological order, the journalists harassed or assaulted include:
Attacking journalists, conduits of information to the public, arguably violates clause 2.1.1 which underpins the right for full participation of the citizens in the political process, and also 7.4, which is that signatories to the SADC guidelines do all they can to safeguard the human and civil liberties of all citizens including the freedom of movement, assembly, association, expression, and campaigning as well as access to the media. Sokwanele has logged other violence related examples constituting breaches of SADC guidelines, including, for example, reports of an armed soldier terrorising villagers in Gokwe South. The man is reportedly accompanied by two Zanu PF youths. Active members of the MDC party in the area are apparently being told that they will be abducted and 'disappear'. Mugabe
digs heels in over poll date ~ http://bit.ly/1479dIw Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe apparently decided to defy orders from regional leaders on June 22, to postpone ... elections beyond July 31, to try to ensure they are more free, fair and credible. Without consulting his unity government partners, Mugabe decreed the poll would be on that date, after the Constitutional Court had set July 31 as the deadline. Mugabe also changed the electoral law by decree without going through parliament. The SADC leaders told Mugabe to go back to the Constitutional Court and seek an extension, but instead of meeting its MDC-T/MDC inclusive government partners to submit a joint application to the Court for a postponement, Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa submitted Zanu-PF 's own application, without telling its partners, which was deliberately worded to be rejected by the court, MDC protested this week. Chinamasa stated in his application "MDC-T / MDC have without just cause lobbied SADC to ask us to change the date… I therefore come to you, ... directed by SADC, but there is no good reason… I attach the SADC communiqué obliging us to come to you,” Chinamasa said, requesting a delay in elections from July 31 to August 14.
Nomination court will go ahead
despite Mugabe filing wrong date ~ http://bit.ly/14chc76 Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) chairperson Justice Rita Makarau said the court would go ahead with the nomination process on 28 June. “The Nomination Court will sit on Friday starting at 10am and ending at 4pm. It means your papers must have been filed by 4pm Friday. If your papers are not in order by 4pm we will have no option, but to throw your candidature out,” Justice Makarau said. “Make sure your papers are in order. We do not want you to lose because of a technicality, but we want you to lose because the people rejected you.”
ZEC
chief Makarau admits voters' roll 'shambles' ~ http://bit.ly/10OJc0p The head of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission gave a stark warning to the nation on Tuesday June 4: The voters’ roll is in a shambles and time is running out to fix it before elections. Justice Rita Makarau admitted some registered voters had their names deleted from the roll as she expressed her “grave concern” about potential election day chaos. President Robert Mugabe is expected to issue a proclamation shortly announcing the poll date. Makarau said Zimbabweans must use the 30-day voter registration exercise provided by law to inspect the roll and correct any anomalies “rather than complain later”. “You have knowledge that the voters’ roll is in shambles, so tell us rather than complain later so that we give back to that person their right to vote," she told a news conference in Harare. "We want everyone to vote, so if you are not on the voters’ rol l, come and let us know. Don’t wait until after the polls to say ‘I was not allowed to vote’." She said the 30-day registration exercise set to begin over the weekend was a “golden opportunity” for Zimbabweans to help produce a credible register of voters.
Biti
rubbishes registration exercise ~ http://bit.ly/19sRrl3 Courtney Selous School, the only centre for ward voter registration in Ward 9, Harare East, started registering voters on Friday June 21 and will continue until Monday. On Friday despite a kilometre-long queue, they only registered about 250 persons, and yesterday, only 270. If they can do that in broad daylight, in one of Harare’s most enlightened suburbs, Greendale, how many more [in remote areas such as] Gwelutshena , Gumunyu, Rasa or Bare? At Courtney Selous, and at Tafara Community Hall, Ward 46, the system was bussing new recruits from Chikurubi and Support Unit along Arcturus Road. Our monitoring team counts about 700 of these youths have been registered at Courtney Selous alone. They had a special line, receiving preferential treatment, making it clear that ZEC staff need to be changed! In addition to these, Zanu was bussing persons from places such as Proton and Bobo — nearby farming areas. in Harare Zanu wants to get at least six seats including Harare East, Harare North, Mount Pleasant, Harare South, Epworth and Harare West. In these they have stuffed thousands of non-resident service members to register as voters. Our audits will flush them out... “Vote-Rigging Loophole” as Mudede
Imposes District Level Registration ~ http://bit.ly/12ndYhl Fears of massive vote rigging by president Robert Mugabe’s ZANU PF party were raised yesterday June 10 after the Registrar general Tobaiwa Mudede refused to carry out the proper ward level vote registration, saying he could complete the process at District level. Mudede claimed this is due to the inadequacy of funding for which he says he received from treasury half of the budgeted amounts. Speaking before the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Defence and Home Affairs, Mudede said “…We have been fighting to get the money. Because we were given money at the last minute, we have had to categorise. We calculated we would need US$104 million for the ward-based exercise ...". There have been concerns over this development after it emerged the huge expenses the registrar incurs are due to the method of registering people which is manual and involves people physically presenting themselves at the different centres. But public opinion has differed with Mudede, with many saying the RG is wasting government funds and actually creating a loophole for vote rigging opportunities.
Mudede
refers ‘aliens’ to KGVI barracks ~ http://bit.ly/12sEiSR Chaotic scenes yesterday continued to blight the ongoing mobile voter registration process with scores of the so-called aliens being directed to the Zimbabwe National Army and police for clearance. Early yesterday June 11, scores of villagers from Goromonzi besieged the office of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai as they sought answers after failing to get a service at the mobile voter registration centres which were overwhelmed by large volumes of people. Ian Makone, chief secretary in the Prime Minister’s office, told the Daily News that dozens of people had been turned away from a mobile voter registration centre at Shumba Clinic in ward 3, Goromonzi on the grounds that they were aliens and they were sent back home, Makone said. “Some of the elderly who didn’t have IDs were told to first get clearance from KGVI ... this is taking place all over the country. People were sent to the army in order to verify if they do not have criminal records.” KGVI is the army headquarters where national documents such as passports are processed.
Makoni
demands state media access ~ http://bit.ly/12sEH7G Opposition leader Simba Makoni has demanded equal access to the media for political parties as the nation hurtles towards elections. The Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn (MKD) leader said Zanu PF was enjoying unfair advantage in broadcast media and has not ... given fair coverage to other political contestants. Speaking recently in Bulawayo June 10, Makoni said Media, Information and Publicity minister Webster Shamu had no right to deny other parties coverage on Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC). He said the inclusive government had failed to push the media reform agenda, but said with political will, changes can be made before Zimbabwe goes to the polls. “Opening up ZBC to Morgan Tsvangirai, Simba Makoni and Dumiso Dabengwa does not require a new law, but requires Webster Shamu to instruct Happison Muchechetere that he should not bar other people from the air,” Makoni said. ZBC chief executive officer M uchechetere blamed political parties which he said did not submit their itineraries to the station for it to diarise their events
Journalist left for dead is 4th
reporter to be attacked in one week ~ http://bit.ly/11k8qEo The growing number of attacks against journalists in Zimbabwe has drawn sharp condemnation from media watchdog, Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA). This follows reports that Chinhoyi-based freelancer Paul Pindani was kidnapped, assaulted and left for dead by unknown assailants June 16. This brought the number of journalists attacked in June to four. According to the NewsDay newspaper, Pindani was abducted from his home by three masked men who took him to a shopping centre where they severely assaulted him before disappearing into the night. Other recent attacks on journalists include one on Masvingo Mirror reporter Bernard Mapwanyire, who was manhandled by MDC-T security staff while covering the party’s primary elections on June 8th. On June 7th, MDC-T security staff assaulted Zimbabwe Independent journalist Herbert Moyo as he tried to cover a protest by MDC-T party activists at Harvest House, th e party’s headquarters. On June 6th, Chronicle reporter Mashudu Netsianga was detained and questioned by MDC-T security personnel for allegedly gate crashing a meeting between Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and the business community in Bulawayo.
Armed
soldier terrorising MDC-T supporters in Gokwe ~ http://bit.ly/16BCbR3 An armed soldier is terrorising MDC-T supporters in the Gokwe South constituency hardly a day after Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s party concluded primary elections to choose council and parliamentary candidates. Nehanda Radio understands the soldier known as Magwizi was on Saturday June 1 brandishing an AK47 assault rifle in the Mapfangautsi constituency, Ward 23 at a place known as Ganyungu Township. Magwizi who stays at Ganyungu Primary School moves with his gun only in the evenings. He is assisted by two ZANU PF youths, Jeofrey Chikafu (District Chairperson) and Anywhere Karera (District Youth Chairperson). Magwizi’s friend, a teacher at Ganyungu Primary School, Chamunorwa Dzikatire (nicknamed DZ) is also part of the mob who were toyi toying in the area in the evening while threatening MDC-T supporters. During the day villagers failed to go work on their plots as the Zanu PF mob mounted a door to door campaign of intimidation. Active members of the MDC-T were told they would be abducted in the evening and disappear.
We have a fundamental right to freedom of expression!
|
CONSTITUTION WATCH
30/2013
[28th June 2013]
The New
Constitution & Citizenship
There
have been media reports that the new Constitution,
whose provisions relating to citizenship, voting and elections came into
operation on 22nd May 2013 [the publication day of the new Constitution], gives
aliens the right to vote in the forthcoming election. These reports are not entirely true. Only citizens will be entitled to vote, but
the new Constitution confers citizenship on several classes of people who have
hitherto been regarded as aliens and denied the vote.
In
this Bill Watch we shall outline the law on citizenship.
Who
is a Citizen? Effect of the New
Constitution
Much
of our citizenship law has not been changed by the new Constitution; there are still three types of
citizenship: citizenship by
birth, by descent and by registration. Broadly speaking, under the new Constitution
and under the previous law you are a citizen if:
·
You
were born in Zimbabwe and your mother or your father was a Zimbabwean citizen
in
which case you are a citizen by birth.
[section 36(1)(a) of the new Constitution]
·
You
were born in Zimbabwe and neither of your parents was a Zimbabwean citizen but
any of your grandparents was a citizen by birth or descent again, you
are a citizen by birth
[section 36(1)(b) of the new Constitution].
·
You
were born outside Zimbabwe and either your mother or your father was a Zimbabwe
citizen, you
are a citizen by birth if your citizen parent normally lived in Zimbabwe or was
working for the Government or an international organisation; if not, and your parent or grandparent was a
Zimbabwe citizen by birth or descent, then
you are a citizen by descent
[section 36(2) of the new Constitution].
·
You
have been married to a Zimbabwean citizen for at least five years you
will be a citizen by registration if you apply for citizenship and satisfy any
conditions prescribed in the Citizenship of Zimbabwe Act
—
[section
38(1) of the new Constitution] — no
such conditions have in fact have
been prescribed.
·
You
have lived in Zimbabwe for 10 years and your application to be registered as a
citizen has been accepted by the Minister of Home Affairs you
are a citizen by registration
[section
38(2) of the new Constitution] — the
ten-year period is fixed in the new Constitution, whereas the Citizenship of
Zimbabwe Act required residence for only five years].
·
You
were adopted as a child by a Zimbabwean citizen and you have applied for
registration as a citizen [You
become a citizen by registration when your application is granted — and it must
be granted]
[section 38(3) of the new Constitution].
The
New Constitution has made Few Real Changes to our Citizenship
Law:
·
As
mentioned above, it has lengthened from five to ten years the period of
residence required for citizenship by registration.
·
Foundlings
— i.e. children under 15 who are found in Zimbabwe and whose parentage is
unknown — are deemed to be citizens by birth [section 36(3) of the new
Constitution]
·
It
has conferred citizenship by birth on people who were born in this country and
descended from SADC citizens, so long as they were ordinarily resident in
Zimbabwe on 22 May 2013 [section 43(2) of the new Constitution] [Under
the previous law the position of such people was anomalous. They were in practice deprived of their
citizenship and officially treated as aliens, on the ground that they were
citizens of SADC countries and had not renounced this foreign citizenship in
terms of the law of those countries, as envisaged under section 9 of the
Citizenship of Zimbabwe Act passed in 1984.
Section 9 banned dual citizenship generally, and in 2001 was amended to
require submission of proof to the Registrar-General
of renunciation of foreign citizenship under the foreign law. Then, in 2003, there was an amendment to the
Citizenship Act which allowed some people in the “SADC origins category” –
namely descendants of migrant unskilled workers – an alternative – to approach
the Registrar-General to complete Zimbabwean forms to renounce their foreign
citizenship and “confirm” their Zimbabwean citizenship. Many people in this category, especially
agricultural workers who had been displaced, were unable to “confirm” their
Zimbabwean citizenship by reason of not having the correct papers or sufficient
resources to travel to registration centres, and for practical purposes they
continued to be treated as aliens. Under
the new Constitution, however, these people are now citizens by
birth.]
·
It
has conferred citizenship as an absolute birthright on people born in this
country; i.e. it permits citizens by
birth to hold dual citizenship [section 42(e) of the new
Constitution]
·
It
has restricted the grounds on which citizenship may be revoked [section 39 of
the new Constitution] and, as just pointed out, it has prohibited the State from
revoking a person’s citizenship by birth on the ground that he or she is a
citizen of a foreign country.
Rights
of Citizens
It
should be emphasised that citizens by birth and descent are citizens
automatically; their citizenship is not
conferred by the Registrar-General, nor does it depend on the holding of a
“citizen” ID document or a Zimbabwean passport.
Obviously, in order to obtain those documents citizens must show they
have all the qualifications for citizenship, but they should understand that
when issuing them with IDs and passports the Registrar-General is not conferring
a privilege on them: he is respecting
their pre-existing rights of citizenship.
For
clarity, all citizens of Zimbabwe [including citizens by registration] are
entitled:
·
to
passports and other travel documents [section 35(3)(b) of the new
Constitution]
·
to
birth certificates and national IDs [section 35(3)(c) of the new
Constitution]
·
to
free, fair and regular elections [section 67(1)(a) of the new
Constitution];
and,
·
in
the case of adults, to vote in elections [subject to being registered as voters]
and to stand for public office [section 67(3) of the new Constitution]
Previous
Policy
Many
Zimbabweans have been deprived of their citizenship rights, due to a
misapplication of the requirement under Zimbabwean law to renounce any foreign
citizenship in order to retain Zimbabwean citizenship. The policy of the Registrar-General’s Office
has been to register as “aliens” all Zimbabweans who have a perceived or
actual claim to citizenship of another country, whether they are actually
foreign citizens or not. And once
registered as aliens, these people were removed from the voters’ roll as they
were no longer deemed to be citizens.
This
policy is and always has been illegal.
The Citizenship of Zimbabwe Act, Renunciation of Foreign Citizenship:
Governing Rules (General Notice 584 of 2002) state that a person who merely
has a claim or entitlement to foreign nationality is not a foreign
citizen and therefore cannot be required to renounce a citizenship that
he or she does not actually and presently possess.
Regrettably,
the Registrar-General seemed reluctant to change this policy. As soon as the new Constitution was
published, Mr Mutumwa Mawere, a Zimbabwean by birth who subsequently
acquired South African citizenship, approached the Registrar-General to have his
Zimbabwean citizenship recognised in accordance with the new constitutional
provisions. The Registrar-General
informed Mr Mawere that he was not entitled to dual citizenship under the new
Constitution, and that he had to renounce his foreign citizenship in order to
acquire Zimbabwean identification documents.
Mr Mawere lodged an urgent application at the Constitutional Court
requesting that his entitlement to dual citizenship be confirmed and asking
that, to protect his right to vote in the upcoming elections, the current
“special and intensive” voter registration exercise be postponed pending the
court’s decision. Immediately
after hearing the case on 26th June, the Constitutional Court granted an order
confirming his dual citizenship and making the following declaration: “ ... the refusal or failure to issue the
applicant with a national identity document upon application on May 27, 2013,
was unlawful and in contravention of section 36(1) and applicant’s right to vote
enshrined in section 67(3)(a) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe. The [Registrar-General] is interdicted from
demanding the applicant to first renounce his foreign-acquired citizenship
before he can be issued with a national identity document”. The court’s reasons for judgment will be
handed down later.
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