Zimbabwe's defeated opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change, will take 10 files listing alleged election rigging to the high court.
At the MDC executive's first meeting since failing to win control of parliament in last weekend's elections, it said "disturbing facts" had come to light.
The files are believed to cover events in Buhera North, where the MDC leader, Mr Morgan Tsvangirai, was defeated by the ruling ZANU-PF party. In the new parliament the MDC won 57 seats to ZANU's 62.
Even if the court challenges succeed, the change in the number of seats in favour of the opposition will not be enough to undermine ZANU's grip on power, because President Robert Mugabe has the constitutional right to nominate 30 seats in addition to the 120 contested.
Mr Tsvangirai has ruled out working formally with ZANU.
"He [Mugabe] must clear up his own mess," he said.
With presidential elections just two years away, the MDC wants to build on its success in emerging from nowhere in less than a year to challenging ZANU. Compromising with ZANU might alienate its supporters and tarnish its image of freshness and honesty.
"We've got to guard against being seen to be retreating," Mr Tsvangirai said.
He has acknowledged that Mr Mugabe may try to win some of the new MPs to his side with job offers or other inducements.
"It would be naive to think no individuals will be ready to be co-opted," he said.
At a strategy meeting on Wednesday, the MDC also discussed priorities. Although it has no hope of promoting legislation, it wants to propose motions in parliament that will keep it in the public eye.
The first is to call for the withdrawal of the 11,000 troops Zimbabwe has in Congo, a highly unpopular deployment. The Government has said it will bring soldiers home only when the United Nations has its peacekeepers in place.
The MDC also plans to oppose Mr Mugabe's plans to introduce price controls on basic foodstuffs to protect the poor.
In a meeting between Mr Mugabe and his senior colleagues the agenda was topped by a post mortem on how the party lost so many seats, particularly in urban areas and in Matabeleland.
The election results have reduced ZANU from a national movement to an almost entirely Shona peasant party.
Apart from small segments of the new middle class that have benefited from government patronage by getting public service jobs or help with their businesses, this is a reversion to the pattern of support found during the liberation war, meaning ZANU has lost the other constituencies it had tried to cultivate.
The Government has given notice it will press ahead with its seizure of 804 white-owned farms.
"The land issue is on," the Minister of Information, Mr Chen Chimutengwende, said. "The process of acquisition and redistribution could start within weeks."
The Government had had no second thoughts about taking the farms, he said.
In April, Mr Mugabe pushed through a constitutional amendment stating the Government was not obliged to pay for the land. Last month it published an enabling law giving farm owners until next Monday to appeal against the seizure of their properties.
"So far, I understand no-one has appealed," Mr Chimutengwende said, indicating seizures would proceed smoothly.
But the chairman of the Commercial Farmers' Union, Mr Tim Henwood, said hundreds of owners were preparing their appeals and would file them today. About 500 farmers are expected to seek to keep their farms, while 300 are either not contesting the confiscation or are trying to negotiate to give up other property in place of that designated by the Government.
Appeals may well be futile, since the Government has already stated there are no valid grounds for appeal. The Guardian
Friday, June 30 6:19 AM SGT - HARARE, June 29 (AFP) -
The head of the EU mission monitoring Zimbabwe's weekend parliamentary elections called Thursday for the prosecution of those who took part in pre-election violence, while praising peaceful polling.
"It's right for the victims to be given justice and the perpetrators of crimes to be brought to justice," EU observer mission head Pierre Schori told journalists.
Schori said earlier this week that the elections could not be deemed free and fair, due to a spate of pre-election violence which he said Thursday ranked as "one of the worst (his observers) had seen".
Schori said the EU team put "most of the responsibility for the pre-election violence on ZANU-PF," the ruling party of President Robert Mugabe, which won a narrow victory in the weekend poll against the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
He refused to say whether Mugabe himself, as head of the party, should be prosecuted for the wave of intimidation in which at least 32 people were killed and hundreds more beaten, tortured and raped.
"It's up to the Zimbabwean society to deal with it ... it's not for us to intervene or interfere," Schori told a press conference in Harare.
In contrast, polling Saturday and Sunday, in which 60 percent of the electorate voted, "was one of the best election days that they have been in," said Schori of his team of observers.
"We do want to build a strong democratic partnership with Zimbabwe ... but of course the rules of the game must apply," namely the principles of good governance, democracy and respect for human rights, Schori said.
Mugabe said meanwhile that his government's seizure of more than 800 white-owned farms would begin soon.
"We have given notices to the farmers during this first phase, notices that expire on July 3, that is Monday next week and we begin the process of acquisition thereafter," Mugabe said in an interview on national television.
Mugabe based his campaign on a land-for-landless-blacks ticket, encouraging the occupation of hundreds of white-owned farms by squatters and, on June 2, earmarking 804 farms for acquisition. The farmers had exactly one month to appeal.
"It's going to happen," Mugabe said, in the interview, in which he remained evasive on the question of including opposition candidates in his government, saying: "We must have a little more time to interact."
His ruling Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) took 62 of the 120 contested seats, against the MDC's 57 and one for the small opposition group ZANU-Ndonga -- giving Zimbabwe its first credible opposition in 20 years.
Under the constitution, Mugabe appoints the cabinet.
"As to whether we will include MDC does not arise at the moment, because firstly we don't know who they are," the president said.
"The game of election is the game of government," Mugabe said.
"If you lose you lose the power to govern, and if you win, you win the power to govern. We have won the power to govern," Mugabe said.
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai, who earlier this week ruled out joining a coalition government, said after the interview: "We are in the opposition. That's where our mandate lies."
"They are in the majority. They should form the government," Tsvangirai told AFP.
Despite its victory, ZANU-PF could not disguise the loss of half its seats, and the 76-year-old president is facing pressure from within his own party to resign.
At least eight ZANU-PF officials told the independent weekly Financial Gazette that if the once all-powerful Mugabe decided to run again for the presidency in 2002, they would defect to the MDC.
"We lost the elections because people are fed up with Mugabe's leadership of both the party and the government," the Financial Gazette quoted an unnamed ZANU-PF official as saying.
"Our common position is that he should step down by the time we hold our annual conference in December to save our party," one official told the paper.
The Times, 29 June 2000 - FROM MICHAEL DYNES IN HARARE
ON A good day, Richman Mpala, a ten-year-old barefoot street urchin who assiduously works the traffic lights in downtown Harare, can usually pick up about 50 Zimbabwe dollars (60p) by begging from motorists. He says most of it goes to his mother who needs at least a hundred dollars a day to buy enough sadza - the ground-down maize meal that forms the staple diet of Zimbabwe's increasingly impoverished people - so that she can feed her hungry family of six.
But the tube of glue in his back pocket, which he periodically brings out to inhale, suggests that at least a portion is diverted to buy the adhesive to help him to get through the grinding monotony of his long and empty days.
Perhaps his parents called him Richman because that is what they hoped he would be. Like millions of their fellow citizens, though, they have seen their hopes evaporate as the country's once-flourishing economy slips into freefall.Richman loathes his hand-to-mouth existence, and he aches for a better life.
Even if President Mugabe rips the heart out of the agricultural sector by seizing white-owned commercial farms, no one will starve in Zimbabwe in the immediate future. Most of the country's annual production of two million tonnes of maize has been harvested and there is enough food in storage to last until the next harvest in May. Shortages of other crops are looming, however, bringing the spectre of food riots, especially in urban areas, which have grown accustomed to the luxury of eating bread.
Colin Cloete, a vice president of the predominantly white Commercial Farmers Union, said: "The most serious problem will arise in the autumn with the wheat crop.
"This year's planting season has been greatly hindered by the war veterans. The disruption they have caused has delayed the onset of planting by a month and reduced the amount of acreage planted by some 20 per cent. We have already lost about 100,000 tonnes and things could get much worse.
"Zimbabwe produces about 300,000 tonnes of wheat a year, but it consumes 450,000 tonnes. The deficit is normally imported. But this year we are going to have to import 250,000 tonnes, at a cost of US$65 million, and there is no foreign exchange to pay for it," Mr Cloete said.
"And that's only the start of our problems. If we get early rains, much of the wheat crop will have to be downgraded to feed stock. Then the problem starts to get serious. We told the Government all this when they started their shenanigans, but they didn't seem to understand or care. Food shortages are more likely to cause civil unrest in this country than anything else.
"Mr Mugabe and the war vets are doing enormous damage to the country, which they just don't seem to give a damn about. [He] has had 20 years to sort out the land problem, but he has made no serious attempt to do so. It's almost as if he wanted to keep it in reserve so he could bring it out at election time."
The CFU and Movement for Democratic Change, the opposition party, agree that Zimbabwe's white commercial and black communal landholding systems - an unresolved legacy of colonial rule - are divisive. They insist, though, that Mr Mugabe's proposed land seizures are destructive and would seriously damage Zimbabwe's long-term ability to feed itself.
"Now it's up to us to take the initiative and sort it out ourselves," Mr Cloete said.
The Associated Press - Jun 29 2000 3:32PM ET
HARARE, Zimbabwe (AP) - Ruling party militants stepped up their campaign of threats and intimidation Thursday against white landowners accused of backing the opposition, illegally occupying at least three more farms.
Farm leaders urged landowners to remain on full alert.
After a lull during weekend parliamentary elections, illegal occupiers renewed their demands for land, food and money, said Commercial Farmers Union spokesman Steve Crawford. He said they seized at least three more properties and sent reinforcements into several others already under occupation.
The militants, who say they are veterans of the bush war that led to Zimbabwe's independence in 1980, said the victory of President Robert Mugabe's ruling party at the polls entitled them to enforce his policy of seizing white-owned farms without paying compensation.
Since Mugabe lost a constitutional referendum in February, militants have staked claims to more than 1,600 white-owned farms.
Mugabe ordered police not to remove the squatters, arguing they were protesting unfair land ownership by the descendants of mostly British settlers.
Officials of Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front party have vowed to push ahead with the immediate nationalization of 804 white-owned farms targeted in late May. It was unclear what would happen to occupied farms not among the 804, but the occupiers have shown no signs of leaving.
Around the northeastern provincial center of Bindura, 50 miles from Harare, a warning that a ``hit squad'' of revenge-seeking militants was planning to hunt down three white supporters of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change caused panic in the farming community, Crawford said.
Farm workers overheard militants make the threat, which was aired Wednesday over the farms' security radio network.
``The community was badly shaken. Everyone was asked to maintain alertness and keep their observation systems active,'' Crawford said.
Mugabe's party captured 62 of the 120 parliamentary seats in last weekend's elections, with the main opposition winning 57 mostly urban constituencies. One seat went to a small opposition party in its southeastern stronghold.
Farmers had hoped relatively peaceful polling meant dialogue and legal procedures would be used to acquire land for the resettlement of landless blacks.
But militants have threatened more takeovers and farmers reported more equipment, crops and cattle stolen with little intervention from the police.
In a typical incident, a farmer was told to leave his property and occupiers moved into a workshop to sharpen axes and knives, saying the farm was now theirs.
``The pressure on farmers is continuing. It's very worrying,'' Crawford said.
The main opposition party has accused Mugabe of orchestrating the occupations to bolster his support in rural areas ahead of the elections and to punish white land owners for supporting the opposition's calls for orderly land reform.
The occupations have disrupted production, crippling the agriculture-based economy.
The runup to the elections was marked by a bitter campaign of violence and intimidation that left at least 30 people dead - five of them white farmers - and thousands homeless. Most of the victims were opposition supporters.
The influence of elected opposition lawmakers is diluted under a provision in the constitution allowing Mugabe to appoint 30 members to the 150-seat parliament in Harare.
The previous parliament had only three opposition members.
Harare, Zimbabwe, June 29 (Bloomberg) -- Some Zanu-PF members elected to parliament last weekend are threatening to vote with the opposition unless Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe resigns within six months, the weekly Financial Gazette reported, citing unnamed members of parliament. The parliamentarians want Mugabe out of the way so they can begin campaigning for the 2002 presidential election, which analysts think could be won by Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the main opposition party, Movement for Democratic Change. Mugabe's ``theatrics on land did us more harm than good,'' said an unnamed Zanu PF provincial chairman, who added that people are ``fed up'' with the president's leadership, the newspaper reported.
By winning 57 of 120 parliamentary seats in the election compared to Zanu's 62 the MDC posed the biggest challenge to Zanu since it took power in 1980.
ANALYSIS-Museveni and Mugabe: Western friend and foe
Reuters - Jun 29 2000 2:49AM ET
NAIROBI, June 29 (Reuters) - Both men
have used questionable tactics to hold onto power in elections this week. Both
are charged with letting their armies plunder the Democratic Republic of the
Congo's natural wealth.
Yet while the Western world pours disapproval on President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, it treats Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni as a favourite son.
``There are definitely massive double standards,'' said John Githongo, a director of the African Strategic Research Institute in Nairobi. ``Museveni does seem to be getting away with a lot.''
In Zimbabwe, Mugabe used every trick in the book to ensure victory for his ruling ZANU-PF party in weekend elections that the European Union called neither free nor fair.
Violence and intimidation of opposition supporters as well as threats against white farmers incensed Western opinion.
Yet in Uganda, another vote threatened to deny the right to hold a political rally or campaign on behalf of a political party.
In Thursday's referendum, Ugandans were being asked to vote on whether to continue with the ``no-party'' political system espoused by Museveni or to return to multi-party politics.
The popular Museveni says multi-partyism would reopen old tribal divisions, an argument most Ugandans appear to accept.
But critics say the Ugandan people are being asked to vote away their democratic rights, and that the state's formidable resources are being brought to bear to influence the result.
AID KEEPS FLOWING
The West is scaling back aid to Zimbabwe, but Western money will contribute half of Uganda's budget this fiscal year.
Last year the European Union warned that aid to Uganda might be cut if the opposition was not allowed to campaign freely ahead of the referendum. It has quietly dropped its threat.
``It is shocking in Uganda that the referendum will not affect donor ties,'' said Moustafa Hassouna, a writer on African affairs and lecturer at the University of Nairobi.
There are similar double standards when it comes to the war in the Congo, analysts say.
While Congolese people regard the armies of Uganda and Rwanda as hostile forces occupying their country, it was Zimbabwe that bore the brunt of a scathing attack by British Foreign Office Minister Peter Hain in February.
Zimbabwe's government is plundering the Congo's resources in exchange for its support of President Laurent Kabila, Hain said.
Yet when Ugandan and Rwandan soldiers traded fire to destroy the diamond-rich Congolese city of Kisangani, killing hundreds of civilians earlier this month, Britain showed no sign of tightening the aid taps.
BETTING ON A WINNER
Why does Museveni appear to get the kid-gloves treatment while Mugabe is roundly condemned? Partly, diplomatic experts say, because the West is betting on a winner.
Museveni is still hugely popular for bringing stability to Uganda after years of chaos, while Mugabe's 20-year reign appears to be entering its final chapter.
``They (Western countries) believe Uganda will succeed somewhere along the line, so strategically people are prepared to turn a blind eye to what Museveni is doing,'' Hassouna said.
``In Zimbabwe, we have a regime and a leadership...which is heading into a cul-de-sac.''
Museveni speaks the language of the West and his considerable charm wins over the most experienced diplomats.
He is a useful backer of U.S. efforts to isolate the government of Sudan, a common foe. And for all his faults and questionable judgment in the Congo, he has kept his country largely stable amid the chaos of central Africa.
Human rights have improved beyond recognition since the dark and murderous days of presidents Idi Amin and Milton Obote, and the economy has recovered impressively too.
``Museveni is the best thing Uganda has ever had,'' Githongo said. ``People still remember what Uganda was like before him.''
Western diplomats in Kampala echo that argument and say it explains why they temper their criticism of Museveni.
``We are entitled to expect different standards in different places,'' one diplomat told Reuters.
Whatever his faults, Githongo says that Museveni is still the best of a bad lot in a troubled continent.
``Donors desperately need a few friends, buddies and success stories in Africa,'' he said.
The presidents of Africa are ``a sort of rogues gallery,'' he said. ``Four or five of them are just less roguish than the worst rogues.
HARARE, Zimbabwe (AP) -- Ruling party militants stepped up their campaign of threats and intimidation Thursday against white landowners accused of backing the opposition, illegally occupying at least three more farms.
Farm leaders urged landowners to remain on full alert.
After a lull during weekend parliamentary elections, illegal occupiers renewed their demands for land, food and money, said Commercial Farmers Union spokesman Steve Crawford. He said they seized at least three more properties and sent reinforcements into several others already under occupation.
The militants, who say they are veterans of the bush war that led to Zimbabwe's independence in 1980, said the victory of President Robert Mugabe's ruling party at the polls entitled them to enforce his policy of seizing white-owned farms without paying compensation.
Since Mugabe lost a constitutional referendum in February, militants have staked claims to more than 1,600 white-owned farms.
Mugabe ordered police not to remove the squatters, arguing they were protesting unfair land ownership by the descendants of mostly British settlers.
Officials of Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front party have vowed to push ahead with the immediate nationalization of 804 white-owned farms targeted in late May. It was unclear what would happen to occupied farms not among the 804, but the occupiers have shown no signs of leaving.
Around the northeastern provincial center of Bindura, 50 miles from Harare, a warning that a "hit squad" of revenge-seeking militants was planning to hunt down three white supporters of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change caused panic in the farming community, Crawford said.
Farm workers overheard militants make the threat, which was aired Wednesday over the farms' security radio network.
"The community was badly shaken. Everyone was asked to maintain alertness and keep their observation systems active," Crawford said.
Mugabe's party captured 62 of the 120 parliamentary seats in last weekend's elections, with the main opposition winning 57 mostly urban constituencies. One seat went to a small opposition party in its southeastern stronghold.
Farmers had hoped relatively peaceful polling meant dialogue and legal procedures would be used to acquire land for the resettlement of landless blacks.
But militants have threatened more takeovers and farmers reported more equipment, crops and cattle stolen with little intervention from the police.
In a typical incident, a farmer was told to leave his property and occupiers moved into a workshop to sharpen axes and knives, saying the farm was now theirs.
"The pressure on farmers is continuing. It's very worrying," Crawford said.
The main opposition party has accused Mugabe of orchestrating the occupations to bolster his support in rural areas ahead of the elections and to punish white land owners for supporting the opposition's calls for orderly land reform.
The occupations have disrupted production, crippling the agriculture-based economy.
The runup to the elections was marked by a bitter campaign of violence and intimidation that left at least 30 people dead -- five of them white farmers -- and thousands homeless. Most of the victims were opposition supporters.
The influence of elected opposition lawmakers is diluted under a provision in the constitution allowing Mugabe to appoint 30 members to the 150-seat parliament in Harare.
The previous parliament had only three opposition members.
HARARE (June 29) XINHUA - Zimbabwean opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) will block any further constitutional amendments concerning land reform, MDC Secretary for Lands Tendai Biti said Thursday.
Biti, who is also new member of Parliament, said that land should be distributed according to guidelines in the MDC manifesto.
"They have amended the constitution, but not other legislation like the Land Amendment Act of 1992. We will not allow them to bulldoze it," he said.
Parliament amended the constitution early this year to allow the government to acquire land for resettlement without paying for the soil, but for structures at the farms.
President Robert Mugabe has indicated that there is need for other legislation dealing with land reform to be amended to become in line with the amended constitution.
At least 804 farms have been targeted for acquisition to start at the end of this month when their owners would have responded to the acquisition notice.
The MDC, the country's largest opposition party, proposes the institution of land tax in its manifesto to raise funds for compensating the farmers and finance land reform.
It also proposes the setting up of a Land Commission that would be made up of different interest groups to spearhead the land reform process.
The MDC won 57 seats out of the possible 120 contested constituencies during last weekend's parliamentary election.
Mugabe would appoint 30 more members of Parliament to consolidate his ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-pf) domination in Parliament.
Though the MDC failed to get the majority seats, it would force Zanu-pf to negotiate on constitutional amendments because it would have the power to block any amendments.
Harare (Financial Gazette, June 29, 2000) - Fifty-Seven plus one for the opposition, leaving the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) only three short of a majority of the "democratically elected" candidates in the historic general election at the weekend, is something for all Zimbabweans to crow about.
A new day has dawned for that tattered, disreputable Old Jongwe. His noise has been muted, his tail plucked.
An appropriately named spokesperson, Learnmore Jongwe, will inevitably dis-place Old Jongwe's disreputable surrogate herald, the man who predicted not a single seat for the opposition, Jonathan Moyo. Even if he has retained vestiges of a brain, that mercenary "intellectual" surely has no heart.
Not yet time
But this is not yet the time for crowing. There is work to be done. An enormous task beginning with forgiveness for the terrible things done to the opposition for the past months is the only sensible way forward.
And yes! Oh yes! Zimbabweans have proven once again to be eminently sensible when they felt they had had enough of one-party state-ism.
Naturally, the law must take its course, bringing to book all those who have blood on their hands, especially now that the commissioner of police has been allowed to demonstrate that his subordinates are permitted by some post-election, unwritten law, to carry out their proper functions.
Rule of law
Ironically, the return to the rule of law will require that the unseated Minister of Justice and his colleague the Minister of Home Affairs are quickly replaced or re-admitted via the green route of the President's nominated favourites.
What is to be done by the new parliamentary incumbents in near- impossible conditions of a tottering economy, an alienated, land-hungry and lawless peasantry, a bloodied but unbowed judiciary, a manipulable law enforcement agency, a culture of finger-pointing, lies, deceit and unaccountability and other countless ills that face them?
Can it be that in seeking the political kingdom, a quest for proud sovereignty that has been so badly betrayed by a violent self-serving and lawless ruling party, they must fail again? The answer is "not unless we let them".
Brilliant people
We have elected some brilliant, highly motivated people who are free from the bondage of racism that ZANU PF has sought to perpetuate and who have enough clout to see to it that no more retrograde thinking is passed into our constitution.
If an attempt is made to continue under present legislation to govern us by decree - some of this has been euphemistically described lately as by "proclamation" - there is every opportunity to oppose, which is exactly what an opposition is supposed to do, not as a destructive force but one which is loyal to the government (as distinct from a totalitarian party) and has the welfare of the nation at heart.
Some wise things have already been said about the position of the leader of the MDC, Morgan Tsvangirai and his failure to secure a majority of the votes, which even if assumed to be fair at the count, certainly cannot be deemed to have been free or fair in the run-up to the polling days.
'Safe seat'
Much has been written and said about this and no doubt the MDC will collectively decide what to do about it, but in the view of this writer, merely speculating at this stage, his decision to stand in a hard-core ZANU PF rural stronghold was the correct one.
Lovemore Madhuku pointed out very clearly that Tsvangirai's leadership (as well as all other efforts) has won many of his party's entirely unknown candi-dates' seats in Parliament. He has proved his qualities of leadership in resisting the temptation to stand for a "safe" seat in an urban area.
As a respected leader, together with his loyal lieutenant Gibson Sibanda - firmly ensconced in a Matabeleland seat - the unity of the nation is secured. In the tradition established by the late Joshua Nkomo, this is very important.
Hands in till
Tsvangirai, saved from the very severe pressure which will fall upon all of the MDC representatives in Parliament, while keeping a firm hand on the tiller (no longer will he or any new leader allow hands in the till, I cannot resist saying!), will be able to concentrate on building his rural following - already quite remarkable in the context of the times.
I am not informed with reference to his position in relation to the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions which he has so ably led, but his preparation for the 2002 presidential elections will no doubt be well in hand.
Who knows? If his party is able to restore the confidence of the watching world to this troubled country, that preparation may well be speeded up. No one has as yet spoken of by-elections, a traditional way of building party strength.
As for talk of coalitions, of future national unity and so on, I leave speculation on this to a later time when the picture of our new dispensation has become clearer.
Better future
Before we set our minds firmly on securing a better future for new generations than was thought possible before September 11 1999 (the date that Tsvangirai, Sibanda and their courageous colleagues and supporters embarked upon a renewed attempt at achieving a democratic revolution), it is necessary to establish a reference point, another benchmark in our country's painful progress towards that long-sought after freedom from all forms of oppression.
And, yes, I know that an analyst and scribe should not be so shamelessly partial, but who among us could fail to have arrived at the conclusion that a strong opposition at the very least was the only hope that all uncorrupted and powerless Zimbabweans have nurtured for their sheer survival. You could start a little earlier, when our donkey-like docility vanished in February this year.
Stubborn as mules
Perhaps it is more accurate to say that we refused, stubborn as mules, to be pushed over the edge of that - well, what better name for it is there than abyss?
The groundwork was laid by new leaders originally including Tsvangirai in the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) which had equally clever and courageous volunteers.
The names of Maphosa, Thoko Matshe, Lovemore Madhuku, Brian Kagoro, Brian Raftopoulos and many other trailblazers, men and women, should be writ large in our history.
Our young and upcoming intellectuals and historians should not forget the extraordinary patriotism shown by these forerunners in nation-building.
Pay tribute too to every individual working for the independent Press whose personal safety has yet to be guaranteed under a new, home- grown constitution.
High on agenda
Building that confidence anew, the belief that we can govern ourselves well under a new constitution is the work which will be placed high on the agenda of a group of people who will not repeat the mistakes of the past, nor accept responsibility for errors which were not of their making.
That acceptance must come from the ruling party and hopefully that party and its leadership are still capable of seeking an escape from what will otherwise become an absolute ignominy.
God willing, the end of our troubles is in sight.
By Diana Mitchell
Copyright 2000 Financial Gazette.
6/29/00 7:48:05 AM (GMT +2) - Staff Reporter
AN OBSERVER group in the
country for last weekend's parliamentary election
has called for an
investigation into the violence in the run-up to the poll, and the punishment of
the perpetrators.
The African-Caribbean and
Pacific (ACP) group of states observer mission said yesterday democracy in
Zimbabwe had been strengthened by the outcome of the election.
The mission
consisted of Abednego Nqojane, a Member of Parliament in Lesotho, and the ACP
Secretariat's lawyer, Neville Bissember.
The mission arrived in Zimbabwe on
Tuesday last week, as the election campaign was coming to an end.
The
violence in the run-up to the election, said Nqojane, should be investigated and
the perpetrators brought to book.
He said: “We anticipate the incidents of
violence, including deaths, and reports of voter intimidation and attack of
candidates, some of which were substantiated, will be investigated.”
Nqojane
said the expectation that had been engendered by the unsettled atmosphere during
the election campaign proved to be unfounded over the polling days.
“Although there were reports of intimidation and some irregularities, the
ACP mission was encouraged by both the turnout and the orderly manner in which
the Zimbabwean electorate cast its ballots,” he said.
Nqojane said they had
met the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC), Morgan
Tsvangirai, and attended President Mugabe's last campaign rally at Chibuku
Stadium in Chitungwiza last Friday.
Nqojane said the outcome of the election
had been a victory for democracy.
“There has been a clear victory in these
elections, that is, democracy and the democratic process,” said the mission.
“The government of the day will need to be more responsive to the electorate
and its policies and decision-making will now be scrutinised by an enlarged
opposition.”
The team said the establishment of democracy in developing
countries was a continuous process, particularly in a young nation like
Zimbabwe.
The mission said it was yet to give its final assessment of the
whole election.
Meanwhile, Amnesty International yesterday urged the
government to end a cycle of violence by investigating pre-election human rights
violations and bringing the perpetrators to justice.
“The scores of victims
of arbitrary killings, torture and ill-treatment in the run-up to the election
deserve justice,” the human rights group said in a statement.
“The vicious
cycle of impunity that has been common in Zimbabwe before and after independence
will only be broken if the new government regardless of its composition acts
promptly.”
Amnesty issued its plea after an electoral earthquake that
transformed the political landscape in Zimbabwe.
At least 30 people, most of
them opposition supporters, were killed in the pre-election violence.
“Zimbabwe has a long history of impunity for human rights violations,” said
the London-based human rights group.
“In the past, impunity has led to
further human rights violations the people of Zimbabwe should not have to face
this again.”
It said an independent, international commission should be set
up to look into the pre-election violence and urged United Nations specialists
to conduct their own investigations.
International election monitors said
the campaign violence and intimidation, which prevented the MDC canvassing in
many rural areas, had seriously marred the poll.
Race no longer an issue says new Chimanimani Member of Parliament
6/29/00 9:16:14 AM (GMT +2) Staff Reporter
ROY Bennet, the new
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) Member of Parliament for Chimanimani, says
he won the seat in last weekend's election because race was no longer an issue
in Zimbabwe.
He said yesterday that
although he was white and Chimanimani a rural constituency previously dominated
by Zanu PF, the people had shown confidence in him.
“Race is no longer an
issue in this country,” said Bennet, a coffee farmer.
“There is no black or
white because we are all Zimbabweans and people want to vote for people who they
know will develop the area.”
A one-time Zanu PF activist, Bennet is one of
four white MDC candidates to win in an election in which the opposition won 58
seats of the 120 seats contested.
“I have a lot of challenges before me. I
need to develop much of the infrastructure, especially the roads which have been
destroyed by Cyclone Eline,” he said.
“I was chosen because of the
relationship of honesty and truthfulness I have cultivated with the people over
the years.”
Bennet defeated Zanu PF candidate and Time Bank chairman Munacho
Mutezo in the weekend poll in which Zanu PF recorded massive victories in rural
constituencies.
Bennet polled 11 110 votes to Mutezo's 8 072.
The other
three white MDC candidates who won seats last weekend are Trudy Stevenson
(Harare North), David Coltart (Bulawayo South) and Mike Auret (Harare Central).
Last month, Bennet and his family fled their Charleswood Estate in
Chimanimani, after war veterans and Zanu PF supporters occupied it and allegedly
stole property worth about $500 000.
Eighteen supporters, including two war
veterans, are on remand facing allegations of theft at Bennet's farm.
The
war veterans and Zanu PF supporters unleashed a reign of terror in the rural
areas in which 30 (mostly of opposition) people died and an estimated 10 000
were displaced.
At the time his farm was invaded, Bennet refused to renounce
his MDC membership and told the pro-government invaders that they could have his
farm as long as they allowed him to remain a member of MDC.
He said he had
faced no intimidation and violence after winning the election.
Kariba woman discharged
s6/29/00 9:09:32 AM (GMT +2) - Staff Reporter
THE Kariba woman
severely assaulted in pre-election violence in April and admitted at Chinhoyi
Hospital last week, was discharged on Monday.
A doctor at the hospital
said the woman was operated on before she was discharged. However, the operation
was unrelated to the assault. The wounds she suffered in the attack were
attended to.
Police took her to Chinhoyi Hospital last week after The Daily
News published a picture of the woman baring her wounds.
The woman had been
languishing at home in Nyamhunga suburb, Kariba, after she was allegedly
brutalised by suspected Zanu PF supporters for supporting the Movement for
Democratic Change.
Two people died in pre-election clashes in the town.
When she was admitted at Chinhoyi Hospital, the woman's condition was
described as critical.
MDC candidate still in hiding despite winning poll
6/29/00 9:10:43 AM (GMT +2) - Daily News Correspondent, GweruMOVEMENT for Democratic
Change (MDC) candidate in the weekend's parliamentary election, Blessing
Chebundo, is still in hiding and has not shown up in Kwekwe in spite of winning
the constituency.
The results of the poll, in
which Chebundo successfully challenged Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs
Minister and Zanu PF national treasurer and politburo member, Emmerson
Mnangagwa, were announced on Monday.
Chebundo and his family fled the city
on 14 May after suspected Zanu PF supporters burnt down their house in the
run-up to the parliamentary election.
Chebundo won 15 388 votes against the
8 352 that went to Mnangagwa. Million Chinamasa, an independent, won 227 votes.
Mnangagwa was one of three high-ranking Zanu PF officials who lost in the
weekend election.
Abedinigo Malinga of MDC said yesterday that Chebundo was
staying outside Kwekwe for fear of being attacked by his political rivals.
Malinga beat Zanu PF candidate Tommy Moyo to win the Silobela seat “He was
so traumatised during the election period that he is still not sure whether it
is safe for him to show up in public now,” said Malinga
“I have also
evacuated my family from Redcliff for fear of victimisation by the Zanu PF
supporters,” he said.
Meanwhile, seven MDC youths were arrested in Kwekwe
yesterday after political violence broke out in the Midlands city.
Police in
Kwekwe said a car believed to belong to Zanu PF was burnt down as youths from
the two parties clashed in Amaveni yesterday morning. A Zanu PF youth was also
seriously injured in the clashes.
Police spokesman Kennedy Kanhukamwe said
trouble started when a group of Zanu PF supporters was allegedly ambushed by
alleged MDC youths as they visited the party's supporters in the suburb.
“The MDC youth pelted the car carrying Zanu PF supporters with stones. The
Zanu PF supporters fled and sought refuge at Amaveni police station,” said
Kanhukamwe.
SEVERAL new ZANU PF legislators and
provincial heads this week said they will pressure President Robert Mugabe to
relinquish the party’s leadership within six months to allow for the election of
a new leader who would rejuvenate the party and prepare for state presidential
elections in 2002.
The MPs, elected in the weekend polls, warned they would vote with the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in Parliament to block ZANU
PF-inspired legislation if Mugabe and his old guard resisted reforms within the
party.
They said Mugabe must completely discard his faith in the old guard and move
quickly to appoint a Cabinet from the new blood.
“We lost the election because people are fed up with Mugabe’s leadership of
both the party and the government. His theatrics on land did us more harm than
good,” one ZANU PF provincial chairman said.
“We are presently consulting and our common position is that he should step
down by the time we hold our annual conference in December to save the party.
Anything short of that means we will face massive defeat in the presidential
polls,” the chairman said, speaking on condition he is not named.
Chenjerai Hunzvi, the outspoken head of Zimbabwe’s independence war veterans,
said earlier this week he expected an overhaul of ZANU PF in the aftermath of a
near defeat by the MDC in the just-ended elections.
“Clearly there is a revolution taking place. The party has to rejuvenate. To
meet the challenge, we need an overhaul from the grassroots to the top,” he told
Reuters.
Eight new ZANU PF legislators, who preferred anonymity because of party
disciplinary regulations which forbid them to debate party affairs outside its
structures, said they would also use the party caucus in Parliament to press
Mugabe to go.
But political analysts pointed out that it was already too late for the
ruling party to redeem itself by dethroning Mugabe.
Greg Linington, a constitutional law lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe
(UZ), said any leadership changes were not going to rescue ZANU PF in the 2002
presidential polls.
The entire party was unpopular and Mugabe’s unpopularity was inextricably
linked to ZANU PF and its policies, he said.
“Some candidates to succeed Mugabe are even more unpopular than the President
himself, making it extremely remote that a new leader will help the party win
the presidential elections,” Linington told the Financial Gazette.
He was referring to the shocking defeat in the weekend balloting of party
stalwarts such as Home Affairs Minister Dumiso Dabengwa and Emmerson Mnangagwa
by virtually unknown MDC candidates.
The two ministers, together with security head Sydney Sekeramayi who narrowly
survived defeat in his own Marondera constituency, have often been touted as
possible successors to Mugabe.
Linington said the possibility of fragmentation within the ruling party, with
some of its new MPs voting with the MDC, was nonetheless highly likely.
His views were echoed by Solomon Nkiwane, a political science lecturer at the
UZ who said if Mugabe opted to retire, it would be a good move for himself but
not for ZANU PF
He said the President’s departure from the political landscape would
inevitably throw ZANU PF into disarray. The lack of a clear succession policy
within the party would ignite a power struggle that would not heal before the
presidential ballot.
Our Mutare correspondent reports that Edgar Tekere, a former ZANU PF
secretary-general, felt that only Mugabe’s departure could lift ZANU PF’s
fortunes.
“For ZANU PF to recover, they have to find a formula or mechanism to get rid
of Mugabe,” Tekere said.
The new ZANU PF legislators said an overhaul of the party leadership was
inevitable if the party is to remain relevant to Zimbabwe.
“The sooner we force that change the better. There can be no disputing that
ZANU PF can only regain popularity if there is a new leadership with a fresh
agenda to put the economy of this country back on track,” another ruling party
provincial chairman said.
The new MPs said that if Mugabe thwarted party reforms and stayed on until
the presidential vote, it was likely that some of them could cross the floor to
join the MDC.
“If he (Mugabe) wants to seek re-election in 2002, he must go public now
rather than keep the country guessing,” one of the legislators said.
“This would enable some of us to cross the floor now rather than later. That
he will be humiliated by Morgan Tsvangirai (MDC leader) if he opts to continue
in 2002 is indisputable.”
Hunzvi, who won a seat as an MP in the elections, said: “The (new) government
must be a government of Zimbabweans. We must be prepared to talk to the MDC or
any other party to move the country forward.” Financial Gazette - 29 June 2000 -
Masipula Sithole LIKE the President, I also stayed
awake on Monday night, my eyes glued to the television screen to hear and watch
the Registrar-General announce the results of the historic parliamentary
elections.
On Tuesday I waited anxiously all day, with my radio tuned on, to hear
President Robert Mugabe’s reaction to the results. I was very pleased with the
election results, and somewhat pleased with the President’s reaction to the
outcome of these elections.
Election 2000 is, to my mind, probably the most important election in the
history of this country since John Rhodes, nigh, more important than the
historic independence election of 1980.
The elections of 1980 marked the end of an era, the colonial era. The 2000
elections marked the beginning of an end of another era, the era of ZANU PF
hegemony. A new era has begun, the era of democracy in Zimbabwe.
I am particularly happy because the inroads made by the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) did not completely obliterate the ruling ZANU PF as
a likely alternative opposition in the year 2005.
Unlike earlier “one-party state” thinking entertained in the decade of the
1980s, the presence of a viable opposition party in any polity is a sine quo non
of democracy.
A 62:58 ruling party and opposition breakdown means Zimbabwe will not go the
Zambia way — to the other extreme, the MMD “one-party” state.
Moreover, the MDC in Zimbabwe is ubiquitous, cutting across region, class,
ethnic and racial divides, regardless of deliberate attempts to polarise the
polity along racial lines.
It is indeed elating that we have, for the first time in the history of this
country, members elected into parliament by all races.
Hitherto, members of the white community have been by presidential
appointment. This time it is by popular mandate direct from the people.
What is more, the spread has been wide; from rural Chimanimani (Roy Bennet)
to urban Bulawayo (David Coltart) and Harare (Mike Auret and Trudy Stevenson) by
sheer weight of character and popular appeal, not the benevolence of Hamrabbi.
The MDC has penetrated into the hitherto unpenetrable Chipinge. It has also
gone as far afield as Binga, capturing the imagination of the Tonga people.
In fact, the MDC has become a more national party than ZANU PF if one
observes that the ruling party has been swept away in Matabeleland.
I personally dispute the thesis that the MDC has more appeal in the urban
than rural communities.
I am inclined to accept the argument that, given equal access into the rural
areas, the MDC could have captured the imagination of the rural folk as it has
done in the urban areas. This realisation, in fact, is the only reason the
ruling party (using the war vets strategy when its youth had failed) prevented
the MDC from campaigning in the rural communities.
So, contrary to the thesis that the rural folk have an affinity for ZANU PF,
they fear ZANU PF. Moreover, they are prevented from having access to
alternative political parties.
But this is only a temporary setback. This has been demonstrated by MDC
inroads into the countryside, albeit under hostile conditions.
Certainly, the MDC can and will use its popularity in the urban areas to
capture city councils and executive mayorships in cities like Harare,
Chitungwiza, Bulawayo, Mutare, Gweru, Kwekwe and Masvingo where it won the
strategic “inner city” parliamentary seats. Even in towns like Bindura and
Chinhoyi, the MDC has registered a significant presence.
To those concerned with social engineering, the decline of ZANU PF should be
a major concern. This decline can be arrested by a new leadership and a new
policy orientation. The vulgar approach to the land issue and to many other
issues is not sustainable in the short and long run.
A new and sober approach will be required if the party hopes to maintain
ground in the countryside. Violence and intimidation will not be successful
forever.
Moreover, a less reckless approach in relations with other countries
(particularly those in a position to assist us) will attract investments in
industry, resulting in employment for the many who are jobless. This way the
ru Financial Gazette - 29 june 2000 - Staff
Reporter PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe has been
shocked by the scale of the sweeping victory of the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) in Matabeleland but was aware of the waning popularity
of his ruling ZANU PF in urban areas, official sources said yesterday.
The sources said Central Intelligence Organisation information had correctly
predicted that the MDC would win most urban seats while ZANU PF would sweep the
rural areas.
According to this information, the MDC was only expected to win seats in
Bulawayo but face stiff competition from ZANU PF in Matabeleland’s rural areas.
“The pattern of voting which occurred was predictable to a large extent,
especially in the urban centres,” one top government official close to Mugabe
said.
“But what really shocked the President was the support of the MDC in rural
Matabeleland — he was very surprised,” the official said, declining to be named.
The MDC captured 20 of the 23 contested seats in the three electoral
provinces of Matabeleland, including all urban constituencies of Bulawayo,
Zimbabwe’s second city.
The sources said the ruling party was in the process of launching a
post-moterm to assess the cause of its crushing defeat in Matabeleland, which
threatens a 1987 unity accord forged by Mugabe and then opposition leader Joshua
Nkomo to unite their rival parties.
The pact was clinched after army troops swept Matabeleland in a harsh
crackdown against armed supporters of Nkomo who were angry at his expulsion from
the Cabinet over charges he plotted a coup. Human rights groups say at least 20
000 civilians were killed by the army during the military campaign.
Examining the results of the just-ended parliamentary ballot, the sources
said the fall of ZANU PF heavyweights Dumiso Dabengwa, Emmerson Mnangagwa and
Richard Hove, among several others, had long been predicted, according to
intelligence information.
ZANU PF’s sweep of the seats in Mashonaland Central had also been predicted,
though fears had been expressed about whether Mashonaland Central governor
Border Gezi could win the Bindura constituency. He eventually scrapped through
with a narrow margin, beating the MDC’s Elliot Pfebve.
The sources said impromptu “star” rallies addressed by Mugabe in Kwekwe and
Gweru in the closing stages of the election campaign had been meant to prop up
the falling support of Mnangagwa, the minister of justice, and Planning
Commissioner Hove in the two Midlands cities.
The rallies were marked by high turnouts but it later emerged that most of
those at the campaign meetings had been threatened with dire consequences by the
party’s youths if they did not attend. Even private buses ferrying people out of
the cities to rural areas and other places were being diverted to these rallies.
The ruling party’s powerful central committee will meet in Harare tomorrow to
discuss the aftermath of the polls in which ZANU PF narrowly escaped defeat by
the MDC, formed just 10 months ago. The MDC’s shock win in Matabeleland is
expected to dominate the meeting.
The MDC says it would have thrashed ZANU PF had there been no widespread
intimidation of rural voters ahead of the elections.
Meanwhile, ZANU PF’s information secretary Nathan Shamuyarira says the
greatest task facing the new government is how to revive the economy, mired in
its worst crisis that has been highlighted by record inflation and interest
rates, runaway joblessness and mass poverty.
“The challenge facing the new government is to revive the economy,” he said
yesterday. “We need to prop the economy which has been on the slide. All parties
have been doing a lot of talking — now it is time to work.”
Shamuyarira welcomed the MDC’s strong presence in the new Parliament, saying
it was good for the growth of democracy in Zimbabwe.
He said ZANU PF needs to strengthen its structures and mobilise membership to
regain its dominance in Zimbabwean politics.
Some senior ZANU PF members, including the mercurial Chenjerai Hunzvi, have
already called for a major overhaul of the party which could include the
enforced departure of Mugabe. Financial Gazette - 29 June 2000 - Peter
Mavunga LONDON — By the time you read this,
you will know the result of Zimbabwe’s parliamentary elections. I do not have
that advantage because I wrote this piece at the weekend when balloting was
still in progress.
I want to report to you though what the British media has been saying about
the elections and to assess how Zimbabwe has been portrayed in the process.
What came out loud and clear was the positive showing of Morgan Tsvangirai’s
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). It is clear from reports here that the
main opposition party is going to do better than the ruling ZANU PF party had
made itself to believe.
The British Broadcasting Corporation’s John Simpson, in a report from Harare,
suggested that not only would the MDC do well in urban areas but the ruling
party could not be assured of winning all the rural seats if the elections were
free and fair.
The perceived victory of the MDC was largely because the electorate wanted
change. The MDC had made an impact on the voters, especially the young to whom
the history of the independence struggle was relevant but not as immediate a
concern to them as finding a job or lack of it.
Nevertheless, I detected a positive bias in favour of the main opposition
party in that it was spoken of and written about as if it was the only party
opposing ZANU PF. I do not know the reason why this is so. Maybe it is because
it is the largest opposition party, the only one to field candidates in all the
120 constituencies.
White involvement
That may be so, but I rather think the heavy involvement of white people in
its ranks helped raise its profile. Other opposition parties have virtually not
featured in the coverage of the elections by the British media.
The reports forecast that the MDC would capture between 70 and 80 seats if
the elections were free and fair.
In that scenario, ZANU PF’s humiliation would be complete, mitigated only by
its arrogance. The reports coming out suggest that defeated or not, the ruling
party would not relinquish power but carry on as before.
This defiance is typical of the ruling party that is now internationally
known for its violence and complete disregard for the rule of law.
Gruesome images
ZANU PF’s involvement in violent acts of intimidation in the run-up to the
polls has been well documented. The images shown on television have been
gruesome, though not of the scale of the terror that visited Matabeleland in the
early 1980s.
No doubt, the main opposition party has been forced to retaliate from time to
time, but the ruling party has been the main perpetrator.
To a large extent, ZANU PF has put itself in this position. It is a party
without a strategy. It has no vision, no ideas on what to do next for the
benefit of the country. The scant ideas it has are about how best to hang on to
power.
The lack of any strategy is reflected in how Information Minister Chen
Chimutengwende has been responding to criticism of his government by the
international media.
Because virtually nothing positive has been coming from Zimbabwe of late, the
minister has had to defend the impossible. As is often the case where there is
no strategy, he has tended to
be reactive rather than positive in his interventions.
An organisation known as the Zimbabwe Development Association (ZDA), which is
based here, has strongly advocated a public affairs strategy. It was formed to
promote good relations between Zimbabwe and the United Kingdom and to encourage
British investment in Zimbabwe.
Only last week, ZDA chairman Percy Murombe-Chivero received a detailed letter
from the Foreign and Commonwealth Office spelling out Britain’s position on a
range of issues.
It said Britain would refuse all new licence applications for exports of arms
and military equipment to Zimbabwe. This includes licences for spare parts,
including those for the British-made Hawk aircraft that Zimbabwe has.
It also said the UK had suspended the programme to support the supply of Land
Rovers to the Zimbabwe police. “This will not be resumed unless there is a clear
determination by the Zimbabwe police to restore the rule of law,” the letter
said, reconfirming sanctions imposed by London on Harare earlier this year.
Wider gulf
What was not being stopped, though being kept under review, were other
development assistance programmes that are focused on alleviating poverty and
the HIV/AIDS crisis.
But the ZDA complains that the ruling party, in typical ZANU PF style, has
not been keen to listen to advice. Murombe-Chivero told me that without
listening to the people, “a wider gulf will develop between the ruling party and
the President (Robert Mugabe) on the one hand and the people on the other”.
And it is this isolation that he expected to make a difference at the polls.
If the MDC did better at the polls than ZANU PF, this would not surprise Murombe
who, for all intents and purposes, has worked very hard to help the government
lift its image in the UK.
Other significant reports on Zimbabwe included R W Johnson’s article in the
Times, a debate at the House of Commons on the land issue and David Dimbleby’s
documentary entitled “Mugabe, Smith and the British Flag”.
All point to one thing and one thing only: the ruling party in Zimbabwe has
traumatised Zimbabwe so much it can only win if the polls are not free and fair.
But then the British media have never been good at predicting outcomes of
Zimbabwe’s parliamentary elections. I wonder whether they are right this time.
- Peter Mavunga is a Zimbabwean journalist based in London. He wrote this
article before the announcement of the parliamentary results. Financial Gazette 29 June 2000 - Staff
Reporter THE opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC), the winner of 57 seats in the just- ended parliamentary elections,
will now receive almost the same amount of state funding as the ruling ZANU PF
under the Political Parties (Finance) Act, it has been established.
Under the Act, which was amended in 1997, the threshold that any political
party has to garner to qualify for state funding is five percent of the total
number of votes cast.
The 57 seats won by the MDC represent 46,03 percent of the total 4 128 186
ballots cast while ZANU PF's 62 seats represent 48,83 percent.
Since the Bill to fund political parties was enacted in 1992, only ZANU PF
had benefited from public funds. In the current financial year ending in
December, the ruling party gave itself $65 million.
The Act was amended in 1997 after the United Parties challenged it in court,
arguing that it was tailor-made for the ruling party.
Previously, the threshold was fixed at a minimum of 15 seats for any party to
qualify for state funding before it was amended to five percent of total ballots
cast in a parliamentary poll.
Based on the statistics of the weekend poll, only ZANU PF and the MDC will
benefit from the state coffers.
ZANU PF has accused opposition parties of being funded by foreign
organisations — although ZANU PF itself also receives such funding — and has
threatened to introduce legislation in the new Parliament barring this practice.
— Staff Reporter EDITOR — I am an ex-combatant and I
suffered serious injuries during the armed struggle. I received my $50 000
gratuity and have made good use of it.
But I would like to help or advise fellow war veterans who I feel are
confused and don’t know the values of our country.
First, you don’t have to be a war veteran under ZANU PF to get land. Neither
do you have to raid a farm.
Secondly, we the ex-fighters have disabled the economy with the gratuities we
received and the monthly payments we get. So I would like you comrades to know
that if we don’t leave the white farmers to revive our economy on the farms,
then we may as well kiss goodbye the monthly pensions because our economy will
exclude us from this benefit.
Comrades, people died for this country. Let’s give our country its due value
and make the dead heroes proud. Comrades, I urge you to get out of the farms and
let us revive the economy together by helping stamp out corruption.
Chefs stealing government funds should be arrested and the money recovered.
Comrades, this will help us fulfil our duty to save what many Zimbabweans died
and fought for.
Finally, I say that we the war veterans should have been given a choice
between the gratuities and the land. So, comrades, give back the money if you
want land. This would only be fair to the country as a whole.
How much should we drain from our country comrades?
Ngatisa punza hari yatakaumba macomrades. Vana vedu vakatarisira nyika yedu
yatakarwira. (Let us not destroy the country we so valiantly fought for.
Whatever we do, we should have posterity in mind.) Matigari waNeshangwe, Sadza.
EDITOR — Jonathan Moyo’s rhetoric
decampaigned ZANU PF. Rhetoric in this context refers to what Hanks (1993: 997)
defined as ''speech that pretends to be significant but lacks true meaning''.
Such is the case with Professor Moyo. He talks a great deal of irritating
fiction. He should be reminded that there are more intelligent Zimbabweans out
there who can tell nonsense from genuine facts.
From the February referendum days to the present day he has adopted an
I-know-it-all attitude yet the opposite is true of him. He does not know
anything. Even his students know better. Each time he opens his mouth to speak
he gives out stinking nonsense. Just like the President himself — whatever they
say on TV are full fledged lies.
Moyo’s comments on the number of people who attended Robert Mugabe’s “star”
rallies is another of his inability to see reason. All of the so-called star
rallies were not star rallies after all. If at all Moyo attended these rallies
he should be the first one to understand that the people attended for fear of
the ZANU PF youth who terrorised people.
In Kwekwe, Jonathan, do you remember what happened when the honourable old
man said: “Ndafara zvikurukuru kwazvo nekuti mauya kumusangano moga, hamuna
kumanikidzwa.” ( I’m happy that you attended the rally on your own without being
forced.) The people just started moving out. Four-fifths of the audience there
were physically there but mentally elsewhere.
You must have received a shock as all seats in Harare, Kwekwe, Gweru,
Bulawayo, Mutare were taken by the Movement for Democratic Change candidates.
Among the losers was ZANU PF’s propaganda chief Emmerson Mnangagwa. He knows
this. In 1990 he was trounced by a ZUM candidate but polling officers saved him.
Moyo, never again decampaign the party you “like” best. You are unwittingly
doing so. Each time you appear on the screen people switch to other channels or
turn their radios on.
Those are wise words. However, it is philosophically understood that “a fool
cannot be taught to be less foolish.” Is Moyo a fool? Bernard Ross, St Anns
Bay, Jamaica EDITOR — There is a real opportunity
for the future of Zimbabwe to be established as a full democracy. It is
extremely important that an example be set now.
Zimbabwe was once a full democracy whose democratic institutions were
hijacked by Robert Mugabe and his cronies.
Amnesties for the crimes of ruling ZANU PF thugs, including those at the very
top, will set a very bad example and precedent for the future.
The crimes must be paid for, with the law running its full course to ensure
they are never committed again. It is a simple matter of letting the law take
its proper course without interference.
Mugabe and Chenjerai Hunzvi of the war veterans’ association should be
indicted for inciting crimes against humanity under international agreements as
well as the numerous illegal and corrupt manipulations of the public resources
of Zimbabwe.
With the just-ended parliamentary election, there is a real opportunity to
establish a precedent favouring a system promoting scrupulous adherence to the
rule of law.
Further, the indictment of Mugabe should prevent him from thwarting the will
of the people. Those ZANU PF politicians who have enriched themselves with farms
and money from the public coffers must be brought to
justice. John Sogolani, Harare.
EDITOR — A vacancy for the position of
President will soon arise in a southern African country of about 13 million
people. The job will involve the following:
lThe restoration of soundness to an economy which has been ruined by a
ruthless, arrogant dictator who has nurtured corruption and inefficiency for the
past 20 years.
lThe restoration of the rule of law.
lThe opening up of opportunities so that the national economy serves the
interests of all and not only a bunch of self-centred political misfits.
lThe development of a society that would value the observance of human
rights.
lThe depoliticising of a police force which has been corrupted and currently
works as and indeed is an extended arm of the ruthless dictator in power at this
point in time.
lThe establishment of a truth and reconciliation commission in order to
investigate all the human rights abuses committed during the dictator’s tenure
of office.
In return the 13 million people of this southern African country offer an
attractive remuneration package to the right person.
Interested candidates should forward their applications before January 31
2002. Msena, Chitungwiza. EDITOR — Sometime in 1998, you allowed
me space in your respected paper for an article entitled ''Let’s take a leaf
from Zambia'' in which I highlighted the need for workers’ representative to
join forces with other progressive groups so as to put an end to the wanton and
systematic economic destruction, corruption, lack of development because of an
elite group of self-centred people.
Prophets of doom laughed this off. It was assumed that having been in Maputo
or Dar es Salaam in 1979 meant that this clique of lucky Zimbabweans could hold
the nation to ransom for their lifetime.
What started off as a government of national unity hinged on a vanguard
nationalist party later transformed itself into a draconian regime which
shamelessly abused state facilities and legitimised and institutionalised fear
and harassment by both the uniformed services and ex-combatants. This situation
almost took us to the barbaric dark ages.
Now that Zimbabwe is no longer a one-party state, I urge the new opposition
MPs to deliver their promises and stamp out the cronyism, lethargy and rampant
corruption that had come to characterise our politics.
A Bill should be passed to ensure that a head of state is fully accountable
for his/her actions, especially if he/she sanctions the torture of his/her own
citizens.
FROM DANIEL MCGRORY IN MACHEKE
THE vivid red scars running down John
Melrose's arms and legs are evidence why this farmer derides the sudden
talk of reconciliation by President Mugabe and his acolytes.
Only days ago, while a supposed peaceful election campaign was under
way, Mr Melrose, 65, lay hooded in the dirt while the so-called war
veterans whipped and beat him and boasted how they would drown him. His
body was lacerated and he was trussed up, hand and foot, and left for
dead.
The police were called and made no attempt to untie him or staunch his
bleeding while they haggled with the squatters' leader to let them rescue
him.
This was about the same time that Zimbabwe's police chiefs were
impressing international observers with promises to punish those
responsible for any election violence.
They made the same pledge again yesterday, yet the gang who savaged Mr
Melrose was still squatting unmolested yards from his front door. Five
officers investigating this attack did call on Mr Melrose and said that
the only crime they could find was to charge him for using offensive
language to the veterans.
His doctors at the Borrodaile Hospital in Marondera forensically
detailed his wounds including an 18in gash across his back and deep cuts
to his scalp, legs, arms, hands and buttocks. They estimated he had been
whipped at least 30 times. The police version of events concluded that Mr
Melrose fell off his motorcycle.
"If it wasn't so laughable it would be tragic," he said yesterday
sitting behind the metal security bars that barricade him inside his
patio. "They said my injuries were caused by me falling off my motorbike
and that I should go to the veterans and apologise for swearing at them.
This is real law and order in the bush. Nobody should be conned by
Mugabe's fine words on television."
Today Mr Melrose dare not leave the 12ft-high front gates of his
garden. As he talks he balances a bundle of keys in his hand. "I'm not the
jailer, I'm the one in jail".
The uncertainty paralysing Zimbabwe threatens his livelihood and his
life.
His 3,200-acre Glen Somerset Farm is high on the list of properties
that Zanu (PF) has designated for takeover. He cannot be sure that the war
veterans will not try to grab it before Mr Mugabe does. "Either way, it's
not much of a future to impress the bank manager with," he said.
"Life is not going to improve for the likes of us. These gangs are now
a law unto themselves. Out here we feel no one is in control of anything
any more."
The sense of desolation is shared by his wife, Geraldine, 59, who
cannot bear to look at her husband of 37 years as he describes the ambush
that nearly cost him his life.
Glen Somerset has been occupied by squatters since February and Mr
Melrose makes no secret of his exasperation that nothing has been done to
shift them. Instead he shows you written death threats he has received
during this time from his unwanted guests.
They recently forced him to sign away half his farm on a dirty scrap of
paper, warning him that if he did not, they would slaughter him, his wife
and their workers.
These are not idle threats. Some of his tormentors were in the gang
that kidnapped and killed his closest neighbour, David Stevens. Mrs
Melrose, shivers as she explains that her husband only escaped being
abducted that April morning because he was off the farm at their youngest
daughter's wedding. It was, he says, "a stay of execution".
On June 13 the veterans demanded he give them a tractor and trailer so
that they could take his labourers and their families to nearby Waterloo
to ensure they were registered to vote.
"I knew they just wanted to take my people and beat and indoctrinate
them again so I said no - albeit in forcible language."
This exchange happened near the beer hall that Mr Melrose built on his
workers' compound which the squatters use as their headquarters.
"You get tired of being bullied so I turned away and was riding my
motorbike across the football pitch when it hit a pothole and stalled. I
paid the price."
The Zimbabwe police refused to discuss the case yesterday.
This is the time to call it quits, Mr President
MDC’s Mat victory stuns Mugabe
Would ZANU PF have won a free, fair poll?
MDC to get funds from state coffers
Letters to the Editor or the Financial Gazette (Zimbabwe) - 29 June
2000
We can’t have both the gratuities and farms, Cdes
Uchanyeba Hande, Mount
Darwin.
Moyo cost his party a lot of seats
Mugabe and Hunzvi should be arrested
Wanted urgently: an able President
Over to you MDC MPs
June 29 2000
AFRICA
Photograph: PETER NICHOLLS
©
Centenary -
Yesterday fumigation tents were removed from Mwonga Farm. A group of 60
gathered at Kingston Farm but dispersed without incident. One farmer received a
threatening phonecall as he was accused of supporting MDC. On Tekwani Farm
a group of ZPF youths accused the labour of supporting MDC and threatened work
stoppages which have not taken place. Police have been informed of all
incidents.
Glendale - Zanu PF supporters have demanded MDC t-shirts
from farm workers on Longcroft Farm.
Shamva - Workers on Dormil Farm have been harassed for
being perceived MDC supporters.
Enterprise - Nuisance demands for transport
and food are on the increase again.
The Police are generally being more active, reacting to crimes and
processing charges made prior to the elections.
Zimbabwe democracy comes of age
Rioting threat to Mugabe as
food shortage looms
EXECUTIVE DECISIONS - from
the MDC
http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/africa/newsid_811000/811188.stm
Zimbabwe poll 'worst
and best'
The weekend poll was conducted well according to the
monitors
The final report on Zimbabwe's
general
elections by the European Union
observer
mission contains both strong criticism
and
praise for the conduct of the elections.
The head of the EU group, Pierre Schori,
said
the pre-election campaign was "one of the
worst (his observers) had seen".
But he added that polling
itself over the
weekend was among the best, saying
he
believed the presence of international
observers had reduced the scope for
intimidation.
The run up to the elections, which were
narrowly won by President Mugabe's ruling
party, Zanu-PF, drew
international criticism
following the violent seizure of
some
white-owned farms along with the beating
up
and killing of opposition supporters.
In a televised address to the nation on
Tuesday, President
Mugabe said foreign
observers and journalists would leave
humbled
and impressed.
EU 'watching'
Mr Schori said the EU would be watching
to
see what happened to those who carried out
the violence in the weeks before voting, which
left more than
30 people dead. He said the EU
hoped those behind the
pre-election breaches
of the law would be brought to court.
He said the EU wanted
a strong
partnership
with Zimbabwe, but it
had to be
built upon
good governance,
human rights
and
respect for the rule of
law.
Shortly after polling
closed on Sunday,
Mr
Schori said that the
term "free and
fair"
could not be applied to
Zimbabwe.
But when asked on Thursday if the results
reflected the will of the people, he said only
that all sides
seemed to have accepted them.
'Mugabe resign' calls
President Mugabe is facing pressure from
within Zanu-PF to resign as party leader
according to a report
in Zimbabwe's
independent weekly The Financial Gazette.
Several newly elected Zanu-PF MPs and
provincial heads reportedly said Mr Mugabe
should step down
within six months to allow for
the election of a new leader to
rejuvenate the
party and prepare for state
presidential
elections in 2002.
The
publication quotes an unnamed Zanu-PF
provincial chairman as
saying: "People are fed
up with Mugabe's leadership of both the
party
and the government. His theatrics on land
did
us more harm than good."
The chairman
warned of a potential "massive
defeat" in presidential polls
due in 2002 if
President Mugabe stayed as party
head
beyond December.
Opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai has said
he intends to run for president.
_______________
http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/africa/newsid_809000/809845.stm
Zimbabwe democracy
comes of age
The opposition dominated the urban vote
By Africa
correspondent Allan Little
For the first time for a long
time, Zimbabwe
has ceased to be a one-party state. It has
a
credible, functioning opposition with
unimpeachable democratic credentials. Despite
the violence that
so marred the campaign,
Zimbabwe's democracy has, in a sense,
come
of age.
The country split down the
middle. The towns
and cities voted overwhelmingly for
the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change.
In some constituencies they polled 85% of the
popular vote.
But in the countryside, where the
government
backed campaign of intimidation had
had
greatest effect, the ruling party,
Zanu-PF,
won a clear majority of the votes of the
rural
poor.
The opposition said the
people there had voted
not against change but for security,
fearing
the consequences of breaking ranks with
the
party that has governed this former
British
colony unchallenged and without opposition
for
20 years.
Turning point
It is a turning point for the man who led
the
struggle for independence through the
bitter
bush war of the 1960s and 1970s. The
opposition - who won almost half the seats
being contested -
said the election result
marked the beginning of the end for
Robert
Mugabe.
Throughout
the
campaign the
opposition
leader,
Morgan Tsvangirai, has
urged Mr Mugabe
to
seek a dignified exit
from public life.
But that has never
been Mr
Mugabe's
style. Ideologically he
belongs to
the African
liberationist tradition of
the
1960s - of strong
and ruthless leadership -
anti-Western,
suspicious of capitalism and deeply
intolerant
of dissent and opposition.
Throughout the campaign he attacked the
opposition as stooges
of Britain and agents of
white supremacist attempts to
recolonise
Zimbabwe and resurrect Rhodesia.
These are enemies he has fought all his
life.
(The British and Rhodesians jailed him for
more
than a decade.) He seems unlikely to want
to
welcome such implacable foes into the
ruling
elite now.
Vote for change
But he is weaker than he has ever been at
any
time since independence. His ruling party
cannot ignore the overwhelming reality of the
electoral
arithmetic.
Half the voters braved intimidation to vote
for
change. It was the biggest turnout in any
election since 1980.
Mr Tsvangirai
has
appealed to his
supporters to
show
restraint and patience
- emphasising
that
change will be gradual.
But he cannot
contain
the intense public
anger felt in
many
urban areas
indefinitely.
Mr Mugabe's party has
presided over
a
catastrophic collapse in the economy.
Unemployment is at 55%. Inflation is even
higher. Industry is
shrinking under the impact
of crippling interest rates.
President Mugabe is also said to be under
pressure from his powerful neighbour to the
south. If Zimbabwe
descends into economic
collapse and social chaos, it will drag
the
region down with it, as foreign confidence
-
already vulnerable - ebbs away.
Sanctions fear
Opposition leaders here are confident that
if Mr
Mugabe tries to go it alone and govern
as
before without taking account of opposition
gains, South Africa will threaten to cut
supplies of
electricity and water.
The ruling party, sooner or later,
will have to
choose which way to jump - whether to
seek
accommodation with the opposition, or to
carry on as though nothing has happened.
There will be
much soul searching inside the
ruling elite. They will, in the
end, have to think
the unthinkable and ask the unaskable :
has
Mugabe - the man they revere as father of
the
nation - become a liability. And if he has
how
to progress to a post-Mugabe era.
Zimbabwe is a radically different place. The
question is
whether the ruling elite will adapt
to the new reality - and
protect its own
interests - or, in the end, be swept away
by
it.
______________
http://www.the-times.co.uk/news/pages/tim/2000/06/29/timfgnafr01003.html
Rioting
threat to Mugabe as food
shortage looms
FROM MICHAEL DYNES IN HARARE
ON A good day, Richman Mpala, a
ten-year-old barefoot
street urchin who assiduously works the traffic
lights in
downtown Harare, can usually pick up about 50 Zimbabwe
dollars (60p) by begging from motorists. He says most of it
goes to his
mother who needs at least a hundred dollars a
day to buy enough sadza - the
ground-down maize meal
that forms the staple diet of Zimbabwe's
increasingly
impoverished people - so that she can feed her hungry
family of six.
But the tube of glue in his back pocket, which he
periodically brings out to inhale, suggests that at least a
portion is
diverted to buy the adhesive to help him to get
through the grinding
monotony of his long and empty days.
Perhaps his parents called him
Richman because that is
what they hoped he would be. Like millions of their
fellow
citizens, though, they have seen their hopes evaporate as
the
country's once-flourishing economy slips into
freefall.Richman loathes his
hand-to-mouth existence, and
he aches for a better life.
Even if
President Mugabe rips the heart out of the
agricultural sector by seizing
white-owned commercial
farms, no one will starve in Zimbabwe in the
immediate
future. Most of the country's annual production of two
million tonnes of maize has been harvested and there is
enough food in
storage to last until the next harvest in May.
Shortages of other crops are
looming, however, bringing the
spectre of food riots, especially in urban
areas, which have
grown accustomed to the luxury of eating bread.
Colin Cloete, a vice president of the predominantly white
Commercial
Farmers Union, said: "The most serious
problem will arise in the autumn
with the wheat crop.
"This year's planting season has been greatly
hindered by
the war veterans. The disruption they have caused has
delayed the onset of planting by a month and reduced the
amount of acreage
planted by some 20 per cent. We have
already lost about 100,000 tonnes and
things could get much
worse.
"Zimbabwe produces about 300,000
tonnes of wheat a
year, but it consumes 450,000 tonnes. The deficit is
normally imported. But this year we are going to have to
import 250,000
tonnes, at a cost of US$65 million, and there
is no foreign exchange to pay
for it," Mr Cloete said.
"And that's only the start of our problems.
If we get early
rains, much of the wheat crop will have to be
downgraded
to feed stock. Then the problem starts to get serious. We
told the Government all this when they started their
shenanigans, but they
didn't seem to understand or care.
Food shortages are more likely to cause
civil unrest in this
country than anything else.
"Mr Mugabe and
the war vets are doing enormous damage
to the country, which they just
don't seem to give a damn
about. [He] has had 20 years to sort out the land
problem,
but he has made no serious attempt to do so. It's almost as
if he wanted to keep it in reserve so he could bring it out at
election
time."
The CFU and Movement for Democratic Change, the
opposition
party, agree that Zimbabwe's white commercial
and black communal
landholding systems - an unresolved
legacy of colonial rule - are divisive.
They insist, though,
that Mr Mugabe's proposed land seizures are
destructive
and would seriously damage Zimbabwe's long-term ability
to
feed itself.
"Now it's up to us to take the initiative and sort it
out
ourselves," Mr Cloete said.
____________
EXECUTIVE DECISIONS
28 June 2000
The
executive of the Movement for Democratic Change met in Harare today to
review
the election process, electoral results, violence and intimidation,
vote
rigging and electoral irregularities and discuss
parliamentary
strategies.
MDC vice-president Gibson Sibanda will lead
the MDC in parliament. The
person who will occupy the position of MDC
parliamentary whip will be
decided upon at a later stage by a committee
working on parliamentary
structure.
The Movement for Democratic Change
is in a process of reviewing electoral
irregularities and some disturbing
facts have come to light. However,
these
facts will form the basis of 10
test cases that will be brought before the
High Court as a matter of
urgency.
MDC president, Morgan Tsvangirai said: "We want to thank a
number of
people,
first and foremost the people of Zimbabwe for showing
incredible
determination to cast their vote. We bow our heads in sadness at
the loss
of 31 brave people who stood their ground for democratic ideals.
Our
hearts
are filled with sadness at the tremendous loss their families
have
experienced, and the incredible trauma to wives and children. We have
been
moved by the commitment of those families to continue to support
the
Movement for Democratic Change and the quest for peace and freedom in
this
land.
"We thank those who have died, been beaten, or raped, their
properties
destroyed or they themselves, and their families displaced for
continuing
in
their commitment. Their sacrifices have been considerable
and we are in
awe
of their courage.
"We thank election observers
for their presence in this country and for
the
sincerity and openness with
which they approached their task. And then of
course we need to thank the
media for working very hard, and sometimes at
personal risk, to try and
present a true reflection to the world of what
has
been occuring in
Zimbabwe."
"The staff at the Support Centres have worked for months,
mostly with no
pay
and under a situation of very scarce resources to build
the MDC and
further
its aims. Their sense of teamwork has inspired us all.
Despite rumours to
the contrary the MDC has relied on the kindness of all for
cash, donations
and voluntary services. The premises the campaign operated
from was
loaned,
so were our computers, printers, the paper we used, the
vehicles, the ink,
the staples. We regularly sent out appeals asking for
donations of such
minor items as paper clips, staplers, toner and glue. We
were never
disappointed.
"Indeed, civil society which had become moribund
for 20 years in Zimbabwe
has reawoken, there is a new energy and a new
purpose. Zimbabweans will
never again submit. We ask those who have helped
thus far not to reduce
their efforts, our real work begins now."
"The
homes of hundreds of our supporters have been burnt to the
ground,
the
vehicles of many destroyed, their crops and small farming
projects razed.
We
need assistance to help those people recover and move
forward.
Keep up the momentum!
Regards,
MDC Support
Centre
8th Floor, Gold Bridge
Eastgate
Harare
Guqula
Izenzo/Maitiro Chinja
"The people of Zimbabwe have begun the process of
reclaiming power and the
institution of true democratic change." (Morgan
Tsvangirai)