Zim Online
Fri 30 June
2006
HARARE - Zimbabwe's ruling ZANU PF party's politburo has
recommended
that President Robert Mugabe reject overtures by United Nations
boss Kofi
Annan that he step down to pave way for a transitional
government.
Mugabe is likely to meet Annan and South Africa's
President Thabo
Mbeki on the sidelines of the African Union summit in The
Gambia at the
weekend to discuss, among other things, the resolution of the
Zimbabwe
crisis.
Sources within ZANU PF told ZimOnline
yesterday that the politburo,
the party's supreme decision-making body
outside congress, had told Mugabe
to reject any proposals for a transitional
government which Annan is said to
be pushing.
The sources said
the politburo had recommended that Mugabe accept to
meet the UN boss and
Mbeki as a matter of etiquette but should not agree to
any suggestions that
he should step down.
"He was given the mandate by
the party to meet Annan or any other
leader wishing to discuss with him. But
it will be purely on diplomatic
etiquette.
"We will not accept
any suggestions for a transitional government or
economic rescue packages
tied to veiled attempts at regime change," said the
senior ZANU PF politburo
member.
ZANU PF spokesman Nathan Shamuyarira confirmed that his
party had
discussed Mugabe's impending meeting with Annan but refused to
shed more
light on the matter.
"The UN has no role in the
internal affairs of countries, especially
those not involved in a bloody war
like Zimbabwe.
"If Zimbabweans want change, they know when
elections are due. The
party gave the President the discretion to meet Annan
or other leaders as he
will see fit," said Shamuyarira, a trusted confidante
of Mugabe.
Annan and Mbeki were expected to present to Mugabe a
proposal for him
to set a timetable for his departure in return for massive
assistance from
the international community to aid Zimbabwe's economic
recovery.
But speaking at the burial of his late information
minister Tichaona
Jokonya in Harare yesterday, Mugabe appeared to dampen any
prospects for a
deal with Annan saying Zimbabwe will not accept any "rescue
package" because
it was not collapsing.
The sources said the
ZANU PF politburo was unanimous in its stance
that Mugabe should reject the
UN deal saying the veteran Zimbabwean leader
should not be cornered into
giving a time-frame for his departure as he was
not answerable to Annan or
Mbeki.
Speaking during the politburo meeting, State Security
Minister Didymus
Mutasa said his South African counterpart, Ronnie Kasrils
who was in
Zimbabwe about three weeks ago, had indicated to him that Mbeki
was keen to
meet Mugabe over the country's crisis.
"Mutasa said
Kasrils had not directly tabled an agenda for Mugabe and
Mbeki's talks, but
hinted that Mbeki and other international players wanted
to secure
Zimbabwe's future and the issue of leadership would be crucial to
discuss.
"Politburo members took this to mean that Mbeki and
Annan wanted to
corner Mugabe into detailing a programme for retirement and
they said it was
unacceptable," said the source.
The sources
said ZANU PF officials, who are embroiled in a bitter
succession wrangle
over Mugabe's succession, are keen to manage the
succession issue themselves
without involving outsiders to secure their own
interests.
"They belong to different camps, but they would rather have Mugabe's
retirement managed here so as to suit their own divergent
interests.
"Many of the people in the politburo have their
political future tied
to Mugabe and would want to manage things from here,"
said the source. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
Fri 30 June 2006
HARARE - A Zimbabwean black farmer,
embroiled in a bitter ownership
wrangle with Speaker of Parliament John
Nkomo, yesterday filed an urgent
court application against State Security
and Land Reform Minister Didymus
Mutasa seeking an order barring the
powerful minister from evicting him from
the property.
The
black farmer, Langton Masunda, implored the Bulawayo High Court to
reverse
Mutasa's letter which was issued about two weeks ago nullifying an
offer
letter issued to him at the height of farm invasions in 2002.
Mutasa is cited as the first respondent in the matter while Nkomo, who
is
accused of inciting veterans of the country's 1970s liberation war, to
re-invade the disputed property in Matabeleland North province is cited as
the second respondent.
In his affidavit filed at the Bulawayo
High Court yesterday, Masunda
said: "I have been in occupation of the land
allocated me since August 2002,
until the 15th of June 2006 when I was
arrested and evicted by the police.
"On the 20th June 2006, I was
served with a letter by the first
respondent (Mutasa) in which the first
respondent purported to withdraw the
offer of land made to me.
"Dissatisfied with the purported withdrawal, I made representations to
the
first respondent seeking that he reverse his decision. I have in my
pursuit
of my challenge, instituted proceedings for review which I have
filed
simultaneously with this application."
Masunda said he stood to
lose about US$400 000 if he was not allowed
to entertain hunters that had
booked to hunt at the farm during the
remaining hunting season.
In his affidavit, Masunda says he risks being sued by his clients whom
he
had already clinched business deals with before he was ousted from the
farm.
Masunda says he is seeking access to hunting trophies at Jijima Lodge
which
he needed to send to his clients.
"I have no access to the lodge,
which is guarded by the police. The
clients who left the trophies want their
trophies, they paid for them and
the authorised dealers can
confirm.
"The failure to ship the trophies not only exposes me to
suit for
damages but also has the potential to ruin my reputation and indeed
ruin the
reputation of the whole hunting industry.
"I pray that
the time limits which normally obtain in review
proceedings be dispensed
with and the review application be heard as a
matter of urgency," said
Masunda.
Contacted for comment yesterday, Mutasa retorted: "What is
he
(Masunda) up to? The matter has still not been brought to my
attention."
Nkomo has battled since last year to grab the Jijima
safari business
arguing that it belongs to him because it was part of Lugo
Ranch, a vast
former white-owned estate allocated to him by the government
during its farm
seizure programme.
Nkomo was not immediately
available for comment on the matter
yesterday.
The two's
wrangle over the rich safari farm illustrates well how top
ZANU PF
officials, rich and well-connected black Zimbabweans have fought and
scrambled among themselves to grab the best of the farms seized from
whites. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Fri 30 June
2006
HARARE - About 20 church leaders on Thursday met Zimbabwe's
main
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai in Harare as part of the clergy's
attempts to resolve the country's six-year old political and economic
crisis.
Sources said Tsvangirai, who heads the main rump of his
splintered
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party, told the church
leaders during
the meeting at Africa Synold House in Harare that Zimbabwe's
problems were
due to a flawed constitution.
"We outlined to the
church leaders our proposed roadmap which calls
for free and fair
elections," said a senior member of the MDC who was part
of the delegation
that met the church leaders.
Earlier this month, Tsvangirai
unveiled what he said was a "road-map"
to end Zimbabwe's six-year old
political and economic crisis.
The "road-map" includes demands that
Mugabe accepts a new constitution
and that he steps down for a transitional
government to take over to
organise fresh elections under international
supervision.
"The churches realise that Tsvangirai is a key
component and can break
the impasse and play an active role in resolving the
Zimbabwe crisis," said
a member of the church who attended yesterday's
meeting.
MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa refused to comment on
yesterday's meeting
telling ZimOnline to contact the church
leaders.
The church leaders have already met Mugabe in an attempt
to find a
solution to the crisis.
Meanwhile, Tsvangirai's
faction yesterday dismissed as "outrageous"
claims by a rival faction that
it is pushing for a power-sharing deal with
Mugabe's
government.
In a statement to the media on Wednesday, Gabriel
Chaibva, the
spokesman for the Arthur Mutambara-led MDC party, accused
Tsvangirai's camp
of pushing for secret talks with ZANU PF.
"We
are not in any way talking to ZANU PF," said Chamisa, the
spokesman of the
Tsvangirai-led faction.
"(The allegations) are a ploy by Gabriel
Chaibva and company to try
and cleanse their grouping which all along has
been working with ZANU PF. It
is a lie designed to put his faction in good
light," he added.
The MDC, which had presented the greatest
challenge to Mugabe's
26-year grip on power, is severely weakened after it
split into two factions
last year. Tsvangirai now leads the larger rump of
the party with former
university student leader Arthur Mutambara leading the
other faction. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
Thu 29 June
2006
HARARE - President Robert Mugabe on Thursday said Zimbabwe did
not
need any "rescue package" from the international community because it
was
not collapsing dampening any hopes of a negotiated solution to the
country's
six-year old crisis.
Speaking at the burial of the
late Information Minister Tichaona
Jokonya at the Heroes Acre in Harare, a
fired up Mugabe dismissed talk of
plans to rescue Zimbabwe from economic
collapse.
"We have heard of so many so-called initiatives to rescue
Zimbabwe,
rescue this nation from what?" he asked.
"We are not
dying, we don't need any rescue. You would think that we
are about to perish
as a nation.
"We tell the world from this sacred
empire that is Zimbabwe, we are
not about to die, we will not die. We will
not collapse. Maybe we are
suffering, yes, but we will never die," Mugabe
told the mourners.
Jokonya died last Saturday after he collapsed in
his hotel room.
United Nations secretary general Kofi Annan and
South Africa's
President Thabo Mbeki have been leading a fresh initiative to
broker a
rescue package for Zimbabwe which is in its sixth year of an
unprecedented
economic recession.
Western governments and the
main opposition Movement for Democratic
Change party accuse Mugabe of
ruining the country which is also battling
severe food shortages as well as
the world's highest inflation rate of
nearly 1 200 percent.
But
Mugabe has often denied wrecking the country with his ruling ZANU
PF party
spokesman Nathan Shamuyarira telling the media last week that
Zimbabweans
were happy the party's rule.
Under the proposed UN deal, Mugabe is
supposed to step down with firm
guarantees that he will not be prosecuted
for human rights abuses committed
over the past 26 years in return for
massive economic aid for the country.
Mugabe, who has used burials
of his ruling ZANU PF officials to launch
vitriolic attacks on the West,
also took the time to castigate the United
States and Britain for imposing
targeted sanctions on him and senior members
of his government.
"We are dismayed at some of our countrymen who have asked for
sanctions from
Britain. The sanctions are punishing the ordinary person. The
lie about the
so-called sanctions being personalised for the leadership not
to travel can
no longer be sustained.
"Britain and the United States are
campaigning against Zimbabwe and
discouraging other countries from investing
in and trading with Zimbabwe.
That is illegal because the UN has not
sanctioned that," he said. -
ZimOnline
[ This report does not necessarily
reflect the views of the United Nations]
HARARE, 29 Jun 2006 (IRIN) -
Standards of learning and teaching in Zimbabwe,
at one time the envy of the
African continent, have been plummeting, says a
report by a cross-party
parliamentary committee.
The Portfolio Committee on Education painted a
grim picture after visiting
institutions of higher learning, and in some
cases finding female students
resorting to sex work or cohabiting with men
to pay for their fees at
universities and colleges.
Tuition and
examination fees, as well as accommodation costs, have rocketed
and students
have to fork out as much as Zim$200 million (US$2,000) per
semester, while
their grants have remained stagnant at Zim$13 million
(US$130) per term. An
average worker earns about US$150 a month.
"Education is now a preserve
for the rich, some students have dropped out of
programmes, others will not
be able to write examinations, which they cannot
afford, while others have
had to defer their studies," the committee noted.
Promise Mkhwananzi,
president of the Zimbabwe National Students' Union
(Zinasu), which
represents students at 38 higher learning institutions, told
IRIN that some
male students had also turned to crime to pay for their
tuition and other
expenses. "From the desperate situation that we find
ourselves in, we can
understand why our comrades have had to resort to
that."
He added:
"When we factor in the fact that institutions of higher learning
cannot
attract and retain staff, and that libraries have no or outdated
books, then
that means the quality of our education will be severely
compromised."
Academic and non-academic staff at the University of
Zimbabwe in the
capital, Harare, threatened to go on strike last week after
there were
delays in salary payments.
Raymond Majongwe,
secretary-general of the Progressive Teachers Union of
Zimbabwe, commented,
"The future of any country lies in the hands of its
youth; citizens of any
country should hold their governments accountable if
they abandon their
responsibilities."
He said the government would become more serious about
addressing problems
in the education sector only when a decent education was
made a basic human
right.
Zimbabwe has been in recession for six
straight years. It is struggling to
cope with food shortages caused by
erratic rainfall, the impact of a chaotic
fast-track land reform programme
on the agricultural sector and a critical
lack of foreign currency to cover
imports. Inflation has climbed to 1,200
percent and unemployment is over 80
percent.
Yahoo News
Thu Jun 29, 11:34 AM ET
HARARE (AFP) - Zimbabwean President
Robert Mugabe has vowed to fight anyone
who sought to grab the country's
land or sell it, in a renewed attack on the
international community and
former colonial master Britain.
"We will fight unto death anyone who
wants to take it (land) away from us...
to occupy, to sell or pawn it to the
outsider," Mugabe said Thursday in a
speech at the southern African
country's Heroes Acre cemetery.
He was cheered on by thousands of mourners,
including soldiers in combat
fatigues attending the funeral of former
information minister Tichaona
Jokonya, who died on Saturday.
"We have
this ... responsibility of preserving and defending this only home
we
have... a home made ours by divine will," said Mugabe, who has been in
power
since Zimbabwe's independence from Britain in 1980.
He said the issue of
land was a "national question and a Zimbawean sovereign
fight and a basis of
our differences with the government of (British Prime
Minister) Tony
Blair".
He added that the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
-- which
he alleged was being bankrolled by Britain -- was "beginning to
understand
that telling Blair to keep his stealthy hands off Zimbabwe" was
not a matter
for Mugabe or his ruling party alone.
"It is a national
question and message every Zimbabwean must put to the
British... It is a
Zimbabwean sovereign fight and should be our fight
together."
Zimbabwe's relations with the West have been tense since
Mugabe's government
launched controversial land reforms six years ago,
seizing farms from around
4,000 white farmers for redistribution to landless
blacks.
Once the breadbasket of southern Africa, the country of 13
million has
descended into economic meltdown. Critics say this is the result
of the land
reforms.
"The opposition knows that ... they (Western
nations) are people without
morals, they tell lies and dream lies," Mugabe
said.
Mugabe attacked various foreign initiatives designed to counter
Zimbabwe's
economic woes -- characterised by runaway inflation, soaring
poverty, an
unemployment rate at over 70 percent, as well as chronic
shortages of fuel
and basic goods like cornmeal.
He added that
Zimbabwe was facing "full sanctions from as far back as 2000".
In March
US President
George Bush renewed a freeze on the assets of more than 100
people and 30
entities considered to be opponents of reforms in
Zimbabwe.
The Herald (Harare)
June
29, 2006
Posted to the web June 29, 2006
Harare
THREE small
thermal power stations belonging to Zimbabwe Power Company (ZPC)
have
suspended operations owing to coal shortages and Hwange Thermal
Station,
which is operating below capacity.
The affected stations are Bulawayo,
Munyati and Harare.
Experts yesterday said if the stations were running
at full capacity, the
ongoing load-shedding programme by Zesa Holdings would
be less severe.
The Bulawayo station, which has a capacity to produce 90
megawatts of
electricity, has not been operating for the past two weeks,
officials said.
ZPC acting managing director Mr Norbert Matarutse
confirmed that operations
at the stations had been affected by coal
shortages but said the reasons
were explained in a joint statement by his
company and Hwange Colliery
Company published early this month.
"We
are waiting for coal. Our equipment is ready to generate at full
capacity
once the coal becomes available," Mr Matarutse said.
He said his company
understood the challenges faced by the colliery in
producing enough
coal.
In the joint statement published in most newspapers, Hwange and ZPC
said
they were working together to address the shortage of coal to improve
electricity generation.
In 2004 the Bulawayo station management told
the Resident Minister Cde Cain
Mathema during a familiarisation tour that
ZPC was contemplating importing
coal from Maruapula in neighbouring Botswana
as a result of coal shortages.
At that time, the station was only
generating 30 megawatts instead of 90
megawatts.
IOL
June 29 2006 at
03:22PM
Harare - The Zimbabwe government has seized another 19
farms near the
capital Harare, including four belonging to a major chicken
breeder, despite
calls for an end to farm takeovers, it was reported
Thursday.
Lands and State Security Minister Didymus Mutasa
published the notice
of seizure in an official government
gazette.
The Herald daily said that among the properties being
acquired were
four belonging to Crest Breeders International, a major local
chicken
producer.
President Robert Mugabe's government has been
taking white-owned farms
for redistribution to blacks since 2000, to a mixed
reaction from the
outside world.
Western countries blame the
land reforms for Zimbabwe's repeated crop
failures, but many African
countries hail Mugabe for what they see as his
attempts to assert his
government's ownership over resources previously
controlled by
whites.
Within Mugabe's government, however, there have
been isolated calls
for an end to farm takeovers and invasions, notably from
Reserve Bank
Governor Gideon Gono and Vice President Joyce Mujuru. -
Sapa-dpa
VOA
PRESS RELEASE - Washington, D.C., June 29, 2006 -- Voice of
America
Director David S. Jackson issued the following statement today
concerning
VOA broadcasts to Zimbabwe:
"There has been some
jamming of our broadcasts of Studio 7, but so far the
interference appears
to be limited to medium wave broadcasts to Harare, so
many of our loyal
listeners throughout Zimbabwe have been able to hear our
shows on shortwave
and in other locations of the country without any
problem. We take any
interference seriously, however, and we will continue
to monitor the
situation."
VOA's Studio 7 is broadcast to Zimbabwe each Monday through
Friday from 7:00
p.m. to 8:30 p.m. local time (1700-1830 UTC) in 30-minute
segments in Shona,
English and Ndebele.
The Voice of America, which
first went on the air in 1942, is a multimedia
international broadcasting
service funded by the U.S. government through the
Broadcasting Board of
Governors. VOA broadcasts more than 1,000 hours of
news, information,
educational, and cultural programming every week to an
estimated worldwide
audience of more than 100 million people. Programs are
produced in 44
languages.
For more information, call the Office of Public Affairs at
(202) 203-4959,
or e-mail publicaffairs@voa.gov.
The Herald (Harare)
June 29,
2006
Posted to the web June 29, 2006
Harare
GOVERNMENT has
compulsorily acquired a total of 19 farms around Harare for
urban
expansion.
The Minister of State for National Security, Lands, Land
Reform and
Resettlement, Cde Didymus Mutasa, published the acquisition order
in a
notice in the Government Gazette.
The Zimbabwe Tobacco
Association's Odar Farm measuring 605 809 hectares, is
among those that have
been acquired.
Crest Breeders International (Private Limited) had its
four farms around the
capital city also being compulsorily
acquired.
These are Remaining Extent of Cerney Township of Saturday
Retreat measuring
46 233 hectares, Lot 2 of Saturday Retreat measuring 22
077 ha, Remaining
Extent of Saturday Retreat Estate measuring 105 738 ha and
New Cennety
Township 2 of Saturday Retreat Estate measuring 63 895
ha.
Mashonaland Holdings Limited had its Remaining Extent of Chizororo of
Eyrecourt measuring 197 548 ha acquired while Rothmans International
Enterprises Limited had Stand 48 Aspindale Township of Subdivisions A and B
of Lochnivar measuring 100 313 ha acquired.
Eddies Pfugari Properties
had the Remainder of White Cliff measuring 1 065
709 ha acquired.
One
farm registered in the name of Top Crop (1976) (Private) Limited
measuring
91 302 hectares was acquired for peri-urban agriculture.
The Herald
(Harare)
June 29, 2006
Posted to the web June 29,
2006
Harare
GOVERNMENT is forging ahead with the privatisation of
some parastatals with
a number of them at various stages of implementing the
programme, a Cabinet
minister said yesterday.
State Enterprises,
Anti-Monopolies and Anti-Corruption Minister Mr Paul
Mangwana said the
Government was, however, proceeding with the privatisation
programme with
caution.
"The privatisation programme is a matter which we have to
approach with care
and caution," he said.
"The programme is not
expected to happen overnight. As Government, we need
to retain control of
some strategic national assets."
He said discussions were currently
underway with Chinese companies on the
operationalisation of a Memorandum of
Understanding (MoU) for joint ventures
between TelOne, NetOne and the
Chinese companies.
He revealed that Vice President Joice Mujuru, in her
recent visit to China,
had discussed the MOU issue with the Chinese suitors,
adding that nothing so
far had been concretised.
The National
Railways of Zimbabwe was undergoing recapitalisation and some
equipment had
already been ordered from China to revamp the country's rail
system,
Minister Mangwana said.
"Nothing has been finalised yet for NRZ as it is
still undergoing
recapitalisation," he said
Zesa Holdings, he said,
had entered into a strategic partnership with CATIC
of China and that
alliance had already seen the two companies venturing into
coal mining in
Hwange as well as upgrading of the country's power generation
capacity.
Minister Mangwana said Government was hopeful that the
management contract
between the beleaguered Zimbabwe Iron and Steel Company
(Zisco), and Global
Steel Holdings of India, would be finalised
soon.
"Zisco has entered into a management contract with GSH Limited
which will
see US$400 million being invested into the company. The
contractors are
already on site and we are quite sure the agreement will be
signed in the
near future," he added.
He said the privatisation
programme at the Cold Storage Company was being
hampered by a huge debt
accumulated over the years.
Although he could not reveal the size of the
debt, the minister said
Government was consulting on how to liquidate
it.
"The idea was to float CSC on the stock exchange but its debt
overhead has
to be dealt with first. We are looking at how we can
restructure the debt so
that the company becomes free from debt," he
said.
He said measures were being put in place to restore viability and
turn the
parastatal into a profitable organisation.
The Government
has proposed that TelOne, NetOne and Air Zimbabwe should look
for strategic
partners while Zisco and CSC should enter into joint ventures
and partially
divest before listing on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange as part
of efforts to
improve the performance of public entities so they do not
become a drain on
the fiscus.
To date, Government has successfully privatised milk
processor Dairibord
Zimbabwe Limited, Commercial Bank of Zimbabwe, Cotton
Company of Zimbabwe
and the Rainbow Tourism Group.
Radio Netherlands
New face unlikely to improve press
freedom in Zimbabwe
Commentary by Andy
Sennitt
29-06-2006
The press freedom situation in Zimbabwe
continues to deteriorate week by
week, day by day, along with the country's
infrastructure and the quality of
life of its citizens. The developed world
is so concerned with fighting its
own "war on terrorism" that it seems to be
turning a blind eye to the state
terrorism being conducted by the regime of
President Robert Mugabe.
We see very little coverage of events in
Zimbabwe in the mainstream press
here in Europe. Admittedly there are hardly
any western journalists left to
report from inside Zimbabwe, but there are
news sources based outside the
country that do an excellent job of reporting
what's going on there. Sadly,
it's easier to get that information if you
live outside Zimbabwe than if you
live within its borders.
Turn for
the worse
This week, the already grim situation with respect to radio
broadcasting in
Zimbabwe took another turn for the worse. London-based SW
Radio Africa
reported that its mediumwave service, which broadcasts from a
transmitter in
Lesotho on 1197 kHz at 0300-0500 UTC, is now being jammed
inside the
country. It has been widely reported that jamming transmitters
installed by
the Chinese at an airbase near Harare are being used. The Voice
of America's
Studio 7 programme, aimed specifically at Zimbabwe, is also
being targeted.
To put these latest jamming reports in context, the first
use of jammers was
against the shortwave signals of SW Radio Africa (SWRA),
which began in
March 2005. SWRA responded by adding additional shortwave
frequencies, but
in so doing it used up its entire annual budget for
transmission costs by
mid-year, and was forced to abandon shortwave
altogether. The jammers were
subsequently used to target the other
independent radio station broadcasting
to Zimbabwe, the Voice of the People
(VOP). That station actually produces
its programmes inside Zimbabwe, and
sends them to Radio Netherlands, which
broadcasts them back into the country
via the relay station in Madagascar.
State harrassment
But jamming
the broadcasts was not enough for the Mugabe regime. The VOP
studios had
been bombed in August 2002, disrupting production until February
2003.
Production of new programmes continued until December 2005, albeit
with
constant harassment from the government. Then on 15 December 2005,
Zimbabwean security agents raided the headquarters of VOP and arrested a
number of staff, who were later freed. They also confiscated production
equipment. The agents were ostensibly looking for a "transmitter", even
though they know that the programmes are broadcast from outside the
country.
The Zimbabwe authorities attempted to construct a case for the
prosecution,
but the court proceedings were farcical as they could not
produce evidence.
The most recent court hearing, earlier this month, was
again adjourned until
late September, as one of the key witnesses for the
prosecution was not even
in the country. David Masunda, Chairman of the
Trust which runs VOP, said:
"We know that the government of Zimbabwe
knows it has no case against us and
so they are trying to buy time so they
can also continue to hold onto our
computers and recorders for they know
without them we cannot resume
operations. They should just drop the charges
because they know we have no
case to answer. The government is just wasting
everyone's resources,
including the taxpayers' money."
New face on
the block
Professor Jonathan Moyo, who had been Information Minister for four
years,
and no doubt ordered the bombing of the VOP studios in 2002, fell
from grace
at the end of 2004. He was replaced by Tichaona Jokonya, who had
announced
only this month that Moyo's reforms to the structure of state
broadcasting
were to be reversed. But on Saturday 24 June, Jokonya was found
dead in a
hotel room in Harare.
SW Radio Africa reports that
"Kadoma-based lawyer Paul Mangwana, who
decided to burn ballot papers in the
2005 Zanu PF Kadoma East primary
elections after it became apparent he was
heading for defeat, is the new
acting Information Minister." That's not
exactly the kind of track record
that will fill press freedom campaigners
with confidence.
The station adds that "Zimbabweans hope the only thing
he burns this time is
the oppressive Access to Information and Protection of
Privacy Act (AIPPA)
that has been used to shut down media outlets and
control the flow of
information via stringent registration requirements."
But it is just hope,
and not expectation.
We will be watching with
interest for signs of any significant change in the
attitude of the Mugabe
regime to press freedom. But we're not holding our
breath. The names and
faces may change, but for Robert Mugabe and his Zanu
PF party, it seems to
be a case of Plus ça change, plus c'est la même chose.
Disclaimer: The
views expressed in this article are the personal views of
the author, and do
not necessarily represent the opinions of Radio
Netherlands.
Business in Africa
Posted Thu, 29
Jun 2006
Harare - A top Zimbabwean energy official said on Wednesday that
the
government had put in a bid for a 25 percent stake in Mozambique's
electricity generator, Hydro Cahora Bassa (HCB).
Obert Nyatanga,
director of the state-owned Zimbabwe Electricity Supply
Authority (ZESA),
said about $500mn was being mobilised to buy the stake,
crucial to securing
badly needed long-term power supplies.
The country was currently facing a
power crisis, worsened by its inability
to import sufficient quantities due
to foreign currency shortages.
Zimbabwe generates 65 percent of its
national requirements, and relies on
neighbours for the balance.
But
apart from inability to finance electricity imports, a general power
shortage in the region has also forced Zimbabwe's neighbours to scale down
exports to the country.
Nyatanga said Zimbabwe might bid for the
stake with other investors from
Asia, who have also expressed interest in
the deal.
"The deal is being looked into. Funds to get equity in HCB are
being
mobilised by the government through its partnerships with strategic
investors in Asia," he said.
"It is a strategic transaction that can
also boast ZESA operations so we
just hope that the Mozambican authorities
will come out with something
positive," he added. -panapress
The Zimbabwean
MAPUTO - The World Bank is
supporting Zimbabwe's white commercial farmers,
who are now living in
Mozambique after the Zanu (PF) government evicted them
during the bloody
2000 land grab.
The Bank released a whopping US$20 million over the weekend
to Mozambique
for the Smallholder Agriculture Development Project in the
Zambezi Valley
aimed at boosting the country's food security, John Donaldson
of the World
Bank told CAJ News.
"Full debt cancellation approved for
some of the world's poorest countries
has seen the Bank approve US$37
billion for multilateral debt relief," he
said. - CAJ News
The Zimbabwean
BY
MFANDAIDZA HOVE
In the local press last week, minister Rugare Gumbo is quoted
as claiming
that the NEDPP has managed to raise US$350 million in foreign
currency since
its launch on April 19, 2006. The MDC now responds to the
minister's
responses in the press to some of the key economic
issues:
Question: The government has in recent years introduced
programmes which it
said would spur economic development, what guarantees do
we have that the
NEDPP will be a success?
Gumbo's response: Most of
the programmes lacked private sector participation
as government set them up
and implemented them at the same time. The
recently unveiled programme,
however, takes various players, including the
private sector, on board,
something that makes a major difference.
MDC's response: To what extent, if
any, did the private sector voluntarily
participate in the drafting of this
programme? Was their input
incorporated? Do they regard the NEDPP's
targets as achievable? At both
the launch of the programme in April and the
session with the Sunday Mail,
the Minister appeared to be making claims on
behalf of the private sector.
One wonders what the actual position taken by
both the Confederation of
Zimbabwe Industries (CZI) and the Zimbabwe
National Chamber of Commerce
(ZNCC) was. In any case, to what extent will
the NEDPP's targets trickle
down to productive units in the economy? For
example, we know that the
fertilizer industry is currently operating at 12%
of its capacity.
Question: A lot has been said about the programme's
intentions and
strategies. But there has been little mention of the (amount
of) funds that
were allocated to the implementation of the programme and how
the funds were
sourced.
Gumbo's response: A budgetary allocation has
not been made for this
initiative. However, line ministries are expected to
avail funds from their
respective allocations. It was suggested that funds
earmarked for certain
ministry projects should be channeled to the NEDPP. We
would also like the
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) to provide funding
through its various
programmes.
MDC's response: The affected line
ministries are surely, barely functional,
and not in any position to divert
any funds to the NEDPP. This claim by the
Minister appears to be
impractical and without foundation, unless, of
course, he is relying on
Governor Gono' money printing expertise (to refer
to his second source of
funding). The provision of funds by the RBZ is yet
another primitive and
economically dangerous quasi-fiscal activity. These
funds have not been
incorporated in the country's national accounts, and
have as a result,
distorted national statistics particularly inflation
levels and the budget
deficit. Ultimately, this source of funding cannot be
consistent with any
positive economic growth.
Question: When the programme was launched
almost two months ago, its "major
part" was to harness US$2.5 billion in
cash and investments within three
months. Of the targeted funds, what
amounts have you raised and what
investments have been made?
Gumbo's
response - We have not gone very far, unfortunately. We have
managed to
raise US$350 million in cash. But we are still quite optimistic
that we
will raise quite a substantial sum of money. It should be noted,
however,
that focus is not merely on raising US$2.5 billion in cash but also
in
credit lines and revolving funds investments around the country. After
all
is said and done, we will probably be able to have US$2.5 billion.
MDC's
response: At least the minister is honest enough to admit that ".we
have not
gone very far.." although this appears to be an understatement of
the
situation. Given that the total foreign currency inflows during the
whole
of 2005 (US$1.7 billion) translates to monthly receipts of just over
US$140
million, how does the Minister explain having raised US$350 million
in one
month? Even if one were to accept the Minister's claim that this
amount has
been raised, if it were to be pro-rated to the three months
within which it
was claimed that US$2.5 billion would be raised, NEDPP will
only raise a
total of US$1.050 billion by the end of that period. Fantasy
economics once
again!
Question: Your detractors say you always blame the country's
economic
decline on Western-imposed sanctions. Is there a way of
circumventing the
sanctions and promoting investments without looking
East?
Gumbo's response: Yes, ways of circumventing sanctions are there.
Like a
caged tiger, one has to fight their way out.
The MDC's
response: The truth is that no country has imposed economic
sanctions on
Zimbabwe. The causes of the country's economic meltdown
emanate from the
country's pariah status resulting from this government's
political
illegitimacy, massive corruption, gross macroeconomic
mismanagement and
political intransigence. Solutions will be found in the
restoration of
political legitimacy, normalization of relations with the
international
community and the restoration of the rule of law and property
rights. Only
then, can the country realistically hope to attract any
meaningful foreign
direct investment.
Question: The country's inflation rate is soaring
above 1,000 percent, one
of the highest rates in the world. Can you boldly
assure the country that
such high inflation levels will subside and when
this can be expected?
Gumbo's response: I cannot predict and project when
it (inflation) will come
down. But it is hoped that it will go down during
the last quarter of this
year, depending on the performance of the economy.
I agree that inflation
is high and is wreaking havoc in the economy.
However, one should note that
we do not have lines of credit and balance of
payments support. Anticipated
and existing investments that have been in
productive areas as well as
progress in different sectors are, however,
expected to affect the rate of
inflation.
MDC's response: Clearly,
the Sunday Mail journalist is not aware of the fact
that Zimbabwe's
inflation rate is the highest (not one of the highest) in
the world. In
addition, given serious doubts surrounding the integrity of
the data used by
the Central Statistical Office to compute movements in the
consumer price
index, the true rate of inflation is likely to be somewhere
between 1,500%
and 1,800%.
The minister's response does not contain any new information; we
have heard
all this before, and Zimbabweans are tired of false predictions
and promises
about false economic turnaround programmes. Of course, the
Minster is
correct in saying that the country does ". not have lines of
credit and
balance of payments support". However, he should be reminded
that the main
reason for this is his own government's policies that have
brought about the
pariah status that the country has. As a result, no
bilateral or
multilateral organization will want to deal with a 'rogue'
state. Until
such time as political legitimacy is restored, international
relations
normalized, the country will remain isolated, and there will be no
foreign
direct investment. Without investments, the supply side of the
economy will
continue to shrink thereby impacting negatively on all other
economic
fundamentals. This is the cause of the economic meltdown and not
inflation;
the latter is a symptom
Question: For several seasons,
planning for the summer cropping season has
not been up to scratch and this,
apart from drought, has resulted in the
country producing low yields. What
measures are you taking under the NEDPP
to ensure the requisite resources
are mobilized in time for future seasons,
starting with this
year?
Gumbo's response: That is correct, while droughts have affected us,
our
planning has not been perfect either. We are still battling to get
agricultural planning up to scratch. There have been fuel and input
shortages and this has yielded negative results.
The reason for the
unavailability of inputs has largely been the lack of
foreign currency,
brought about by sanctions and drought.
But we can assure you that plans are
in store for next season. Committees
are presently meeting under the
auspices of the NEDPP to discuss that. Once
research and analyses are
completed, the Minister of Agriculture will state
Government's
position.
MDC's response: Droughts have had little or no effect on food
insecurity in
recent years in this country. The destruction of commercial
agriculture has
largely been responsible. The 'parceling out' of most of
the country's
arable land to ZANU(PF) cronies and to peasant farmers without
the necessary
capital to make extensive use of the available land,
significantly
contributed to food shortages. At the same time, massive
corruption
involving agricultural inputs (fuel, fertilizer etc) and large
subsidies to
peasant farmers (most of which came through the RBZ's
quasi-fiscal
activities), significantly contributed to hyperinflation
without any
positive contribution to food stocks.
As already pointed out,
foreign currency shortages are caused by severe
supply side constrains that
in turn, emanate from gross economic
mismanagement and
corruption.
Question: Different quarters continue to express skepticism
over the
proposed indigenisation of the mining sector. What measures are in
place to
ensure optimum production and investment?
Gumbo's response:
In terms of indingenisation, we do have local skills.
Most of the people
running mines are blacks, only they are not shareholders.
A visit to various
mines will reveal that management comprises indigenous
Zimbabweans.
Training will, therefore, be facilitated through one of our
committees which
deals with human resources.
MDC's response: If most of the management on
the mines comprises blacks, why
is there a need for training? With respect
to indigenisation, surely
current government plans will only scare away
investors -if ever any were
forthcoming in this politically and economically
hostile environment. In
any case, does the recent ZIMPLATS deal not involve
un-delineated resources
that will require exploration capital to establish
minable reserves?
It is important to note that the success of any business
enterprise is based
not only on training, but also on the availability of
capital, appropriate
technology and access to viable markets (domestic and
exports). Given the
present hostile political and economic environment in
the country, chances
of attracting the required investments are
non-existent. - Mfandaidza Hove
is the MDC Secretary for Finance &
Economic Affairs.
Another supermarket
|
Z$ |
Mealie Meal - 5 kg |
350,000 |
Peanut Butter - 1 litre |
676,000 |
Milk - 500 ml |
60,000 |
Oats - 500 grams |
350,000 |
Cerelac - 250 grams |
350,000 |
Tanganda Loose Tea - 500 grams |
545,000 |
Crest Loose Tea - 500 grams |
205,000 |
Tomatoes - 1 kg |
331,000 |
Onions - 1 kg |
332,000 |
Rape - 1 bunch |
45,000 |
Potatoes - 1 kg |
337,750 |
Milk - 500 ml |
85,000 |
Bread - not available |
|
Salt - 1 kg |
125,000 |
Sugar beans - 500 grams |
162,000 |
Mazoe Orange - 2 litres |
495,000 |
Take Away Sausage Roll |
250,000 |
Candles - 6 |
690,000 |
Shoe Polish - 59 ml |
240,000 |
Washing Powder - 400 grams |
350,000 |
Plastic small lunch box |
214,000 |
Wool - shinda - 50 grams |
120,000 |
Small exercise book |
50,000 |
Ball Point |
88,000 |
Stokies |
1,280,000 |
1 litre petrol - Kensington S Station |
470,000 |
Comment from PBS Frontline/World, 27 June
Stephen Talbot
Frontline/World
series editor Stephen Talbot interviewed Robert Mugabe twice
in the late
1970s. In this personal essay, he looks back on that pivotal
time, just
before independence, when he met "an eloquent, direct and
impressive man"
who promised to turn Zimbabwe into a model for African
democracy. Talbot
uncovers how far Mugabe pursued and then utterly betrayed
that promise and
says, "After all these years, it's still difficult and
painful to reconcile
my memory of this man with the tyrant he became."
When I first met
and interviewed Robert Mugabe, he was still the exiled
leader of an African
nationalist movement trying to end white-minority rule
in what was then
Rhodesia. It was July 1977 at the Kilimanjaro Hotel in Dar
Es Salaam,
Tanzania. I was a 28-year-old freelance reporter, he was a
53-year-old
"terrorist" or "freedom fighter," depending on your point of
view. He had
recently spent 10 years in a Rhodesian prison, now he was
commander of a
guerrilla army. In the United States he was virtually
unknown. My first
impressions, jotted in a yellowing notebook: "Mugabe:
straightforward,
eloquent, direct, to the point; ironic, barbed sense of
humor. Impressive.
Not in the least bit jive or phony, no posturing." "We
are fighting for a
democratic state, for self-determination, for an end to
exploitation,"
Mugabe told me. "All countries should help us. There is no
reason why the
American people should not come to our aid." He was
particularly keen on
telling me how grateful he was for humanitarian aid
from Sweden. Mugabe
spoke confidently, but without arrogance. A formal man,
dressed casually in
an African print shirt, he conveyed the dignity of a
well-educated teacher,
his previous profession. When his wife, Sally, who
was from Ghana, entered
the room, he rose to greet her with obvious warmth.
After all these years,
it's still difficult and painful to reconcile my
memory of this man with the
tyrant he became.
Today, Mugabe is one of Africa's longest-reigning
dictators, routinely
denounced by Amnesty International and Human Rights
Watch for abusing his
people. "A disgrace to Africa," says Wole Soyinka,
Nigeria's Nobel
Prize-winning author. "A caricature of an African dictator,"
says Desmond
Tutu, South Africa's Nobel laureate. And Pius Ncube, the
Catholic archbishop
of Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, says he prays for "a popular
uprising" to topple
Mugabe's regime. Of all the depressing statistics about
Mugabe's broken
country, the one that gnaws at me the most is that life
expectancy has
declined in the last two decades from 62 years to a mere 38
years. It wasn't
supposed to be this way. When he came to power in 1980, in
a landslide
election victory after a negotiated settlement of the war,
Mugabe was
greeted as a national hero, at least by Zimbabwe's black
majority. And at
first, Mugabe delivered on promises of peace,
reconciliation with the white
minority, and social development. Yet even as
early as the 1980s, there was
an ominous turn of events. Mugabe had formed a
coalition "Patriotic Front"
government with a rival guerrilla leader, Joshua
Nkomo, but it soon fell
apart when Mugabe accused Nkomo of plotting a coup
against him. Mugabe
shocked many of his international supporters by
unleashing his North
Korean-trained Fifth Brigade against Nkomo's minority
Ndebele tribe in
southern Zimbabwe. Thousands were
killed.
Frontline was one of the few media outlets in the United
States to sound the
alarm, in the 1983 documentary Crisis in Zimbabwe,
reported by Charlie Cobb,
an African American journalist, who, like me, was
dismayed to see Mugabe
acting as brutally and repressively as the
white-minority rulers he had
replaced. Should I have seen signs of what was
coming? Had Mugabe deceived
me? In that hotel room back in 1977, Mugabe
assured me he was doing
everything possible to overcome differences between
the two guerrilla
factions, Zanu (Zimbabwean African National Union) and
Nkomo's Zapu
(Zimbabwe African People's Union). Mugabe's group was primarily
Shona,
Zimbabwe's majority ethnic group. Nkomo's base was among the Ndebele.
"If we
make this attempt at unity and it fails, we fail the people of
Zimbabwe,"
Mugabe insisted. He outlined in great detail the steps he was
taking to try
to integrate the Zanu and Zapu armies. Mugabe had seen what
had just
happened in Angola in the mid-1970s, where three rival nationalist
movements
clashed as soon as Portugal ended its colonial rule. Angola's
civil war
became a Cold War cauldron, with Washington backing one side,
Moscow the
other and Beijing the third. Cuba sent troops, South Africa
invaded. Thirty
years later the country is still devastated.
In
Zimbabwe, the Soviet Union backed Nkomo and China supported Mugabe, but
Mugabe was pragmatic enough to realize that a repeat of Angola would be a
disaster. For the time being, and through independence day on April 18,
1980, Mugabe would maintain his tactical alliance with Nkomo. And once in
power, even after crushing Nkomo's opposition, Mugabe allowed Nkomo himself,
his burly adversary, to remain part of the government as long as he lived.
So the authoritarian impulse was probably there in Mugabe from the
beginning, but I chose to see his pragmatism and his political skill. After
that first meeting with Mugabe in 1977, I interviewed him again in 1979 at
an Organization of African Unity conference in Liberia (just before Liberia
descended into civil war) and filmed him later that summer at his exile
headquarters in Maputo, Mozambique. Looking at that old interview just now,
I am immediately struck by Mugabe's apparent sincerity, his baritone voice,
his reassuring manner. At the time, the fighting across the border in
Rhodesia was fierce. Ian Smith's white-minority regime was aided by a crude
assortment of white mercenaries from around the world, and there was always
the threat that South Africa's apartheid leaders might intervene to save
their ally to the north. But Mugabe seemed cool and calm, even in the midst
of his rundown guerrilla compound.
The offices of Mugabe's Zanu
Party were located in a funky high-rise
building. Mozambique had only
recently emerged from its own war of
independence against Portuguese
colonial rule and was a poor, struggling -
if momentarily euphoric -
country. The offices were spartan, the elevator
not functioning. We lugged
our camera equipment up many flights of stairs to
the roof of the building,
where we interviewed Mugabe against the city
skyline. He joked that having
to climb the stairs kept his staff in shape.
"In the West, many consider you
a terrorist," I began. "We are fighting an
unjust system," he replied. "We
are not fighting the whites as whites. ...
We are not terrorists. ... We are
fighters for democracy." Political
rhetoric, of course. Even in my 20s and
sympathetic to his cause, I could
recognize that. But it also meshed with my
own experience. Back home, I had
become friends with a number of Zimbabwean
students studying in the States
who were members of Mugabe's Zanu. The thing
I remember about them most was
how nonracist they were. For people engaged
in a struggle with Ian Smith's
notoriously racist government, they were
themselves almost incomprehensibly
free of animosity toward whites. Of
course, the guerrilla war in Rhodesia
was brutal, with atrocities on both
sides. But the Zanu people I knew in the
United States and those I was
meeting in Mozambique defied the Mau Mau image
prevalent in much of the
West.
The Zimbabwean I knew best, Tirivafi Kangai - who would later
become an
ambassador for Mugabe's government - was a gentle soul, a teddy
bear, with
an easy laugh. He had a few malapropisms in his otherwise
articulate stump
speeches that still make me smile whenever I recall them.
My favorite: He
frequently declared that the people of Zimbabwe would be
free, whatever it
took, "by hooks or by crooks." In retrospect, the "crooks"
part seems eerily
prescient. Today, Mugabe and his cronies live in luxury
behind high walls,
having looted their country and impoverished their
people. The man I once
saw as modest, even ascetic, now acts like the late
Mobutu Sese Seko, the
dictator in his leopard-skin pillbox hat who plundered
Zaire and lived in
splendid isolation on a vast compound in his pillaged,
ruined nation. That's
not the vision of Zimbabwe that Mugabe presented to me
in 1979. Asked what
kind of society he hoped to lead, Mugabe replied, "A
truly democratic
society devoid of racism ... a society where there is
equality, where there
are civil liberties. ... And as far as our own program
is concerned, we are
for a socialist society, you see."
to be
continued...
Comment from SW Radio Africa, 28 June
By Lance Guma
Kadoma based
lawyer Paul Mangwana who decided to burn ballot papers in the
2005 Zanu PF
Kadoma East primary elections after it became apparent he was
heading for
defeat, is the new acting Information Minister. He replaces the
late
Tichaona Jokonya who died on Saturday. Zimbabweans hope the only thing
he
burns this time is the oppressive Access to Information and Protection of
Privacy Act (AIPPA) that has been used to shut down media outlets and
control the flow of information via stringent registration requirements.
Also of interest is the fact that Bright Matonga, who defeated Mangwana in
the Zanu PF primaries, is currently the deputy information minister.
Speculation is already mounting over whether Mugabe will once again ignore
his press secretary George Charamba for the position. Charamba has found a
home for his frustrations at the Herald, allegedly using the Nathaniel
Manheru column to lash at his enemies. He has had to watch the likes of
Jonathan Moyo and Tichaona Jokonya beat him to the information ministry,
despite working closely with Mugabe. Mangwana is currently the Minister of
State for State Enterprises, Anti-Corruption and Anti-Monopolies. His
appointment to act in the new capacity was announced by Dr M Sibanda the
Chief Secretary to cabinet in Mugabe's office. Meanwhile people who have had
dealings with his law firm, Mangwana and Partners, have described Mangwana
as an unscrupulous individual. He is accused of illegally acquiring dozens
of houses in Kadoma and Chinhoyi via the law firm. A journalist who lost his
house to Mangwana told Newsreel that the lawyer seems to enjoy immunity from
prosecution and that a lot of people have been conned into parting with
their properties.
IOL
June 28 2006 at
10:26PM
Harare - Zimbabwe has signed a $45-million revolving fund
with a South
African and local bank to import maize, wheat and fertiliser,
central bank
governor Gideon Gono said on Wednesday.
Gono said
Nedbank of South Africa and Zimbabwe's MBCA Bank had raised
the money but
would not say how the money was secured. Nedbank is a major
shareholder in
MBCA.
He said the Zimbabwe central bank had also struck a deal for
a South
African company, which is supplying the fertiliser, to help revive
the
country's ailing fertiliser manufacturing plants.
Zimbabwean industries are operating below 30 percent as a severe
economic
crisis takes its toll on an economy grappling with the world's
highest
inflation rate at nearly 1 200 percent, unemployment above 70
percent and
shortages of foreign currency and food.
Under the
$45-million revolving facility, Intshona Agriculture
Products of South
Africa will supply the country with 50 000 tons of
fertiliser, 40 000 tonnes
of wheat and 40 000 tons of maize.
"Whilst we are trying to deal
with transitory shortfalls in the
agriculture sector, food security remains
a challenge," said Gono.
"I know we have produced our own (maize)
but we are beginning to stock
up for strategic reserves," he
added.
Zimbabwe says it will harvest 1.8 million tonnes during the
2005/6
agriculture season, which will enable it to meet the country's food
requirements.
Mail and Guardian
Harare, Zimbabwe
29 June 2006
07:57
Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe was still not sure
if he
would meet with United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan at the
upcoming
African Union (AU) summit in Gambia this coming weekend, a party
spokesperson said on Wednesday.
Mugabe would make the
decision himself after the key
decision-making body of the ruling Zimbabwe
African National Union Patriotic
Front (Zanu-PF) did not make a formal
recommendation on the issue, Nathan
Shamuyarira said.
"It
is for the president to handle when he gets to Banjul," the
spokesperson
said in televised comments.
The focus of the summit is
expected to be Darfur, the Sudanese
government is expected to be pressured
by African leaders to accept a UN
peacekeeping operation in the troubled
western Sudanese region.
Reports from South Africa have
suggested Mugabe would meet both
Annan and South African President Thabo
Mbeki on the sidelines of the AU
summit in Banjul.
Both
men are keen to see an end to Zimbabwe's political and
economic crises, the
worst in decades. Annan was last year invited by Mugabe
to visit Zimbabwe,
but recently Mugabe's spokesperson said the invitation
had now
expired.
Last year's government campaign of shack demolitions
that left
up to 700 000 people homeless and jobless in the midst of the
Southern
African winter has provoked criticism from home and abroad. -
Sapa-DPA
IOL
June 29 2006 at
07:16AM
By Peter Fabricius, Reuters and Sapa-AFP
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe and Sudanese President Omar
el-Bashir are
both expected to come under pressure to resolve the crises in
their
countries at the African Union summit to be held in Banjul, The
Gambia, at
the weekend.
The African leaders who will attend the summit are
themselves facing
growing international pressure to deal more firmly with
human rights abuses
on the continent.
United Nations
Secretary-General Kofi Annan will attend the summit and
plans to quiz Mugabe
about how he plans to rescue his country from its
economic and political
meltdown.
South African Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister Aziz Pahad
said this
week that President Thabo Mbeki would probably participate in
Annan's
meeting with Mugabe. Annan will also meet Sudanese President Omar
el-Bashir
to try to persuade him to allow a UN peacekeeping force into
Darfur to
replace the inadequate African Union force there now.
El-Bashir earlier this week again rejected this plan, saying it had
been
hatched by "Jewish organisations to re-colonise Sudan".
The massacre of civilians in Darfur by Sudanese government-backed
militias
and others has reached genocidal proportions, according to the
United States
Government.
Annan said in New York on Wednesday he hoped the
"collective pressure"
of African leaders at the summit in The Gambia would
persuade El-Bashir to
change his mind.
South African Foreign
Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma and her
African counterparts have
also begun to turn up the pressure on Sudan.
After chairing an AU
Peace and Security Council meeting in Banjul late
on Tuesday she said the 7
000-strong AU peacekeeping force did not have the
finances to stay in Darfur
beyond September 30, whether or not the UN was
ready to replace
them.
A UN force - which officials estimate will need to number at
least 17
000 - was supposed to enter Darfur by September but is not now
expected to
do so before January; if Sudan gives the go-ahead.
Putting further pressure on the Sudanese, Dlamini-Zuma said the AU was
ready
to impose sanctions on any group undermining a Darfur peace agreement
which
the Khartoum government and one of three rebels group in the region
signed
on May 5.
Both signatories to the peace deal have missed important
deadlines.
Khartoum was supposed, by June 22, to disarm the pro-government
janjaweed
militias blamed for most of the atrocities in Darfur.
"We must take certain measures. Measures like a ban on travel and
(seizing)
their assets," Dlamini-Zuma told reporters.
The US Ambassador to
the UN, John Bolton, said the US would decide on
its next steps on Darfur
after the AU summit.
Meanwhile, in Johannesburg on Wednesday,
owners of Africa's top media
houses expressed concern about the
"deteriorating environment for the media"
in Africa and called on the AU
leaders at their summit to remedy the
problem.
The owners cited
"enactment of legislation in some countries which
restricts press freedom as
well as a deplorable trend of intimidation,
imprisonment and brutal murder
of journalists, notably in the Horn of
Africa".
And the
Coalition Against Impunity, a group of 300 African and
international civil
society bodies, said this week the AU summit should
pressure Senegal to
prosecute or extradite former Chad President Hissene
Habre to face charges
of mass murder and torture.
A Chadian official inquiry has accused
Habre's government of 40 000
political killings and 200 000 cases of torture
during his 1982 to 1990
rule.
He denies all knowledge of abuse
and now lives in exile in Senegal.
Controversial presidents Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad of Iran and Hugo Chavez
of Venezuela are due to address the AU
summit, their offices said yesterday.
High on the official agenda
of the summit is a plan to reduce the
number of sub-regional economic and
political groupings on the continent
from eight to five, eliminating
overlaps and then to accelerate the stalled
process of integrating
them.
"Unless we find a better name we are working towards a United
States
of Africa," the host country's foreign minister, Lamin Kabba Bajo,
said.
But he admitted that the goal of a unified continent would
not be
attained unless Africa rids itself of perennial strife and
conflict.
This article was originally published on page 2 of
Pretoria News on
June 29, 2006
The Mercury
June 29, 2006 Edition
1
HARARE: It is a cold winter night in central Harare, but 100 people
are
willing to queue on the pavement until the shops open in the
morning.
What is the glittering prize? A cellphone Sim card.
"I
had no choice, this was the only way of securing a Sim card at a
reasonable
price," said Sam Takavada, emerging from a dealer for the
cellphone operator
Econet after a night in the queue.
Takavada considers himself lucky after
paying Z$3 million (R220) for a
pay-as-you-go card that will link him to a
cellphone network and comes with
airtime. Most are forced to buy Sim cards
on the black market, at about Z$25
million.
Zimbabwe offers a sharp
contrast to the rest of Africa, where cellphone use
is spreading rapidly as
an alternative to unreliable and expensive fixed
lines.
But foreign
currency shortages have hamstrung network expansion and growth
in Zimbabwe's
cellphone sector, capping penetration at around 5% of the
population,
compared to 70% in South Africa or around 40% in Namibia.
Middle Eastern,
South African and European firms are scrambling for a
foothold on the rest
of continent, with South Africa's MTN recently offering
$5.53 billion (R40.1
billion) for Dubai-based Investcom.
Black market
But Zimbabwe,
crippled by economic crisis, is different. The country has
three cellphone
operators, Econet Wireless, state-owned NetOne and Telecel
Zimbabwe,
majority-owned by Orascom Telecom's Telecel International.
The government
has failed to attract foreign investors to pump money into
debt-saddled
NetOne and fixed-line operator TelOne.
Dakarayi Matanga, spokesman at
Econet Wireless, Zimbabwe's biggest cellphone
operator, said that about 95%
of the company's key components were sourced
abroad.
"Therefore any
significant network expansion can only take place if and when
the company
can access enough hard currency to import network equipment," he
said.
In the past five years, there has been a rise in black market
trading as
many struggle to eke out a living in a country grappling with its
worst
economic crisis since independence from Britain in
1980.
Inflation exceeds 1 000%, the highest in the world, unemployment
has topped
70% and the national currency is losing value faster than any
other.
Newspaper classified sections are packed daily with advertisements
from
unlicensed dealers offering people cellphone lines that are unavailable
from
operators or their dealers.
Speculators buy lines released by
the three cellphone operators and resell
them at up to Z$25 million on the
black market. - Reuters
Japan Times
Thursday, June 29, 2006
BEIJING
By DAVID WALL
Special to The Japan
Times
LONDON -- Who would have thought that the Chinese Communist Party would
become sensitive to world opinion? Strange as it may seem, Western criticism
of China's growing involvement in Africa has triggered outpourings of
justificatory articles in CCP-controlled media as well as trips this year by
Chinese President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao.
There had been a
lot of talk in the Western media about how China's growing
interest in
Africa reflected a desire to secure access to raw materials from
African
countries. Nothing wrong with that -- market competitors can slander
each
other in the hope of getting better terms -- but the Chinese Communists
reacted strongly. The CCP mouthpiece People's Daily reported Wen's screams
that "no one can slander China for practicing neo-colonialism in Africa,"
and Wen was quoted in Inna, the party-controlled news service, as claiming
"there is no selfish interest for China to pursue in Africa."
So the
Chinese are buying all this oil, uranium, copper, chrome, timber,
meat, etc.
just to help the Africans out? In any case, it is nice to see the
party
getting sensitive to foreign criticism, however silly.
Wen also said, "in
its dealings with Africa, China adheres to the principles
of equality,
mutual benefit and noninterference in countries' internal
affairs," and that
"we encourage African countries to improve democracy and
the rule of law and
to maintain social justice."
It is surprising that Chinese communist
leaders would extol the virtues of
democracy, the rule of law, social
justice and equality for Africa when they
have never tried them in China.
Under the leadership of Hu and Wen, China is
moving backward on all these
political virtues, making nonsense of the CCP's
criticism of the double
standards of Western countries.
So we see undemocratic Chinese
Communists, who block the rule of law in
their own country and for whom the
words "social justice" rot on their lips,
actively working to encourage
inequality and their own interests while
telling the world that their
foreign policy is based on the principle of
noninterference in the internal
affairs of other countries. The
self-selected CCP leaders reach new levels
of hypocrisy when they say they
follow a policy of
noninterference.
Try telling that to the citizens of Tibet, Xinjiang,
Inner Mongolia,
Manchuria and Taiwan, not to mention Hainan, Yunnan and all
the other
"countries" overrun and occupied by Han Chinese and now labeled as
part of
the Chinese Empire.
What you have to remember is that the CCP
leaders stole China from the
Chinese people. Noninterference to them means
working with leaders of other
countries regardless of how those leaders came
to power, and stay in power.
Noninterference in Africa means not
questioning the right of dictators and
autocrats, and corrupt politicians
and bureaucrats, to govern. More than
that, it means giving those tyrants
and their supporters the means to
strengthen control over their suffering
peoples.
Recently China has most visibly protected the dictators of Sudan
and
Zimbabwe from United Nations criticism. It has also used its position on
the
U.N. Security Council to block actions designed to limit the sufferings
of
those peoples at the hands of corrupt dictatorial leaders. Meanwhile, the
Chinese leaders provide the leaders with the weapons and finances to help
them enforce their self-interested will on their suffering
citizens.
Noninterference for the Chinese means feeling free to provide
arms, military
equipment and military training to the thugs who run many
African countries
so that they can extend their time in office and their
ability to exploit
their peoples.
Noninterference means supporting
the leaders of countries regardless of
their failings. Many, probably most,
laughed after Wen lectured them on the
importance of democracy, the rule of
law, equality and social justice before
giving them loans and grants that
they could at least partially feed into
their Swiss bank
accounts.
"Dictators of Africa unite! You have nothing to lose but your
Swiss bank
accounts." This should be the real rallying cry of the Chinese
Communists
for their comrades in Africa. Don't tell Africa's poor, sick,
dying,
brutalized and dead that China does not interfere in the way in which
they
are governed.
Don't get me wrong. I am not saying that hypocrisy
is a unique vice of the
Chinese communists. The Americans are quite good at
it, as are the Europeans
and most other "developed" countries.
For
example, when likely future British Prime Minister Gordon Brown goes off
on
one of his aid safaris to Africa, you never hear him drawing on his
political philosophy and ethical stance to criticize the ways in which the
leaders he meets degrade and dehumanize the poor people of their
countries.
On the other hand, there is some credibility in Western
leaders' calls for
democracy, the rule of law, social justice and equality.
There is none in
such calls from Chinese leaders.
David Wall is an
associate member of the East Asia Institute of Cambridge
University and an
associate fellow of Chatham House.
New Zimbabwe
By Staff
Reporter
Last updated: 06/29/2006 09:38:39
MORGAN Tsvangirai last night
faced a savage attack from a rival faction of
the MDC.
Tsvangirai,
the founding MDC leader who now heads a faction of the feuding
opposition
party was accused of political opportunism as details of a
confidential
document (see report) proposing a political settlement with
President Robert
Mugabe's Zanu PF party were published.
The secret document, published by
New Zimbabwe.com, reveals that Tsvangirai
is now quietly considering the
option of opening talks with Mugabe's party,
leading to a transitional unity
government and constitutional reform
process.
Gabriel Chaibva,
spokesman for the MDC faction led by former NASA rocket
scientist Arthur
Mutambara, said they were "shocked and dismayed" by the
revelations.
Said Chaibva: "Tsvangirai projected himself as a
hard-nosed leader who
opposed dialogue with Zanu PF in favour of
'confrontation'.
"Tsvangirai declared that the dispute between himself
and us was that we
favoured and sought dialogue with Zanu PF while he
favoured and sought
confrontation. We have not forgotten claims by
Tsvangirai that our
leadership wanted to kill him so that we could talk and
compromise with Zanu
PF. Guess who is now seeking dialogue and compromise
with Zanu PF?"
At his faction's congress in March, Tsvangirai told
supporters that they
should prepare for a "a winter of discontent and short
sharp action to
remove the dictator".
Political commentators
immediately warned that Zimbabweans were not in the
mood for any "mass
action", pointing to weaknesses within his party which
had just split over
differences among senior leaders. Analysts warned that
if it were to take
off, such a plan would be easily neutralised by Mugabe's
security
forces.
However, Tsvangirai still went on a nationwide campaign to
mobilise for the
"mass action".
With winter almost over in Zimbabwe,
evidence first emerged that Tsvangirai
was backing off from confronting the
Mugabe government on a visit to the
United Kingdom during which he told
supporters that the planned "mass
action" was only intended to force Mugabe
to the negotiating table.
The confidential document, titled MDC proposals
for the resolution of the
Zimbabwean crisis: Sign posts to peace, democracy,
legitimacy,
reconstruction, and national healing, appears to be the final
confirmation
that Tsvangirai has abandoned the confrontational
course.
The document says in part: "The opposition and ordinary
Zimbabweans suffer
from incessant political repression and the negative
effects of a collapsed
economy, which cannot be reconstructed under the
present political
conditions.
"Therefore, no possible relief is on
offer. Only a negotiated political
settlement provides for a resolution of
the crisis."
The MDC says there is now consensus at home and abroad that
the current
situation was unsustainable and only dialogue would rescue the
country.
In its document - also termed the Road Map - the MDC proposes
phased talks,
starting with Zanu PF and then later other political parties
and civic
groups.
It says: "Our proposed road map entails the
following:
Stage A: Negotiations and agreement between Zanu PF and MDC on
the
framework.
Stage B: Negotiations between MDC and Zanu PF on a
transitional authority.
Stage C: Negotiations between civil society, Zanu
PF, the MDC and other
political formations on the involvement of civic
society in various
transitional bodies including the constitutional
conference.
Stage D: The enactment by parliament of the constitutional
conference act
and the necessary amendments to the Zimbabwean constitution
to cater for the
transitional authority and cabinet and any other matters
incidental
thereto."
The MDC says Stage E will deal with the
drafting of the new constitution by
the constitutional conference, while
Stage F would focus on the holding of a
referendum on the new
constitution.
Stage G will concentrate on mechanisms for free and fair
elections "for all
arms of government under international supervision in
terms of the new
constitution.
"The two political parties should
establish a legally recognised bi-partisan
negotiating team to meet as soon
as possible to map the route forward,
discuss and agree on key issues to the
process and draft the constitutional
reform agenda for the constitutional
conference," the MDC states.
"The two parties in the bi-partisan
negotiating team must agree to: the
composition, structure, terms of
reference; and methods of work of the
constitutional conference. An Act of
Parliament should establish the
constitutional
conference."
Tsvangirai's advisers have been defending the document. In a
newspaper
column, Grace Kwinjeh, his deputy international affairs secretary
defended
the document.
She said: "This draft document is our modest
submission as a party to the
current political discourse on possible
solutions to the current economic
and political turmoil we find ourselves in
as citizens.
"The first stage is Constitutional Reform, followed by the
setting up of a
Transitional Authority that will oversee the running of Free
and Fair
elections in the final stage."
She added: "We are proposing
a non-violent route to the resolution of the
crisis based on consensus by
all key political players in a process that
does not confer a political
advantage to any person or group, even ourselves
as the authors of the
document.
"There has been enough violence in our country's history for
anyone to
contemplate an alternative to a negotiated
settlement."
However, Tsvangirai's opponents are seeing the latest policy
shift as
evidence of desperation by the MDC leader following his stillborn
plans for
Mugabe's ouster through a program of sustained popular street
protests.
Chaibva said: "We hold the view that Tsvangirai is self-seeking
and
opportunistic. Here is a leader who in one breath is talking about
mass-action, ostensibly to 'topple' Mugabe. In the next breath he is saying
No! No! It's about demanding free and fair elections.
"Next he claims
he does not want to remove Mugabe 'undemocratically'. Since
when has mass
action been democratic? Tsvangirai is a leader who is
inconsistent, confused
and who has no strategy on anything that matters."
New Zimbabwe
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Following
New Zimbabwe.com's publication of a leaked MDC document (see
report) drafted
by Morgan Tsvangirai's advisers proposing a political
settlement with Zanu
PF, the other MDC faction led by Arthur Mutambara --
for long accused of
seeking talks with Zanu PF -- responds to the apparent
policy shift by
Tsvangirai:
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
By
Gabriel Chaibva
Spokesman, MDC
Last updated: 06/29/2006 09:38:36
THE
MDC is shocked and dismayed to learn of the secret plot by Morgan
Tsvangirai
and company to open talks with Zanu PF and Robert Mugabe's
government.
We
are particularly shocked because it is the same Tsvangirai who was busy
denouncing us claiming that we were seeking "Unity Accord Number Two" with
Zanu PF.
The same Tsvangirai was busy claiming that we wanted to
compromise the
struggle by negotiating with Zanu PF. Assisted by his
hangers-on, including
Eddie Cross, Tsvangirai claimed that our Secretary
General, Professor
Welshman Ncube and Deputy President, Gibson Sibanda were
plotting to remove
him and replace him with a leader who favoured dialogue
with Zanu PF.
Tsvangirai projected himself as a hard-nosed leader who
opposed dialogue
with Zanu PF in favour of "confrontation". Tsvangirai
declared that the
dispute between himself and us was that we favoured and
sought dialogue with
Zanu PF while he favoured and sought confrontation. We
have not forgotten
claims by Tsvangirai that our leadership wanted to kill
him so that we could
talk and compromise with Zanu PF! Who is now seeking
dialogue and compromise
with Zanu PF?
We once warned all of
Tsvangirai's propagandists that they shall one day bow
in shame and disgrace
once the truth bares itself. We have all along been
aware of the secret
meetings between Tsvangirai and certain senior military
commanders closely
associated with the Zanu PF succession battle. We have
been fully aware of
the document titled, "MDC Proposals For The Resolution
Of The Zimbabwean
Crisis: Sign Posts To Peace, Democracy, Legitimacy,
Reconstruction and
National Healing" since 2005 and it explains Tsvangirai's
recent utterances
in London about granting amnesty to the Mugabe regime as
if he lost a single
kitten during the Gukurahundi massacre of innocent
Zimbabweans. We find this
shameful and a gross betrayal of the people who
have suffered greatly at the
hands of Mugabe's criminal government.
We hold the view that Tsvangirai
is self-seeking and opportunistic. Here is
a leader who in one breath is
talking about mass-action, ostensibly to
"topple" Mugabe. In the next breath
he is saying No! No! It's about
demanding free and fair elections. Next he
claims he does not want to remove
Mugabe "undemocratically"! Since when has
mass actions been democratic?
Tsvangirai is a leader who is inconsistent,
confused and who has no strategy
on anything that matters
It would be
a monumental national tragedy if this country were to have the
misfortune of
having Tsvangirai as its President. There it is, he called for
"a winter of
discontent and short sharp action to remove the dictator" but
the cold
season is almost over and we have seen nothing! In London he called
off his
imaginary "mass action".
In his document "MDC Proposals For The
Resolution Of The Zimbabwean Crisis:
Sign Posts To Peace, Democracy,
Legitimacy, Reconstruction and National
Healing" he offers to suspend mass
action in exchange for dialogue with Zanu
PF. How do you suspend something
which does not exist?
How does he expect Zanu PF to agree to negotiate
with a factional leader
controlling 19 legislators, leaving out Professor
Mutambara who leads 27
legislators in Parliament?
Gabriel Chaibva is
the secretary for information and publicity for the MDC
faction led by
Professor Arthur Mutambara