" I'm not one to turn business away, George. but I reckon you should try a marriage guidance counsellor first."
Channel Africa
CA
The United Nations says living conditions have worsened in Zimbabwe, where
most of the 700-thousand people who lost homes in mass evictions last year are
still struggling to find shelter
Source : reuters
Fri, 02 June 2006,
0:00
The United Nations says living conditions have worsened in Zimbabwe,
where most of the 700-thousand people who lost homes in mass evictions last year
are still struggling to find shelter. UN housing expert Miloon Kothari says most
of those displaced by President Robert Mugabe's May 2005 eviction campaign
remain homeless in resettlement
camps. He has severely criticised the
international community for what he calls a "shocking" lack of pressure on
Zimbabwe. With apparent reference to South Africa's stance on Zimbabwe, Kothari
said leaders cannot practice quiet diplomacy with no results.
Zimbabwe Independent 2/6/06
Dumisani Muleya
The diplomatic row between President Robert Mugabe
and United Nations (UN) secretary-general Kofi Annan over a doubtful meeting to
resolve the Zimbabwe crisis escalated this week with the world body recalling
its envoy in Harare for consultations. The quarrel over the Annan visit has left
the government in disarray as officials issue contradictory statements. Mugabe’s
spokesman George Charamba last week said Annan’s invitation had expired and was
now "stale" although he seemed to be backtracking in remarks in the press
yesterday. Charamba’s boss, Information minister Tichaona Jokonya, said
yesterday on the Voice of America that Annan was still welcome to come. His
position is similar to that of deputy Foreign minister Obert Matshalaga who said
in parliament on Wednesday that Annan’s invitation still stands. Jokonya and
Matshalaga’s remarks were consistent with those of deputy Information minister
Bright Matonga last week, showing that Charamba reflected Mugabe’s isolationist
thinking. Sources said the popular view in government was for engagement, not
digging in heels and burying heads in the sand.
Annan - who indicated this
week he was still coming to Harare despite attempts to block him - called United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP) country resident representative Agostinho
Zacarias to the UN headquarters in New York for talks over the Zimbabwe
situation. The UNDP, a UN development agency, has five areas covering its
mandate in Zimbabwe, namely democratic governance, poverty alleviation, crisis
prevention, energy and environment, and HIV/Aids. Diplomatic sources said
Zacarias left on Monday for discussions on how to move forward in view of rising
tensions over the Mugabe/Annan meeting. The move came as Tanzania, whose former
president Benjamin Mkapa is trying to arrange a meeting between Mugabe and
British Prime Minister Tony Blair, also summoned its ambassador to Harare,
Retired Brigadier-General Hashim Mbita, for consultations as well. Jokonya
confirmed Mkapa was mediating between Harare and London, as first revealed by
the Zimbabwe Independent last week. Mugabe has said he wants to "build bridges"
with Blair. It is understood that Mugabe believes a meeting with Blair might
open the way for Zimbabwe to climb out of international isolation and start
economic reconstruction.
Sources said the church leaders who recently met
with Mugabe were also helping Harare to "build bridges" with the European Union.
The church leaders met EU and Tanzanian officials on Tuesday to discuss ways of
resolving the local crisis. The clergymen also had a meeting yesterday at a
local hotel over the same issue. Regional church leaders are part of the
process. Mbita, who left the country on Sunday, is expected to be replaced by a
new ambassador as Dar-es-Salaam seeks to push for a resolution of the current
situation. Sources said Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete was getting impatient
with the Zimbabwe situation which has been on the regional agenda for six years.
Sources said Mugabe, who initially invited Annan last September to assess the
impact of Operation Murambatsvina, now wants Annan to persuade the United States
and EU to drop targeted sanctions against him and his ministers as one of the
conditions for talks. The sources said Mugabe has tasked Jokonya, who together
with Mbita got the Mkapa mediation underway, to engage UN political affairs
under-secretary Ibrahim Gambari on the sanctions issue before there can be any
dialogue with Annan. Jokonya told VOA he had been in touch with Gambari and
suggested the removal of sanctions was key to a Mugabe/Annan summit.
Gambari
met with Foreign minister Simbarashe Mumbengegwi in South Africa in April in a
bid to arrange an Annan visit. Gambari also met with South African President
Thabo Mbeki who said Annan was now the main hope for the resolution of the
Zimbabwean crisis. Mbeki, who has been trying for the past six years to find a
breakthrough on Zimbabwe, had talks with Blair last week over the crisis after
similar discussions with Blair and Annan in South Africa recently. South African
officials have of late been speaking openly about the Zimbabwe crisis, showing
growing displeasure. Mbeki’s deputy, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, said this week
South Africa could do little to protect itself from the consequences of an
economic collapse in Zimbabwe, suggesting the issue had to be resolved urgently.
"I don’t even know if we can shield ourselves in that way because we cannot
really close our border for instance," she said. "What South Africa can do is to
give Zimbabwe the best support possible to be able to reconstruct if something
like that were to happen. But I don’t think we can really shield ourselves. We
cannot keep Zimbabweans out of South Africa." South African Foreign minister,
Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, said no one could force Zimbabwe to change its policies.
"There is a problem, there is a challenge, but I do not have all the answers
about how to solve Zimbabwe. I think equally none of us has all the answers. The
answers lie in the Zimbabweans’ hands," she said.
Zimbabwe Independent 2/6/06
By Phillip Pasirayi
THE machinations by Dr Lovemore Madhuku and
his mutilation of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) supreme law to
allow him to run for a third term in office was contemptuous and a serious
indictment of civil society in Zimbabwe which has always purported to fight for
democracy and good governance.
Civil society exists and operates
on the basis of transparency and as an example to governments on democracy and
the rule of law. In other words, civil society is a bulwark to democracy. This
runs contrary to what we have witnessed in the past few weeks at the NCA, an
organisation founded on the basis of fighting for a new political order in the
country that is based on the rule of law supported by a new democratic
constitution.
The mutilation of the NCA constitution by Madhuku to
satisfy his own personal agenda and cling to power despite the expiry of his
term has thrown the entire civil society into a serious quandary.
This
move has eroded civil society’s legitimacy in criticising the government of
President Mugabe for amending the country’s constitution a record 17 times to
consolidate its grip on power despite having been rejected by the
people.
There are a few issues that shed light on the consequences of the
latest developments at the NCA or the so-called Bumbiro House.
The most
obvious implication of Madhuku’s stranglehold on power is that he or the NCA no
longer have any legitimacy to demand that Mugabe relinquishes power on the basis
of a long incumbency.
There are a lot of parallels that we can draw
between Madhuku and Mugabe regarding their insatiable desire for power and the
misplaced thinking that they are the only people who can better fight for
whatever cause they are fighting.
The democratic deficit in Africa can
largely be explained in terms of long incumbency when leaders refuse to
relinquish power on such preposterous arguments that “the people want me to
stay”.
This is the same argument that we had before in countries like
Malawi where Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda declared himself life-president because he
thought the people wanted him to stay in power.
The same goes for Zambia
under Dr Kenneth Kaunda and Kenya under Daniel arap Moi. Such a bid has suffered
a major setback in Nigeria.
This is the same argument that Mugabe has
used to stay in power for 26 years. Many people remember that when the Third
Chimurenga started, we were told that the president would not leave office until
many challenges, most notably the colonial land imbalances, had been resolved.
We were told that Mugabe would not be retiring from politics until he
delivers Zimbabweans to their “promised land”.
Madhuku argues that it’s
not yet time to change the leadership at Bumbiro House because the NCA must be
led by people who have the capacity to tackle government on a new constitution.
This kind of thinking resonates with the thinking in Zanu PF where the office of
president is regarded as a “strait-jacket” that no-one else can occupy except
Mugabe because of his liberation war credentials.
This point was
emphasised by former commander of the Zimbabwe National Army, General Vitalis
Zvinavashe, police chief Augustine Chihuri, Commander of the Airforce, Perence
Shiri and Commissioner of Prisons, Paradzai Zimondi who addressed a joint press
conference just before the 2002 presidential election and announced that the
presidency was such that no one without liberation war credentials could occupy.
We can conveniently borrow this warped thinking into the kind of
predicament we face in civil society and argue that Madhuku is perhaps the only
one within civil society who is endowed with the academic and activist
credentials that make him the only suitable candidate for NCA chairmanship. This
is absurd!
As argued by University of Zimbabwe political scientist,
Eldred Masunungure: “People should learn to observe the principle of limited
terms. The longer one stays in power the more he becomes tempted to abuse the
power.”
At the core of democratic governance is the idea of a limited
term of office which is meant to allow dynamism, leadership renewal and imbue
organisations with new strength, new tactics and fresh ideas.
Past
leaders of the NCA such as Tawanda Mutasa, Tendai Biti, Morgan Tsvangirai, Brian
Kagoro, Thoko Matshe, Bopoto Nyandoro, Grace Kwinjeh, Welshman Ncube and Isaac
Maphosa respected the NCA constitution by stepping down after the expiry of
their terms of office.
We expected Madhuku to respect and understand the
principle of constitutionalism that the NCA is championing rather than resorting
to the language that Mugabe uses that “the people want me to stay”.
Organisations by their very nature outlive their founders and leaders
and as such, Madhuku should not be determined to lead the NCA as long as the
organisation exists.
The argument that a fresh mandate for Madhuku will
give him the chance to fight for a new democratic constitution and increase
pressure on the government is weak and a mere smokescreen.
Questions can
be asked as to why Madhuku thinks that he can only contribute meaningfully to
the NCA cause as chairperson and not in any other capacity if he is sincere
about fighting for a new democratic constitution?
John Makumbe founded
many organisations including the Zimbabwe chapter of Transparency International
and Crisis Coalition and he continues to participate in the activities of these
organisations, not as chairperson but as an ordinary member.
Only last
month, he was arrested whilst on a Crisis Coalition assignment but he is not the
chairperson of the organisation or occupying any position on the current
board.
The re-election of Madhuku was characterised by mayhem as people
queried his eligibility for another term in office. We hear that drunken youths
assaulted those that were opposed to Madhuku’s third term bid. Such reports are
a sad development within civil society that is expected to provide the best
examples of good leadership and transparency and respect for the rule of law.
Civil society must not use thugs to maintain their grip on power as
doing so will only be an endorsement of similar tactics by the ruling Zanu PF
party that uses youth militia and war veterans to intimidate voters during
elections.
Underlying the notion of the rule of law is the idea of
predictability of the rules.
Rules must not be changed to suit the
interests of one individual or a particular group of people. The rule of law
requires fairness, openness, equality and justice to prevail over individual
whims. The NCA has failed to stand the test as it has thrown away all that it
was formed for. The kind of legacy that Madhuku is leaving within civil society
must be resisted by all persons committed to seeing democracy triumph over
tyranny in Zimbabwe.
The implications are serious because the NCA is a
big conglomeration of several organisations representing churches, labour,
youths, students, women and farmers. There must be concerted efforts to stop
further damage to the founding principles of the NCA which are a limited term of
office, constitutionalism, rule of law, accountability and transparency.
What we are witnessing is a travesty of the very principles for which
the NCA was formed because of an individual’s thirst for power.
There are
many leaders within the rank and file of the NCA who can lead the organisation
and scale new heights. It is less convincing that the leadership of Madhuku is a
cut above previous leaders.
The major NCA victory that is the No Vote
during the February 2000 constitutional referendum was won by Thoko Matshe and
not Madhuku. If ability is judged on the basis of the number of people that the
leadership has managed to mobilise on the streets to demand a new, democratic
constitution then the previous leadership of the NCA fared well in that regard.
Civil society must stand up and defend the very principles on which it is
founded that selfish leaders like Madhuku are in the process of rolling back. At
the moment the NCA cannot speak on behalf of Zimbabweans for a new constitution
because it is led by an undemocratic and illegitimate regime that is hell-bent
on clinging on to power.
*Phillip Pasirayi is a Zimbabwean academic
activist based in the UK.
Zimbabwe Independent 2/6/06
JOHANNESBURG - Nomadic Zimbabwe born-coach Shepherd Murape has been
shortlisted for the vacant Namibia national team job raising hopes that the
former African Wanderers and Manning Rangers gaffer might take over ahead of
the COSAFA Castle cup in July.This comes after revelations that former
Orlando Pirates coach Kosta Papic is out of the race for the job as he did
not apply and did not attend interviews last week.
Murape who has also
had stints with Qwaqwa Stars, Real Rovers, AmaZulu,
Moroka Swallows, Black
Leopards and Orlando Pirates is currently coach of
Namibia top league side
Walvis Bay Blue Waters.
The Zimbabwean, who has also coached in Botswana and
in his native country,
was short-listed last week along Zambia national team
assistant coach, Ben
Bamfuchile after attending interviews.
Murape has
previously coached the Brave Warriors in Namibia in 1994 and the
Namibia
Football Association could be tempted to bring him back again with
the
announcement expected to be made within the next two weeks.
The only
impending factor for the NFA is finances with coaches like Kosta
Papic
understood to be worth R70 000 a month an element that has left the
Namibians with little option but to go for the likes of Murape whose salary
demands they can meet.
At the moment caretaker coaches are David Snewe,
Brian Isaacs and former
Mamelodi Sundowns goalkeeper Ronnie Kanalelo who
have assembled a
provisional squad ahead of the COSAFA Cup. - CAJ News
Zimbabwe Independent 2/6/06
Paul
Nyakazeya
A SALARY dispute has erupted at oil company Total which took over
Mobil Oil
Zimbabwe in December last year. Sources indicated that Total's
management
was refusing to award former Mobil workers a 300% salary increase
backdated
to March.
The move by management is meant to dodge payments
running into billions of
dollars in a retrenchment exercise set to start
this month.
According to correspondence in the possession of businessdigest,
Total wants
to retrench half the workforce of the merged operation.
The
two oil companies have a combined staff of over 270 people.
Following a
deadlock over salaries, Mobil employees in February sent a
petition to
Total's regional director, Momar Nguer based in Paris, to
resolve the
dispute.
Nguer visited Zimbabwe to discuss the matter on April 5.
He
promised the workers that they would be given salary increases backdated
to
March, but sources indicated that local management decided no increases
would be awarded to former Mobil employees.
Mobil Oil Malawi director,
Lamuel Tsikirayi, who was appointed as "change
management and projects"
consultant, has been accused of aligning himself
with Total management in a
dispute he was hired to resolve.
The matter is now being handled by the
Ministry of Labour.
But as the drama unfolds, two managers are said to have
appointed a new
eight-member management structure for the amalgamated
organisation with
effect from June 1.
"This is to advise that the
business undertaking of Mobil Oil Zimbabwe (Pvt)
Ltd will be transferred to
Total Zimbabwe (Pvt) effective June 1 2006,"
reads an internal memo to all
Mobil and Total employees.
"As a consequence all employees of the company
will with effect from the
same date automatically become employees of Total
Zimbabwe on the same terms
and conditions applicable immediately prior to
that date and with no loss of
accrued entitlements and benefits."
The new
management structure includes Mary Mazhude (human resource manager),
Sevious
Mhaka (audit manager), Peter Mukawu (business development manager),
Baba
Diallo (finance manager). They are all from Mobil.
The other managers are
from Total and comprise Stanley Hatendi (strategy,
public and special
projects manager), Allen Mushaninga (HSEQ manager),
Phillippe Savariau
(Operations manager) and Stephene Lapauw (marketing
manager).
Total
Zimbabwe took over as the major shareholder of Mobil Oil Zimbabwe in
December.
This was part of a deal that affected Mobil's controlling
shareholder
ExxonMobil's operations in 13 African countries, namely Chad,
Djibouti,
Ethiopia, Eritrea, Ghana, Guinea, Liberia, Malawi, Mauritius,
Mozambique,
Sierra Leone, Togo and Zambia.
The agreements cover
ExxonMobil's motor fuels, lubricant aviation and marine
petroleum products
businesses.
Zimbabwe Independent 2/6/06
Paul
Nyakazeya
TRADE resumed on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE) yesterday after
an
eight-day shutdown following a stand-off between stockbrokers and the
Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (Zimra) over the payment of Value Added Tax (VAT)
backdated to 2004.
Though some shares changed hands, stockbrokers
said investors had adopted a
wait-and-see attitude on the stock market until
a lasting solution between
the fighting parties was reached.
"The
situation was not the same. It could take a while before investors have
confidence on the (stock) market," said a broker with a commercial
bank.
He said there was no guarantee that trade had resumed permanently
as Zimra
still insisted on VAT payments backdated to 2004. Stockbrokers have
resisted
the decision.
They warned that VAT tax payments could lead
to a spate of company closures
and loss of confidence on the local
bourse.
The stalemate started on April 24 when Zimra wrote letters to
stockbrokers
and Securities companies asking them to supply information on
VAT and other
taxes paid backdated to January 2004.
"Recent audit
work in a number of organisations in your line of business has
indicated low
compliance," Zimra said.
"This has led this (investigation) division to
carry out a wide audit and
study of operations and taxation of
stockbrokers," wrote Zimra in one of the
letters.
Zimra requested
stockbrokers to supply VAT registration numbers and the
amount they are
supposed to pay from January 2004 to 30 April 2006.
The Zimbabwe
Independent understands that no submissions were made by
stockbrokers as per
Zimra's request.
On May 23 ZSE chief executive Emmanuel Munyukwi responded
to Zimra advising
them that the stock market had appointed Kudenga & Co
Chartered Accountants
as their tax consultants and that all tax
correspondence be forward to them.
A meeting held between stockbrokers
and the ZSE on May 24 discussed at
length the possibility of Zimra
garnishing brokers' accounts, with brokers
expressing fears that their
business would not be able to sustain such
demands as they would have to
close immediately thereafter.
Yesterday Finance minister Herbert Murerwa
said brokers had misinterpreted
the law and pending the court's judgement
they should comply with Zimra. He
said the tax would be charged on the 2%
brokereage commission.
This also means investors would be taxed via a
three-tier system, stamp
duty, withholding tax and VAT.
"Following
discussions between Zimra and representatives of the ZSE
regarding the
impasse that had resulted from the stoppage of trade an
agreement has now
been reached that stockbrokers resume trading with
immediate effect and
should pay VAT," he said.
Zimbabwe Independent 2/6/06
ZIMBABWE,
grappling with a six-year economic crisis, has been flooded by
counterfeit
toothpaste bearing the Colgate brand name.
This comes against a background of
reports that at least 14 containers of
counterfeit Colgate toothpaste were
on the high seas headed for Zimbabwe.
Minutes of a stakeholder meeting
organised by the Standards Association of
Zimbabwe (SAZ) indicated that
there were three common counterfeit Colgate
brands on the market, most of
them originating from the Far East.
These had been discovered after a public
outcry forced Colgate-Palmolive
Company (CPC) to seize about 98 cases of the
fake Colgate toothpaste at the
end of March at a wholesaler in
Harare.
The SAZ meeting, chaired by SAZ managing director, Maureen Mutasa,
revealed
that of the three samples collected for testing by SAZ, two of the
counterfeits were unsafe and did not eliminate bad breathe.
Instead, the
two counterfeit products "cause bacterial infection leading to
bad breath",
a study into samples collected by SAZ showed.
"The two unsafe samples had
excessive levels of yeast and other bacteria
with one containing large
numbers of Stapylococcus aureus. the unsafe
samples did not have the normal
mint flavour typical of toothpaste," SAZ
said in a notice issued this
week.
Stapylococcus aureus is a bacteria that causes ear and chest
infection.
SAZ's meeting with key stakeholders was aimed at trying to find a
resolution
to a looming health crisis that could be triggered by the use of
counterfeits, which could also damage the image of the Colgate
brand.
Stakeholders included the Ministry of Health, CPC, the Zimbabwe
Revenue
Authority (Zimra), the Retailers Association of Zimbabwe and the
Consumer
Council of Zimbabwe which said it had received numerous complaints
from the
public on the counterfeit products. As a result, SAZ says it will
embark on
a feasibility study to determine how it can get involved in the
import or
export quality control or certification of goods following a
public outcry
on the quality of imported goods, particularly from the Far
East. - Staff
Writer.
Zimbabwe Independent 2/6/06
Reagan
Mashavave
LOCAL Government deputy minister Morris Sakabuya says elections for
the city
of Harare must be held soon after the expiry of the Sekesai
Makwavarara-led
commission's tenure of office on June
9.
"Government's position is that if elections are due then they must be
held
and it is not a Harare situation alone but in all other district
councils
where elections are due," Sakabuya said.
Sakabuya said his
ministry was not responsible for organising elections,
saying such questions
should be directed to the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission (ZEC) on what plans
they had in place for mayoral elections for
Harare.
ZEC spokesperson,
Utloile Silaigwana, was yet to respond to questions faxed
to him on
Wednesday.
Local Government minister Ignatious Chombo last year ruled out
elections for
Harare but hinted that they could be held in 2007.
Two
years ago Chombo promised that Harare mayoral elections would be held in
August 2006.
Harare has been run by a government-appointed commission
since the dismissal
on allegations of mismanagement and indiscipline of MDC
executive mayor,
Elias Mudzuri in April 2004.
Mudzuri's victory in
the first mayoral elections did not go down well with
the ruling Zanu PF
party, which felt under threat from the opposition.
Chombo also fired MDC
mayors Misheck Shoko from Chitungwiza and Misheck
Kagurabadza from
Mutare.
Pressure has been mounting from residents for Chombo to fire the
Makwavarara-led commission after disclosures of profligacy and
incompetence.
The Combined Harare Residents Association (CHRA) has piled
pressure on
Chombo to hold democratic elections for councillors that have a
mandate from
city residents.
CHRA chairperson Mike Davies said they
had already started to conscientise
residents to boycott paying rates until
their demands for elections have
been met.
"We still stand by our
demands for Harare to hold elections to appoint
office bearers that have the
mandate of the residents," Davies said.
"The appointed commissions have
been doing nothing to solve erratic water
supplies, fix burst sewer and
water pipes, fill potholes, collect refuse and
attend to non-functioning
street and traffic lights."
Zimbabwe Independent 2/6/06
ZIMSUN is a
hotel and leisure organisation comprising over 13 hotels and
resorts dotted
around the country, a timeshare operation in Mozambique as
well as holding
the lease and operating business of the Grace Hotel in
Rosebank, South
Africa.
The group has a dominant position in Zimbabwe's premier resort,
Victoria
Falls. The group is now known as Zimsun Leisure Group with strong
emphasis
on leisure after repositioning of the group in 2002.
Full year
results Turnover for the year was up 308% to $176,2b (F2004:
$43,2b),
despite occupancy levels falling from 42% to 38% as a 2% increase
in
international and regional arrivals failed to offset a 6% decline in
domestic volumes. Of the total sales figure $78,9b was forex-denominated.
The domestic/foreign arrivals mix shifted from 75/25 to 70/30. REVPARs
increased by 264% to $249317. The Grace at Rosebank performed in line with
expectations though occupancies at 53,5% remained largely unchanged with
REVPARs increasing by 8%.
Net operating costs increased by 320% to $162,8
billion as a result of
rising utility costs. The impact of the overvalued
exchange rate was
apparent as operating margins fell to 7,6% from 10,4% in
the prior year.A
$997 million loss at Hwange Safari Lodge due to illegal
resettlement issues
as well as declining drive-through volumes due to the
fuel crisis and lack
of air transfers to the area, also worsened operating
profit performance.
The group recorded an equity accounted loss of $45
billion due to problems
with outsourced food and beverage operations as well
as an increase in net
finance costs of 270% to $4,8b. All this translated to
attributable earnings
of $8,7 billion for the year (F2004: $3,4 billion). No
dividend was
declared.
The balance sheet reflected higher gearing at 9,6%
compared with 2,6% the
previous year, this attributed to funding of the
Grace at Rosebank
transaction. However, cash flows were strong with cash
generated from
operations at $16,3 billion (F2004: $6,9 billion).
The
group enjoys a dominant position at the country¹s premier resort,
Victoria
Falls with about 50% of Zimsun's revenue generated from there.
Management
has been aggressive in consolidating Zimsun's position in the
prime location
Zimsun receives commission on every guest the group brings in
for all
leisure activities occurring in Vic Falls (such as water rafting).
Zimsun
has a franchise tie-up with international brands. City hotels are
branded to
Holiday Inn, Elephant Hills to Intercontinental and VictoriaFalls
to Leading
Hotels of the World.
The franchise tie-up lends the group a good image with
international
travellers. The group's chain of hotels has a strong business
profile with a
significant number of occupancies coming from business
travellers. Aided by
a strong business profile, the group's tariffs are
higher and the proportion
of occupancies at discount rates are minimal,
consequently increasing
average room rate.
The tourism industry is
cyclical with peak period August to November.
However the peak period is in
the group¹s favour as the peak is out of phase
with the Northern hemisphere
peak season. The business's main drivers are
overall occupancy, room rate
(US dollar denominated (offering an opportunity
of an exchange rate play)
and foreign component of total occupancy. Marginal
cost of each guest goes
down progressively once past break-even point. Any
slight increase in
occupancy levels (especially an increase in the foreign
mix) from current
levels will be beneficial.
The local tourism environment remains challenged
with international and
regional visitor arrivals to the country down 18%
y-o-y as both perception
and an overvalued exchange rate make visitors seek
more palatable
destinations. Domestic tourism is likely to remain under
pressure as
disposable incomes continue to shrink in real
terms.
Going forward, the group continues to explore its regional
management
contracts initiatives. - Staff Writer.
Zimbabwe Independent 2/6/06
WE understand
President Robert Mugabe is a hero who fought for his country
but his
popularity has declined significantly over the years as the
suffering of
the generality of the citizens worsens.
I used to adore Mugabe as my hero
as a kid and understand it was the same
with many other people. But how he
has degenerated into our worst enemy!
I advise my president to go now
before things really get worse, as they will
inevitably. Does he want to go
down in the annals of history as the man who
presided over destruction of
the country?
The economy is in a free-fall; inflation is the highest in
the world.
Large companies like Olivine Industries have shut down or
relocated, there
is no direct foreign investment, we have now turned the
biggest importer of
food, not the biggest exporter like we were seven years
back.
His friends are now the small, inferior and less-developed nations
like
Equatorial Guinea, Tanzania and Malawi.
His policies are not
working and have largely failed while his current
cabinet ministers have
realised that if they can't line their pockets with
him in power now, by
looting our resources, then they won't get another
chance to be rich in the
future.
We need new blood and fresh ideas in our leadership. We have
suffered
enough. Enough is enough, zvakwana!
Oskido, Cape Town,
South
Africa.
Zimbabwe Independent 2/6/06
THE
504 votes garnered by MDC pro-senate faction candidate Gabriel Chaibva in
Budiriro were just a signal to Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai that
Professor Arthur Mutambara is here to stay.
The party’s Harare province
salutes all supporters including the 504 heroes of democratic change for braving
the tense atmosphere to vote for Chaibva who had campaigned for only 24
hours.
The playing field in the by-election was tilted in favour of Zanu
PF and the MDC faction led by Tsvangirai who have since rubber-stamped Mugabe’s
autocratic rule for the sake of getting into power.
Police and
pro-Tsvangirai militia derailed the MDC campaign programme in Budiriro when they
defaced Chaibva’s posters.
The police and the CIO pounced on Mutambara’s
convoy when he embarked on a road show in the constituency to drum up support
for the MDC, 24 hours before the election.
The arrest of Mutambara,
Chaibva and others was a strategy by the Mugabe regime to stop the unstoppable
hot character in Mutambara from making inroads into the constituency.
The
504 voters were mobilised in less than 24 hours and street commentators like
Geoff Nyarota and Bornwell Chakaodza want the people to read a lot out of the
504 voters. They are jealous of Mutambara’s rise to fame.
Tsvangirai and
Mugabe’s people held several rallies ahead of the by-election but they garnered
7 000 and 4 000 votes respectively.
These are not encouraging figures
when we consider that they campaigned for two months each while Mutambara
campaigned for only an hour before police stopped his road show.
Harare
is now focusing on the 2008 presidential election. We are down but not out for
now.
Kurauone Chihwayi,
Harare Province.
The Herald (Harare)
June 2,
2006
Posted to the web June 2, 2006
Harare
ZIMBABWE will assist
Indonesia in the wake of a devastating earthquake that rocked that country last
weekend killing thousands and leaving many people homeless, Vice President Cde
Joice Mujuru said yesterday.
She was speaking to journalists soon after
signing a condolence book in memory of the victims at the Indonesian Embassy in
Harare. "Our relations with Indonesia are warm and Zimbabwe has to come up with
all the necessary assistance especially moral support during this sad moment,"
said Cde Mujuru. Indonesian Ambassador, Mr Hupudio Supardi, thanked the
Government and the people Zimbabwe for showing sympathy to Indonesia.
"I
would want to express my Government and the people's appreciation for the
Government of Zimbabwe for showing special sympathy and condolences expressed
through Vice President Madame Mujuru," said Mr Supardi. He said the Government
of Zimbabwe had done the same two years ago when his country was devastated by
massive tidal waves (tsunami) that killed thousands other people in Indonesia
and left many people homeless. The weekend death toll has risen to 6 243 and
thousands more people require humanitarian assistance, said the
diplomat.
"We have received quite substantial assistance from many parts
of the world especially in form of medical supplies and food," he said. "What
the victims now need much is temporary shelter and my Government is working hard
to provide shelter for those whose homes have been destroyed by this natural
disaster." In her condolence message, Vice President Mujuru, who was dressed in
all black as a sign of sorrow, expressed sadness on the catastrophe that fell on
Indonesians and hoped that the international community would assist the
victims.
"On behalf of the Government of Zimbabwe and the people of Zimbabwe,
and indeed on my own behalf, I would like to express my deep sympathy and sorrow
over the loss of life in the wake of a devastating earthquake in your country on
May 27, 2006. We share with you the tragic losses occasioned, yet again by
nature's unpredictable changes," wrote Cde Mujuru in the condolence book.
"It
is our cherished hope that the people of the Republic of Indonesia will once
again recov er from this setback with the usual determination to move forward.
We also hope that the international community will take the challenge to assist
the victims in their hour of need. We wish you every success in your endeavours
to normalise the lives of the grieving masses of Yogyakartar." Yogyakartar is
the area worst hit by the earthquake.
The Herald (Harare)
June 1, 2006
Posted to the web June
2, 2006
Harare
THE insurance sector should continue to invest resources in
the fight against fraud and corruption in the industry, delegates attending
Insurance Council of Zimbabwe conference agreed this week.
ICZ was already
working on the database while consultations with various stakeholders were in
progress. "The database is currently being designed and stakeholders are going
to assess how the database would be accessed by people," said ICZ. The database
licence was also being processed, said ICZ. The database will contain a record
of criminals who have been blacklisted by the industry.
Meanwhile, the
Zimbabwe Allied Banking Group (ZABG) will soon sign a Memorandum of
Understanding with a yet to be announced insurance company in preparation for
the launch of a product called Bancassurance. ZABG retail banking executive Mr
Gift Madhlayo said Bancassurance was a symbiotic business relationship between a
bank and an insurance company whereby the former sells insurance on behalf of
the insurer and the bank earns commission.
Zimbabwe Independent 2/6/06
HARARE - A
desperate Zimbabwe government, hard-pressed for cash, has raided the Zimbabwe
Stock Exchange (ZSE) demanding Value Added Tax (VAT) on all brokerage incomes
received on the bourse since 2004, a move that analysts say gives a graphic
illustration of the Mugabe administration’s "policy deficiencies."
The
intelligence-led swoop on the ZSE, accused by government of failing to remit VAT
for two years, was expected to raise a Z$15 trillion windfall for government.
Official sources said the raid was the brainchild of the recently formed
shadowy Cuban-style Zimbabwe National Security Council (ZNSC), chaired by
President Mugabe and made up of the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) and
the Joint Operations Command.
It is believed government is attempting to
raise cash to bankroll the recent hefty salary increase for civil servants,
grain and electricity imports.
President Mugabe's administration has in
recent months sustained its expenditure by printing money, a move that has
fuelled Zimbabwe's stratospheric inflation, the highest in the world according
to the IMF.
Striking stockbrokers vowed they would not comply with the new
tax-regime because they were given earlier assurances by government that the tax
would not apply to them.
This is not the first time that there has been a
tax deadlock on the bourse between stockbrokers and government. Last year,
stock market dealers faced-off with government over a capital gains tax that was
introduced by Finance minister Hebert Murerwa during the 2006 national budget.
Authorities were later forced into a major policy climb down after a
two-week lull on the ZSE, making concessions that eventually pushed through a
withholding tax on dividends of 15% per individual shareholder, deducted at
source.
It is understood that army general Constantine Chiwenga joined the
negotiations last last week, although it was not clear whether he had entered
the fray as a broker or an interested party. Mugabe recently assigned him to
oversee the quasi-government tax collector ZimRA amid allegations of
embezzlement and corruption by top taxmen.
ZSE CEO Emmanuel Manyuke and ZimRA
director general Gershom Pasi would not comment.
The ZSE is one of the few
remaining sectors of the Zimbabwe economy that is still working following years
of skewed economic policies by government that have led to sustained negative
economic growth over the past six years. - CAJ News
Zimbabwe Independent 2/6/06
By Alex Magaisa
IN the seemingly endless quest to define its future,
Zimbabwe continues to be haunted by its difficult and traumatic past. Opinion is
divided over the relevance of the past in the context of the present struggle to
dislodge a tyrannical regime and establish a democracy.
In particular,
the liberation struggle of the 60s and 70s remains hotly-contested territory as
current political actors lay different claims and some question the necessity
and relevance of these claims.
The question as to whether or not the
liberation struggle is relevant in the current discourse, is one that invites
deeply divided opinions and sometimes causes emotional tension depending on each
person’s platform.
Should the liberation struggle feature at all in the
current struggle for democracy? Or is it simply a thing of the past, irrelevant
and ready to be buried in the archives? Is making reference to the liberation
struggle a sheer waste of time representing nothing but misplaced priorities?
It is common cause that the liberation struggle paved the way for an
Independent Zimbabwe. It may seem strange to some that people in Zimbabwe could
question references to that important part of the country’s history. It is
important therefore to put things into context, and understand why people in
Zimbabwe have developed an indifferent attitude towards the liberation struggle
and Pan-Africanism in general.
People who question the rhetoric in
relation to the liberation struggle do so not because they disrespect the
struggle itself or those who made sacrifices at the time, but because it has
been trivialised by those who purport to be the exclusive custodians of its
legacy.
It is the way the legacy of liberation has been handled that has
caused people to view those who make references to it with considerable
suspicion and at times even disdain.
The ruling party appears to have
succeeded in monopolising ownership of the struggle, thereby alienating a large
section of the population, now too embarrassed to be associated with anything to
which Zanu PF lays claim.
Because of a band of selfish individuals
Zimbabweans are no longer comfortable to identify with a defining process of
their history. And with that the values and principles for which men and women
sacrificed their lives, values and principles to which people should refer as
they map their future, have been trivialised. But let us explore why people are
no longer comfortable with this epic period.
The challenge for those who
wish to use the liberation struggle within the current political landscape is to
sell the idea differently and make it relevant to the struggle. The task is to
differentiate the approach from that which has largely led to people’s
indifference and dismissive attitude.
First, the liberation struggle has
been largely privatised under the current regime. At each opportunity the
history of the struggle has been represented through the lens of Zanu PF.
The lens permit only narrow and short-sighted vision, which is
selective. An interesting and thorough assessment of the treatment of history
and related issues has been given elsewhere by Professor Terry Ranger, eminent
scholar on Zimbabwean history. The result however is that other participants
have been deleted from the pages of history, their contribution downgraded not
because they did anything wrong against the nation but because they fell out of
line with the current Zanu PF regime.
Zanu PF has succeeded in making
everyone believe that it is the rightful custodian of the liberation struggle
legacy. This has fed into the perception that any person who speaks about the
liberation struggle is therefore a Zanu PF sympathiser. Unsurprisingly, many
people who should rightly take pride in the struggle have become disillusioned
by what appears to have become a personal project of the few selected ones.
Second, the liberation struggle has been manipulated to justify
monopolisation of political space. It has been argued that participation in the
liberation struggle is a prerequisite for national leadership. For example,
prior to the 2002 presidential election, the leadership of the military forces
declared that they would only swear allegiance to a person who participated in
the struggle, thereby tacitly disqualifying Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC
candidate.
Indeed, in institutions and organs of the state including
parastatals, liberation struggle credentials seem to take precedence over
managerial ability. This monopolisation of political and economic space on the
index of participation in the struggle has alienated those outside of the ruling
party. Worse, it has alienated and sidelined the younger generation who were too
young (and most were not born) to have participated in the struggle but are now
eligible on other points of merit to take senior positions in the public sector.
Unsurprisingly, the young men and women see the liberation struggle as a
tool that is used to deny them space by a selfish older generation. For them the
liberation struggle has become a hindrance rather than opening gateways, hence
the scepticism being expressed by the younger generation. Their energy and
potential is lost in the process.
Third, the liberation struggle has been
used as the basis of justifying some of the worst human rights violations in
recent years. In order to claim legitimacy for their actions, Zanu PF has
defined its agenda as a continuation of the liberation struggle.
In
recent years this has been symbolised by identifying the chaotic and predictably
destructive land invasions as the Third Chimurenga.
People complain that
there is no democratic culture, no tolerance and the state is behaving worse
than its colonial predecessor. The economy has never seen harder times. This has
riled and alienated most people who have borne the brunt of the clampdown and
economic deterioration. Indeed some people have begun to question the essence
and purpose of the liberation struggle itself — even arguing that in economic
terms, life was better before Independence.
Only a minority in political
leadership has enjoyed the fruits of liberation, leaving the bulk of the
suffering people to question whether it was worth the pain in the first place.
Not surprisingly, many people feel less attachment to the liberation process,
instead seeing themselves as being currently engaged in a liberation struggle of
their own.
The same issues arise in relation to Pan-Africanism. It sounds
right from a theoretical perspective. However, this concept has been much abused
and has become meaningless to the majority of the people on the continent.
Various dictators have used it to justify their positions even if it
meant sacrificing the rights of the people. Because of its tangled history and
failure to make positive change to their lives, people tend to view it with
distrust and are sceptical when someone uses the concept.
The cynical go
on to say that they do not eat Pan-Africanism — they too need the bacon and
sausages on the breakfast tables of those who pontificate about Pan-Africanism.
It is not because the concept is wrong on its own, but it has been
tainted by association and is meaningless when it has not delivered people from
their misery.
People see it as a way of justifying solidarity between
the leadership of African countries, which does not translate to the people on
the ground. It is seen as support between the leadership without the necessary
accountability. It is worthless when Pan-Africanism excludes holding each other
to account.
It is a shame that Zanu PF has succeeded in privatising the
liberation struggle, which in truth was national effort, with different actors,
each playing a crucial role. Did they not say that they were the fish and the
people were the water?
It is a shame that people have been made to
distrust anyone connected to, or who refers to a key period in our history. Each
year across the world, nations gather to remember those who sacrificed their
lives for liberation.
They never forget. They take pride in it. They
recall the values and principles that made men and women leave the comfort of
their homes and families to go into battle. Each year they gather as a constant
reminder of the values that they should hold dear and safeguard.
Zimbabweans too must never forget. In that period lies the very key to
freedom that everyone is looking for. They did not sacrifice their lives in
vain. I do not think that we should succumb to the prevailing dictates and feel
ashamed or embarrassed about the liberation struggle. It is a shame that we are
now so embarrassed to talk publicly about the liberation struggle. It is a shame
that we now treat with suspicion anyone who makes reference to the liberation
struggle.
One of the key challenges for the future is to restore lost
pride, to excavate the values now buried in the privatisation project and make
them relevant for the future. The truth is that the story of the liberation
struggle is not simply that of the lion alone but one in which all other
animals, great and small, were participants.
The fact that the lion
monopolises the story should not deter the other animals from claiming their
spaces.
Whatever the difficulties, it is not right for people to give up
their right to own what rightfully and legitimately belongs to them. It may have
been trivialised and therefore appearing meaningless, but it is certainly not
worthless.
The challenge for those who talk about it is to demonstrate
its relevance and to differentiate it from the privatised commodity that has
been created by the current system.
*Dr Magaisa can be contacted at
wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk.
Zimbabwe Independent 2/6/06
I REFER to your article “Mawere speaks on Mnangagwa fallout”, (Zimbabwe
Independent, May 19).
The comments attributed to Mr Edwin Manikai confirm
my worst fears that the government of Zimbabwe has been outsourced to
individuals with ulterior motives.
While I understand your interest in
drawing Mnangagwa into my predicament, I find it unfortunate that you chose not
to focus on the ramifications of what Manikai, as a principal in his own right,
said.
As background, you are aware that I was arrested in South Africa
in May 2004 following an application by the government of Zimbabwe to extradite
me on charges of externalisation and fraud. At the time, I thought the
allegations were informed by investigations undertaken by the government.
However, the charges were dismissed by a magistrate in June 2004 after the
government of Zimbabwe failed to substantiate them.
Notwithstanding the
dismissal of the allegations in South Africa, I was subsequently specified under
the Prevention of Corruption Act and all companies deemed to be under my control
were also specified. However, the specifications did not achieve the desired
result of expropriating my assets and making me, in Manikai’s words, “a bad
loser”.
You will be aware that a presidential decree was promulgated by
(Justice minister Patrick) Chinamasa in September 2004, paving the way for the
takeover of my assets and the appointment of Mr (Arafas) Gwaradzimba as
administrator and Manikai as the legal advisor.
You will also be aware
that this action was unprecedented in Zimbabwe whereby a decree was passed,
targeted at one individual and the state machinery then used by well-connected
individuals to undermine the property rights of another individual.
To
date, I have been the only victim of the State Indebted Insolvent Companies Act
and the existence of this legislation threatens the rights of all Zimbabweans
and hence my interest in writing this letter to ensure that all the people who
have property interests in Zimbabwe are fully aware of the possibility that if
they are deemed to be “unscrupulous, greedy and vicious”, they risk losing their
properties.
What is more scary is that if we assume that all the
actions leading to the expropriation of my assets were done in the name of the
state, a private individual like Manikai is allowed to claim credit without the
public being afforded an opportunity to understand his authority and competency
to represent the government.
It appears that Manikai was allowed to
ignore the central questions raised in your article about the link between
Smoothnest and Zanu PF. In addition, your article failed to address the
apparent use of public funds to support Zanu PF’s political activities. If the
allegations are correct that Manikai was used by Zanu PF as a front to raise
funds using a shelf company, what are the implications on corruption, and why
has this matter not been investigated by an independent party?
While
Manikai’s footprints are in many places including ZSR, Zimsun, Smoothnest, First
Bank, NDH, ZABG, Cottco, Finhold, Intermarket, Shabanie & Mashaba Mines
(under state administration), it is not clear what his role is in respect of
Zanu PF. It is important that the public is informed about the role of Manikai
in Zanu PF and his interest in my affairs.
I am still to be advised
about the ethical implications of a lawyer making defamatory statements about
me, particularly in view of the fact that he is the chief legal officer
representing the government of Zimbabwe and SMM in the contested expropriation
of my assets.
To the extent that the application to set aside the
reconstruction order is still pending before the High Court of Zimbabwe, it is
important that you put the statement by Manikai “above all, he is a loser, a
very bad loser and a cry baby” into context.
In what way am I a loser if
the matter has not been determined in court? What does Manikai know that the
public does not know about the merits of my application to set aside the
reconstruction scheme?
It is important also to inform your readers that
Manikai is now representing Chinamasa in the legal proceedings after the
Attorney-General refused to represent the minister on grounds that the
reconstruction order was issued without merit.
While I respect
Manikai’s personal views about my character, it is unacceptable that as a lawyer
he accepts the proposition that an alleged greedy person has no constitutional
rights in Zimbabwe.
If one were to accept that Manikai is somewhat
connected to the Tsholotsho group, it is important to locate his comments within
the general framework of the actions of the state. If we accept the proposition
that individuals can settle their personal scores using the state machinery then
Zimbabwe is in real danger of reducing itself to a banana republic.
If
anything, Manikai’s comments confirm that Zimbabwe is no longer a country that
respects property rights and acknowledges the fact that corruption only applies
where Zanu PF is not an interested party.
I believe that it is in the
national interest that this matter be exhaustively debated in order to protect
the integrity of the institutions of government and to ensure that individuals
are protected from the abuse of power by those that are well-connected.
It is not for me to say whether Manikai has any links with Mnangagwa,
but it is important to establish in what context Manikai would make the
allegations that I had “sour grapes” when he has nothing to benefit from my
persecution.
Manikai also makes the allegation that I have messed
myself up without explaining the relevance and how the state becomes an
interested party in my personal affairs.
He further makes the statement
that “I have nothing against him but he must have a conscience”.
It is
important that you establish how my conscience becomes material in the
construction of the state’s actions against me personally and against companies
alleged to be owned by me.
If Manikai has strong personal views against
me, is it justifiable that he becomes a professional advisor to the government?
It would also be of interest to establish who appointed Manikai and
whose interests he is serving by targeting me for what appears to be personal
reasons.
I sincerely hope that you will publish my letter not only
because the expropriation of my assets raises a host of legal, constitutional
and empowerment issues, but it has political and personal dimensions that have
to be exposed in the hope that future generations will be protected from the
actions of a government that has lost direction and moral compass.
Mutumwa
Mawere,
South Africa.
Zimbabwe Independent 2/6/06
JORAM Nyathi’s “Candid Comment” (“Wish they were all like
VP Mujuru,” Independent, May 26) was a frank and honest analysis of the sad
reality of opposition politics in Zimbabwe today. The Morgan Tsvangirai-led
faction of the MDC decided to participate in the Budiriro by-election even
though they had resolved never to participate in any election under the current
framework.
That the MDC won by a convincing margin despite the apathy,
confirms they knew Budiriro was one of their strongholds and therefore would
help boost self-confidence while humiliating the weaker faction led by Arthur
Mutambara.
Nyathi’s article rightly pointed out that the election in
Budiriro was less about bread and butter issues, but more about political
grandstanding aimed at showing muscle and consolidating control.
There
is no doubt that Zanu PF has no support in urban Harare. President Mugabe’s
attempts to sweet talk voters by donating computers on the eve of the election
was therefore going to convince only the most gullible. The real fight for
control was between the two MDC factions.
I do have some sympathy for
the Mutambara faction, but given their poor showing at the polls, I am not sure
if they have any future on the rough turf of Zimbabwe’s skewed political
landscape.
They were always disadvantaged from the beginning by a
perception that they dared to challenge Tsvangirai, who has managed to build a
strong and unquestioning following around himself, in the same way Mugabe did in
the early years.
Their second perceived weakness was that the main
faction leaders are from Matabeleland, a fact used by the main faction as the
reason why they should not get support.
It is worrying that even
opposition politicians have also resorted to the use of tribal and divisive
politics commonly used by Zanu PF in the early years of Independence.
But what is more distressing is that, in the 21st century, there are
still many people who buy into this kind of tribal garbage and retrogressive
gibberish.
So weird has our politics become that even Margaret Dongo,
arguably one of the finest MPs Zimbabwe has ever produced, lost to a previously
unknown MDC Harare Central candidate in the 2005 general election. Dongo
happened to belong to the “wrong” side.
Elsewhere in the world, people
are elected on the basis of solid principles and consistent policies; in
Zimbabwe it is mobocracy and political manipulation that carry the day.
The unpalatable truth is that the MDC by-election victory in Budiriro
signifies nothing and is largely an empty victory. Apart from giving the
psychological satisfaction of having defeated Mugabe and Zanu PF, the victory
will not translate into anything meaningful until the MDC stops thinking about
personal empire-building and point-scoring and starts addressing real issues.
Capitalising on the shortcomings of the present government is not
enough, because even when the economy is turned around people will still need a
strong and vibrant opposition to ensure transparency and
accountability.
The MDC spokesman, Nelson Chamisa, also unwittingly
confirmed the hollowness of his party’s victory. His press statement, issued
just after the election results were announced, did not say anything new.
Apart from borrowing Zanu PF’s empty rhetoric that “the people have
spoken” and reminding people of how Zanu PF brought high inflation, unemployment
and skyrocketing prices of basic commodities, Chamisa did not address how the
MDC was planning to use the victory to address any of the people’s concerns.
No one expects the MDC to bring down inflation just because of a
by-election victory because the MDC is not in government.
But even out
of government, there are several things that the party can do to show it has a
capacity to achieve greater things when in government.
By way of
example, the city of Harare is still run by an illegal commission that was
appointed after Zanu PF fired elected MDC councillors.
If the MDC is
planning to organise countrywide mass protests, I am sure they will find it
easier to organise a rates boycott to force government to call for elections in
Harare.
People still pay rates for services to the city of Harare every
month and surely cannot wait until Tsvangirai becomes president in 2008 or 2010
to have this issue resolved.
Zanu PF has repeatedly accused the MDC of
being a bad loser by crying foul only for those elections they lose, while
happily accepting those favourable to them. By saying the “people have spoken”,
Chamisa is implying the MDC has confidence in the electoral process in Zimbabwe.
This is inconsistent with the well-publicised party view that elections
are always rigged by Zanu PF.
Unfortunately, in our world, political
consistency and integrity are luxuries most people can do without.
Hudson
Yemen Taivo,
UK.
BR>
The Herald
(Harare)
June 1, 2006
Posted to the web June 2,
2006
Harare
Government prefers development projects that filter down to
the ordinary people and help them become productive, Vice President Joice Mujuru
said yesterday.
Cde Mujuru was being briefed over the recent donation of 50
000 euros by the Embassy of Greece for the construction of an opportunistic
infectious diseases clinic at Chivhu General Hospital. The money was donated
through the Chikomba Development Association. "We should try to make our people
busy. Chikomba is one of the poorest districts in the country. "When you get
such a gesture, people should take it with both hands and use it properly," said
Cde Mujuru. The Vice President said for years, it has always been a pleasure to
work with the Greek government.
She said people talked about HIV and Aids but
the thinking must go beyond that because poverty and lack of resources were also
fuelling the pandemic. The people of Chikomba were involved in chicken rearing
projects and the task left now was to look for international markets. Greek
ambassador to Zimbabwe Mr Dimitri Alexandrakis said his country would always
support Zimbabwe. "This is the beginning of the co-operation. We kno w that
these are trying times for Zimbabwe but this donation shows that the people of
Greece are with the people of Zimbabwe," he said.
Part of the funds would
also be used to buy anti-retroviral drugs, home-based care kits and support HIV
and Aids programmes in Mashonaland East Province.
Ref the farmer selling gallows to Zimbabwe. Here is the Mac cartoon from the Daily Mail:
" I'm not one to turn business away, George. but I reckon you should try a marriage guidance counsellor first."