Reuters
Fri 6 Jun 2008, 9:10
GMT
By Nelson Banya
HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwean police blocked
opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai from reaching a rally on Friday in his
campaign ahead of a
presidential run-off vote later this month, a Reuters
photographer said.
Tsvangirai was stopped from reaching a rally outside
Zimbabwe's second
largest city, Bulawayo, after police put up a roadblock.
His Movement for
Democratic Change party accuses President Robert Mugabe of
trying to
sabotage his campaign.
"The police set up a roadblock on
the way to How Mine, where Tsvangirai was
heading as part of his campaign
tour in Matabeleland," the photographer
said.
Tsvangirai was not
detained as he was earlier this week for several hours.
There was no
immediate comment from police.
The MDC leader postponed plans to attend
the rally and continued to another
town where he went on a walking tour at a
shopping centre, meeting and
talking to residents.
His party said
earlier on Friday that harassment of diplomats and aid groups
showed
Mugabe's government would fail to respect the rule of law during the
June 27
presidential election run-off.
The accusation by Tendai Biti, secretary
general of the MDC, came a day
after police detained U.S. and British
diplomats outside Harare and relief
agencies were barred from doing work in
the country.
"It is almost as if the regime is sending out a message to
the region, to
the international community that it doesn't care, that it has
no respect for
life, it has no respect for the rule of law," Biti said in a
presentation at
the World Economic Forum for Africa in Cape
Town.
"The regime is increasing the decibels of
insanity."
Tsvangirai beat Mugabe in a March 29 election but failed to
win the majority
needed to avoid a second ballot. Tsvangirai was held and
questioned by
police for eight hours earlier this week while
campaigning.
Monsters and Critics
Jun 6, 2008, 10:15 GMT
Harare - Aid agencies and
charities in Zimbabwe were meeting Friday to
discuss an order from
government to immediately cease their field operations
amid fears for the
welfare of the millions of needy Zimbabweans.
On Thursday social welfare
minister Nicholas Goche sent a letter to the NGOs
informing them to suspend
their field activities, claiming some NGOs had
breached laws governing their
activities.
President Robert Mugabes's government is accusing some NGOs
of rooting for
the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in March
elections.
A government spokesman was earlier reported as saying all NGOs
would have to
reapply for accreditation but no such order was contained in
the letter sent
to the NGOs, an employee with a British- based aid agency
pointed out on
condition of anonymity.
Aid agencies have said the ban
will wreak 'untold harm' on the country,
where thousands of NGOs play a
critical role in providing food, shelter,
health care and education for
millions of Zimbabweans affected by the
country's economic
collapse.
The United Nations World Food Programme has estimated that
around 4 million
Zimbabweans are in need of food aid.
Some NGOs had
already complained that their distribution of aid in rural
areas had been
been severely hampered since the March elections by a
campaign of militia
violence targeting mainly opposition supporters.
Last week, British-based
charity Care International was already ordered to
Reuters
Fri 6 Jun
2008, 8:41 GMT
By Wendell Roelf
CAPE TOWN, June 6 (Reuters) -
Zimbabwe's harassment of diplomats and aid
groups shows it will fail to
respect the rule of law during the June 27
presidential election run-off,
the country's main opposition party said on
Friday.
The accusation by
Tendai Biti, secretary general of the Movement for
Democratic Change, came a
day after police detained U.S. and British
diplomats outside Harare and
relief agencies were barred from doing work in
the country.
"It is
almost as if the regime is sending out a message to the region, to
the
international community that it doesn't care, that it has no respect for
life, it has no respect for the rule of law," Biti said in a presentation at
the World Economic Forum for Africa in Cape Town.
"The regime is
increasing the decibels of insanity."
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai beat
Mugabe in a March 29 election but failed
to win the majority needed to avoid
a second ballot. Tsvangirai was held and
questioned by police for eight
hours earlier this week while campaigning.
On Thursday, police stopped
and held five U.S. and two British diplomats for
several hours after they
visited victims of political violence, prompting
strong condemnation from
the U.S. and British governments.
The United States blamed the diplomats'
detention firmly on Mugabe's
government, which Washington accuses of trying
to intimidate Tsvangirai's
supporters ahead of the election.
U.S.
ambassador James McGee, who was among those detained, will lodge an
official
complaint in a meeting with Zimbabwe's foreign ministry, the U.S.
embassy in
Harare said on Friday. It was not clear when the meeting would
occur.
McGee would also protest at the assault of a Zimbabwean staff
member and
damage to an embassy vehicle, a U.S. official
said.
Zimbabwean police said the diplomats had triggered the incident by
failing
to identify themselves when they were stopped at Chipadze outside
the
capital.
"In essence, they were reducing themselves to common
criminals because if
they had identified themselves there would have been no
problems," police
spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena told the state-controlled
Herald newspaper.
AID SUSPENDED
Mugabe's government suspended
the work of all international aid agencies in
the southern African nation on
Thursday.
Zimbabwe, once one of Africa's most prosperous countries, has
seen food
production plummet since 2000 when Mugabe's government began
seizing
thousands of white-owned farms as part of a land redistribution
programme to
help poor blacks.
Many of the farms have ended up in the
hands of Mugabe loyalists, and the
country now faces chronic food shortages.
It has had to rely on handouts and
imports to feed its
people.
Zimbabwe has accused CARE International and other
non-governmental groups of
political involvement, including campaigning for
the MDC. CARE and others
deny the charges.
"This suspension is a
direct threat to the lives and well-being of tens of
thousands of innocent
people in Zimbabwe," said Henrietta Fore, the
administrator of the U.S.
Agency for International Development (USAID), a
government
agency.
The United States provided more than $170 million in food aid to
Zimbabwe in
2007.
The U.S. and British governments, along with human
rights groups and
Zimbabwe's opposition, have accused Mugabe of a campaign
of violence to try
to keep his 28-year hold on power. Tsvangirai says 65
people have been
killed.
Mugabe blames his opponents for the violence
and sanctions imposed by
Western countries for the collapse of the once
prosperous economy. The
opposition says he ruined Zimbabwe through
mismanagement.
The Southern African Development Community, a regional
grouping of 14
nations, including Zimbabwe, is sending observers to monitor
the run-off.
(Additional reporting by Nelson Banya in Harare; Writing by
Paul Simao;
Editing by Charles Dick)
Monsters and Critics
Jun 6, 2008, 9:53 GMT
Cape Town - As
political violence mounts in Zimbabwe with just three weeks
to go to a
presidential run-off election, the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change
(MDC) on Friday reissued calls for dialogue with President
Robert Mugabe on
a government of national unity.
'It is in the best interest of the
Zimbabwean people to talk. We're ready to
dialogue,' MDC Secretary-General
Tendai Biti told a debate on Zimbabwe at
the World Economic Forum in Cape
Town.
If the two sides had not managed to hold talks by the June 27 run-
off vote
'we will be unable to talk after,' Biti warned, predicting 'June 27
will not
be different from March 29.'
But the MDC was sticking by its
insistence that its leader Morgan Tsvangirai
head up any 'government of
national healing.'
The MDC claims Tsvangirai was the outright winner of
the first round of
voting in the presidential elections on March
29.
The official count showed the 56-year-old former trade unionist
falling
short of the 50-per-cent-plus tally needed for a direct win,
thrusting him
into a run-off against Mugabe on June 27.
Zimbabwe's
neighbours, including South Africa, have been pushing the idea of
a unity
government but there is disagreement over who should lead it.
State media
in Zimbabwe have said the role should fall to Mugabe, despite
him placing
second to Tsvangirai in March.
Biti said that a powersharing deal should
allow Mugabe 'to play golf' and
guarantee the security of his assets,
stressing the MDC was not interested
in revenge.
He also referred to
people 'in the president's courtyard' who were fearful
about the 'blood on
their hands,' without saying what their fate under an
MDC-led unity
government would be.
Simba Makoni, Mugabe's former finance minister, who
also ran for president
in March but came in a distant third, said the
situation in Zimbabwe was a
lot graver than on March 29.
Youth
militia loyal to Mugabe have gone on the rampage since the elections,
beating and killing opposition supporters - over 60, by the MDC's
count.
In further evidence of an attempt by the state to hammer the
opposition
Tsvangirai was detained by police on Wednesday for several hours
while
campaiging and MDC faction leader Arthur Mutambara was arrested last
week
over an article he wrote that criticized government.
By
contrast, the run-up to the March election was relatively peaceful.
'This
is not a leadership, that is servicing pedople, but a leadership, that
attacks people,' Makoni said. There was no semblance of a free and fair
election, said Makoni, who has been tipped as a possible kingmaker in any
powersharing deal because he has cross- party appeal.
CNN
Updated 20 minutes ago
(CNN) -- Zimbabwe's government has ordered all relief
organizations to halt
operations in the country, prompting fears that
millions who depend on food
aid could be plunged further into
crisis.
Social Welfare Minister Nicholas Goche said all aid groups
were ordered to
cease operations until after a presidential runoff vote
scheduled for June
27 is concluded, a journalist in the country
said.
The move comes amid mounting global concern over the situation in
the
southern African country, where President Robert Mugabe is accused of
crushing opposition while driving a once-stable economy to the edge of
collapse.
Henrietta Fore, administrator of the U.S. Agency for
International
Development, urged the government of Zimbabwe to "lift the
suspension on all
international aid agencies involved in humanitarian work
in the country."
Fore told CNN that the "suspension is a direct threat to
the lives and
well-being of tens of thousands of innocent people in
Zimbabwe."
In another development on Thursday, a convoy of U.S. and
British diplomats
was halted by Mugabe supporters and threatened with
violence in what both
countries have condemned as a major breach of
diplomatic protocol. Watch
condemnation over diplomatic detentions
»
U.S. Ambassador to Zimbabwe James McGee said the British and American
vehicles were halted at a roadblock, where Mugabe supporters slashed their
tires and threatened to burn the vehicles with the diplomats
inside.
Zimbabwean Deputy Information Minister Bright Matonga denied
McGee's claims,
insisting the diplomats were detained after trying to flee
police at a
roadblock.
The alleged incident, which ended with the
release of the unharmed envoys,
will be seen as the latest in a long line of
efforts by Mugabe's regime to
antagonize international critics --
particularly the country's British
former colonial rulers.
And
threats aimed at what McGee said was a mission to check on
election-linked
violence will do little to ease concerns over the June 27
vote, despite
claims by Mugabe that he will end his three-decade rule if he
loses.
Opposition politicians, led by Morgan Tsvangirai of the
Movement for
Democratic Change party, insist they won an initial round of
voting in March
and say Mugabe supporters are intimidating voters ahead of
the runoff
election.
Tsvangirai was detained by police for more than 10
hours on Wednesday before
being released without charge.
Zimbabwe
government officials, who told the United Nations that the
restrictions on
aid agencies was limited to Christian relief organization
CARE, said the ban
was imposed because aid workers had been involved in
political
campaigning.
Boniface Chidyausiku, the Zimbabwean ambassador to the
United Nations, said
he was reviewing the activity of all non-governmental
organizations.
"What we find is that there have been complaints about
NGOs operating as
Trojan horses for the oppositions, but the opposition has
denied it," he
said.
Henrietta Fore, administrator of the U.S. Agency
for International
Development, urged the government of Zimbabwe to "lift the
suspension on all
international aid agencies involved in humanitarian work
in the country."
Fore told CNN that the "suspension is a direct threat to the
lives and
well-being of tens of thousands of innocent people in
Zimbabwe."
New Zimbabwe
By Alex T.
Magaisa
Last updated: 06/07/2008 09:46:33
IF MOST most people were asked
to describe the picture that forms in the
mind at the mention of the term
'vote rigging', they would probably give an
account of shady characters in
dark glasses, dark coats, operating under
cover of darkness busy stuffing
ballot boxes, changing figures, shredding
and burning documents. That may be
so, but, in fact, one simple and less
dramatic picture of vote-rigging is
that of a system that simply prevents
persons from exercising their right to
vote.
Zimbabwe's electoral regime contains a number of features that
prevent
persons from voting or at the very least, increase the risk of
preventing
persons from voting. In that way the electoral regime plays a
crucially
negative role in disenfranchising citizens.
Disenfranchised
Diaspora
For a start, an attempt sponsored by Jeff Madzingo, The New
Zimbabwe CEO, to
challenge the constitutionality of the system which
disenfranchises
Zimbabweans living out of the country was dismissed by the
Supreme Court in
March 2005. This effectively cemented the
disenfranchisement of a
significant number of Zimbabweans who have every
right to participate in
their country's electoral process.
In most
countries, including SADC countries, efforts are being made to allow
citizens abroad to participate in the political process. The Zimbabwe
government, in its wisdom, has not been willing to do that. That is probably
because the Diaspora population is not viewed as a natural constituency for
the ruling Zanu PF party.
Local But Displaced
But there is a
more pressing matter, concerning those persons resident and
present in
Zimbabwe but are likely to be disenfranchised come June 27. These
are the
people who, by circumstance of the deliberately engineered mayhem,
violence
and intimidation, have become displaced from their normal homes.
It is
reported that thousands of people have been displaced from their homes
due
to the violence raging in the countryside, especially in the Mashonaland
provinces. If these persons are to exercise their right to vote, the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) will need to devise a special mechanism
for that purpose because the current legislation effectively nullifies their
right and leaves them disenfranchised.
It is important to illustrate
why there is a great risk of
disenfranchisement unless the ZEC intervenes,
either to stop the violence
and displacement and also to facilitate people's
return to their homes.
Alternatively, the ZEC could facilitate their ability
to exercise their
right, wherever they may be physically situated on June
27.
The Ward-Voting System
The problem commences with the
mandatory ward-voting system. The effect of
Section 110(3) of the Electoral
Act is that the Run-off will be conducted in
the same way as the March 29
election. This means that in accordance with
Section 56 of the Electoral
Act, persons will be required to vote in the
wards in which they were
registered on the voters' roll. It states that;
'(a) every voter registered
on a ward voters roll shall be entitled to vote
in the ward concerned for a
Presidential candidate .'
However, there is a proviso to that section,
which states that, a person
whose name does not appear on the ward voters
roll shall still be entitled
to vote upon production to the presiding
officer of a voters registration
certificate. This is the certificate
normally issued to a person when he
registers on the voters' roll. It is
therefore highly significant that every
voter retains and takes to the
polling station the voter's registration
certificate, just in case one's
name does not on the ward voters' roll.
But these provisions have two
important implications:
First, it means that if the person's name is not
on the ward voters' roll
and does not have the registration certificate, he
will not be able to vote.
This is where the violence and confiscation of
voters' registration
certificates or identity documents becomes a key
instrument of
disenfranchisement.
Second, Section 56(1) (b) of the
Electoral Act prohibits a person from
voting in a polling station outside
the ward in which he is registered as a
voter on the ward voters roll. The
combined effect of these provisions is
that a person can only vote in a
polling station located in his ward.
Conversely, if the person is outside
his ward, he is effectively
disenfranchised unless he qualifies for postal
voting.
This means that the displaced voters will not be able to cast
their votes on
June 27 unless there is a legal and practical facility to
enable them to do
so. These victims of violence have, effectively, been
disenfranchised. It
demonstrates the effectiveness of preventing people from
voting as a rigging
tactic.
Is the Ward-Voting System necessary in a
Presidential Election?
It is difficult to understand the necessity of
requiring persons to vote in
their respective wards in an election that is
essentially national rather
than ward-focussed. One can understand the
rationale for the ward-based
voting procedure in the March 29 election on
the basis that it was a
harmonised election in which voters were required to
vote not only for the
presidency and MPs but also for the councillor of that
specific ward. That
necessitated the restriction of voters to their
respective wards.
However, the same rationale is less justifiable in the
case of the run-off
election, which only concerns the Presidency, a national
rather than
ward-based office. People should be able to vote at any place
where they may
be at the relevant time so long as they can authenticate
their identity and
eligibility to vote.
ZEC'S Constitutional
Mandate
One of the ZEC's chief constitutional functions under Section 61
(4) (a) of
the Constitution is to 'ensure that those elections and
referendums are
conducted efficiently, freely, fairly, transparently and in
accordance with
the law'. The ZEC may argue that the ward-based voting
system is vital for
efficiency and, indeed, for transparency but it is
equally important that
the values of fairness and freedom be upheld. The
displacement and
consequent disenfranchisement does not satisfy these
values.
The ZEC should devise cost-effective and practical ways to enable
people to
vote at any place beyond their respective wards. Ideally, people
should vote
in their wards and most will do so because it is cost-effective
and more
convenient for them. But those who, for good reason, are unable to
be in
their wards should not be unduly prevented from voting by a rigid
system
that fails to take into account the realities of their situation.
That there
has been violence and displacement is common knowledge and there
is, surely,
sufficiently good reason why many voters cannot be in their
wards on June
27.
ZEC's Powers
In fact, this is one instance
in which the ZEC's law-making powers provided
for under Section 192 could be
put to good use. These regulatory powers have
already been used at least
twice since March 29, first, when extending the
run-off deadline from 21
days to 90 days and second, in prescribing new
forms and procedures to be
used in the counting and verification of votes on
June 27.
To be
sure, these powers provide various grounds for abuse. These are, by
and
large, the same powers that were formerly vested in the President under
the
notorious Section 158 of the old Electoral Act and were only nominally
transferred to the ZEC, whose autonomy remains a subject for
debate.
The concerns over these powers notwithstanding, Section 192 (4)
empowers the
ZEC to, 'make such statutory instruments as it considers
necessary or
desirable to ensure that any election is properly and
efficiently conducted
and to deal with any matter or situation connected
with, arising out of or
resulting from the election'. It is submitted that
the matter concerning the
displacement of voters is of critical importance
to the proper conduct of
the run-off election. For that reason, the ZEC
should at least make
provision to enable such persons to vote.
There
may be concerns that opening the voting system beyond the ward-system
will
create opportunities for further rigging but surely, enabling voters to
exercise their right is of great importance. The system has created a
greater moral hazard that by displacing people, they will not be able to
participate in the election and that the first, and perhaps most effective
way of rigging the election.
Alex Magaisa is based at Kent Law
School, UK and can be contacted at
wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk
BBC
08:39 GMT, Friday, 6 June 2008 09:39 UK
Aid workers are concerned that Zimbabwe's
"desperate" situation may
get even worse after the government banned the
distribution of food aid.
Some four million people - a third of the
population - rely on aid
after poor harvests and an economic
crisis.
"Its going to make things absolutely desperate," Christian
Aid's
Judith Melby told the BBC.
She says the ban could be a
way to make sure there are no aid workers
in rural areas to witness
political violence.
News of the ban came as US and British
diplomats were detained and
reportedly threatened in northern Zimbabwe on
Thursday.
They said they were investigating reports of political
violence ahead
of the 27 June presidential run-off.
Chicago Tribune
June 6, 2008
Zimbabwe's
President Robert Mugabe spent this week at a United Nations
summit in Rome
on how to end hunger. If you follow what has been happening
in Zimbabwe,
that's enough to make you retch.
This man has turned his country from
Africa's breadbasket into a regional
beggar. Hundreds of thousands of his
people are at risk of starving.
When he was in Rome, Mugabe accused the
West of using food as a political
weapon. He has ordered several outside
agencies to suspend their efforts to
deliver food to his people and claimed
that the West is working to bring
about "illegal regime change" in Zimbabwe.
What Mugabe thinks of as "illegal
regime change" is what the rest of the
world neatly calls an "election."
Mugabe faces one on June 27, and he could
lose.
While Mugabe was trying to hobnob in Rome, his thugs back in
Zimbabwe were
doing what they do best: ratcheting up an intimidation
campaign.
On Wednesday, police arrested Morgan Tsvangirai, who is
running against
Mugabe in the presidential election. Tsvangirai and about 14
of his
associates were held without cause for eight hours and then
released.
On Thursday, police, military officers and other Mugabe cronies
detained 11
U.S. and British diplomats for six hours.
Mugabe is
ensuring that only his allies can dole out food, another
intimidation tactic
in a poor land. By suspending the work of aid
organizations, he has
sidelined people who might bear witness to the
government's violent
crackdown against opposition supporters. At least 50
people have been killed
in the crackdown.
Inflation in Zimbabwe runs at more than 165,000 percent
a month. Life
expectancy has plunged to 35. Land that could be used to grow
much-needed
food lies fallow. And Mugabe insists that Zimbabwe's problems
stem from the
nefarious interference of the West.
On Tuesday night in
Rome, Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi
co-hosted, with UN
Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon, a state dinner for leaders
attending the food
conference. Mugabe was left off the guest list, an
intentional
snub.
But how do you shame a man as shameless as Mugabe? You don't. You
beat him.
An election in Zimbabwe doesn't have much direct impact on us
in Chicago. It
doesn't affect the price of gas. It doesn't put the Cubs or
Sox closer to
the World Series.
Nevertheless, what's going on there
should tear your heart. Hope and pray
for regime change on June
27.
Baltimore Sun
June 6, 2008
The despots
are having a bloody field day.
In Zimbabwe, President Robert G. Mugabe's
surrogates continue to terrorize
his people for the sin of exercising their
free will. Since the March
election, when Mr. Mugabe failed to win a
majority, Zimbabweans have been
harassed, assaulted and attacked, and as
many as 65 killed. The mayhem led
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai to
decamp abroad for seven weeks, and
since his return May 24 to compete in the
presidential runoff election, he
has faced a series of indignities. The most
recent was his arrest this week
on the bogus charge of campaigning too far
in advance of the June 27 vote.
Three of his followers weren't as lucky;
they were shot and killed by
unknown gunmen in an office of Mr. Tsvangirai's
political party. In another
chilling turn, the government abruptly banned
the work of one of the largest
relief agencies in the country; that leaves
fewer witnesses to the
government's reign of violence and more hungry
Zimbabweans who depend on
CARE's aid operations.
President Bush and
other world leaders have condemned Mr. Mugabe's tactics,
but participants at
a U.N. global food summit in Rome should have banned the
Zimbabwe president
from the event or, at the very least, shown him the door.
Dear Friends,
…. The few pictures below represent a very small proportion
of the results of what Robert Mugabe is doing to the people who dared to vote,
or were suspected of voting against him. As you can see, the pictures were
taken this week. The situation is seriously deteriorating and the time for talk
has long gone. When are world leaders going to take this matter more seriously
and ACT? This is a war against the people of Zimbabwe, using state resources and
the states military organs. Why is the free world allowing this to happen? Why
is South Africa continuing the silence? This is a crisis of major proportions,
by any civilised standards. This is despite what people like Thabo Mbeki may
say.
To bishop Tutu, I make a special plea to you to go to
Zimbabwe and show solidarity and prayer with these victims. You have a special
place in the hearts of all Africans. Please go there and pour oil to calm the
troubled waters and ease the pain of these poor souls. They need you at this
time.
I ask you all to do whatever you can to stop this silent
genocide. This has to stop.
Regards
Chris Garner
….
These horrifying pictures of Kudakwashe and David, who were
burned almost beyond recognition in Zaka (Masvingo province) this week, by Army
hit squad. They were in their MDC office when the Army petrol bombed
it.
Many of you will have heard my predictions of GENOCIDE and
plea's for intervention. Perhaps this and the attack on diplomats yesterday will
galvanise someone somewhere into action.
The threats to close down embassies and ngo's further
emphasises the GENOCIDAL situation our beloved country is in.
Zanu PF and the Army Generals will stop at nothing to keep
this corrupt government in power.
Los Angeles Times
The U.N. Security Council should
condemn Zimbabwe's president and his chief
enabler, South Africa.
June 6,
2008
It's a shame that the Iraq war has made it impossible to
advocate regime
change, because Zimbabwe's strongman, President Robert
Mugabe, is such a
deserving candidate. While the CIA has been dutifully
keeping its powder
dry, Mugabe, a despot who lacks oil or nuclear weapons,
has become an
increasingly lethal menace to his own
people.
Zimbabweans voted for peaceful regime change in March. Despite
intimidation,
they voted in such numbers that Mugabe was unable to steal the
election
outright and has been forced into a June 27 runoff with challenger
Morgan
Tsvangirai. Mugabe's response has been to unleash a reign of terror:
death
squads, mass beatings of political opponents, crackdowns on themedia
and on
aid groups that have been feeding the desperate populace. This week,
he
gate-crashed an international agricultural meeting in Rome, where, as
usual,
he blamed Western colonialists for his failures. Meanwhile, his
police
detained Tsvangirai for nine hours on the pretext that the rival
presidential candidate drew too large a crowd. And his goons stopped a
convoy of American and British diplomats who were attempting to investigate
the political violence, slashed their tires and threatened to burn them to
death in their cars.
Mugabe is beyond hope, but it's worth attempting
an international pressure
campaign against his chief enabler, South African
President Thabo Mbeki.
"Zimbabwe is not a province of South Africa,"
Mbeki famously answered those
who have urged him to curb Mugabe's excesses.
That's true. It's more like a
protectorate of South Africa. South Africa
supplies food, fuel, money,
remittances and electricity to its neighbor. The
electricity runs Zimbabwe's
vital platinum mines, in which South African
firms own a large interest.
Platinum prices have hit record levels, and
anxious manufacturers, including
the Chinese, are desperate to prevent
disruption of supplies. Could a threat
to cut off the free electric power
make Mugabe's minions more amenable to a
political settlement?
Two
million Zimbabweans have fled to South Africa, where some have been
murdered
by angry mobs. To date, however, the African Union has looked the
other way.
If the AU wants credibility, its new leader, Tanzanian President
Jakaya
Mrisho Kikwete, must condemn the violence in Zimbabwe and insist on
unrestricted access for election monitors. So must the U.N. Security
Council, where decent nations should demand the appointment of a special
envoy and an investigation of the violence. If China, South Africa or Libya
won't help, they bear responsibility for Zimbabwe's impending implosion.
africasia
LUSAKA, June 6 (AFP)
Zambia's government has lodged a formal protest with
neighbouring Zimbabwe
over continued accusations that Lusaka is in league
with Western nations to
oust President Robert Mugabe, an official said
Friday.
Foreign Minister Kabinga Pande said the Zimbabwean government,
through its
mouthpiece the state-run Herald newspaper, has regularly accused
Zambia's
President Levy Mwanawasa of pushing for regime change in
Harare.
"We have lodged a note verbale, which is a diplomatic
communication to the
Zimbabwean government, to protest over the sustained
malicious campaign
against Zambia," Pande said in a
statement.
Relations between Zambia and Zimbabwe have been strained ever
since
Mwanawasa likened the economic meltdown across his country's southern
border
as a 'sinking titanic' and urged other African countries to intervene
in the
situation.
Mwanawasa, who is head of the 14-member Southern
Africa Development
Community (SADC), has been pushing for hardline stance on
Zimbabwe although
other countries prefer a more softly-softly
approach.
In a piece earlier this week, the Herald said Mwanawasa had
"admitted that
he was under pressure from Britain and its Western allies to
exert pressure
on Zimbabwe" and said his "confession followed a series of
questionable
decisions over Zimbabwe".
According to a diplomatic
source, almost all diplomatic contacts between the
two countries have been
curtailed in recent months after Zimbabwe's
government accused Zambia of
receiving 'aid' from the West to push for
regime change.
Fahamu (Oxford)
OPINION
5 June
2008
Posted to the web 6 June 2008
Miriam Madziwa
In
addition to the psychological trauma of sexual violence, Miriam Madziwa
argues that the violence is likely to have an adverse effect on women's
participation in politics into the future.
====
There is
haunting weariness in Precious Zhove's eyes as she recounts events
leading
to her fleeing her home in Mberengwa in Zimbabwe's southern region.
Clutching at her 18-month-old baby, she relives the horror of the day war
veterans, ZANU PF supporters, and soldiers descended on her homestead
looking for her husband Joab Gumbo, who contested to be a councilor under a
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) ticket.
"I was trying to tell
them I did not know where my husband was since it was
in the afternoon. They
grabbed my baby, this one here and tied a sack around
her waist then one of
them started swinging her while holding her by the
legs."
"They said
she was an MDC baby so they were going to take her away from me.
They said
that way me and my husband would have another baby, a Zimbabwe
African
National Union - Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) baby this time, because
they
don't like MDC people, and they are sell-outs."
While she pauses to catch
her breath, she sighs, "Oh not again," and shifts
the baby on her lap. The
baby has no nappy, so her skirt has become wet. She
explains the baby has no
nappies or warm clothing. "I didn't have time to
pack anything. The moment
my husband returned home we left."
Zhove's story is just one of many I
have listened to in recent weeks as more
and more families in rural
Matabeleland and Midlands flee from harassment,
intimidation, and beatings
characterising the post March 29 period in
Zimbabwe.
Media show
images of injuries caused by the brutal attacks. The footage and
reports are
frightening. Burnt buttocks, breasts severed, limbs broken, and
backs
festering with wounds from plastic burns. Stories of pregnant women
having
their stomachs cut open or men young enough to be their grandsons
raping
elderly women.
Yet, away from the cameras, audio recorders, and notebooks
there is
emotional and psychological trauma that victims endure in stoic
silence.
Zhove is lucky to be out of physical harm's way. However, she is in
continuous emotional turmoil. Her conscience gnaws at her heart over the
fate of her two school-going children left behind in Mberengwa.
"I
don't know what they are eating. I don't know whether they are going to
school. I'm not even sure if they are still alive. I pray all the time that
they are safe and that I will see them again soon."
"I wonder
sometimes whether I should have stayed with my children. If the
war vets
came back and killed me, at least my children would know my fate.
Right now
they don't even know I am here."
Broken bones heal with time if the
victims are fortunate enough to access
medical treatment. The verbal abuse
and the psychological impact of the
beatings, sexual abuse, and public
humiliation will haunt these women
forever. It reminds me of the ditty:
"Sticks and stones may break my bones
but words can hurt forever." The
violence inflicts deep emotional wounds
among victims, their relatives, and
friends.
An added repercussion is the effect that the violence is likely
to have on
women's participation in politics. The post-election violence
reinforces
long held beliefs that "politics is a dirty and dangerous pursuit
that only
men can dabble in." The violence gives politics a bad name and
pushes women
further onto the fringes of active politics.
The
majority of women targeted are political activists who openly admit they
are
in politics to try to ensure a better future for their children. Women
polling agents and candidates who contested in local council elections are
key targets. Winning female councilors in rural areas are being hounded out
of their homes and therefore, being denied the chance to work and help
develop their communities.
Added to these politically active victims
are hundreds of women who are
killed, raped, harassed, humiliated and abused
simply because they are
mothers, wives, sisters and aunts of prominent MDC
activists.
An elderly granny who had fled her home in Kezi tells of the
shame she
endured during a rally when "youthful war veterans" taunted her
using
abusive and vulgar language because her son is an MDC
activist.
She confided that how unhappy she was to be living with her
daughter in-law
indefinitely. "I want to be home and not get in my daughter
in-law's way.
But I am too afraid to go back."
Mostly women carry the
heavy responsibility of explaining the horrifying
events to scared, confused
and traumatised children. They also try to ensure
life goes on as usual for
the children amid all the upheaval and
uncertainty.
Mothers have to
answer questions of "Baba varipi? Ubaba ungaphi? (Where is
daddy?)" from
children whose fathers have fled their homes in the dead of
night. These
women have the daunting task of trying to make senseless
reprisals make
sense to their children.
Women are the people who have to make sure that
even after houses and
granaries are razed to the ground, children are
clothed and fed. Moreover,
these same women live with the unspoken scorn of
close relatives for
"allowing" themselves to be raped by war
veterans.
Yet in communities where war veterans have set up the infamous
"bases"
everyone knows that women have no option but to "agree" to rape in
desperate
attempts to protect their families.
The true extent of
humiliation that violated women are enduring became clear
when a man from
the Midlands narrated the extent of sexual abuse in his
wife's
presence.
"Every woman who is still young is being raped by these brutes
who threaten
to destroy homesteads if women do not give in to their demands.
We men, know
it's happening even though women don't talk about it. We know
they are
desperate to spare their husbands and families victimisation. We
are going
to be raising children that are not ours, but AIDS is the real
threat in the
community now."
While the man spoke, his wife was
shaking her head silently, tears streaming
down her cheeks. The effect of
all these experiences is to traumatise
Zimbabwean women into silence, and
out of the political arena.
Ultimately, to quote writer Chenjerai Hove in
Shebeen Tales, there is the
long term danger that if the violence,
harassment and abuse continues
unabated, "women will remain of politics and
not in politics." And that will
do liitle to make sure their needs are cared
for in the future.
*Miriam Madziwa is a freelance journalist based in
Zimbabwe. This article is
part of the Gender Links Opinion and Commentary
Service that provides fresh
views on everyday news
Misa Denounces Purging of Journalists At State Broadcaster for the Purposes
of 'Partisan Political Expediency'
Media Institute of
Southern Africa (Windhoek)
PRESS RELEASE
5 June 2008
Posted to the
web 6 June 2008
Eight Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporations (ZBC)
employees have been summarily
sent on paid vacation leave for two months,
letters written to them by the
Head of Human Resources Benania Shumba in
early June 2008 indicate.
The eight include senior employees at the State
broadcaster, Robson Mhandu
(Television Production General Manager), Lawrence
Maphosa (television
production manager), Patrice Makova (news editor),
Sibonginkosi Mlilo
(executive producer, Nhau/Indaba), Monica Gavera
(executive
producer-national language) and reporters Brian Paradza (business
correspondent), Robert Tapfumaneyi and Garikai Chaunza.
In a
letter viewed by MISA Zimbabwe, one of the allegations levelled against
some
of the journalists is that they were "acting in a manner inconsistent
with
the fulfilment of the implied conditions" of their contracts.
The 8 have
also been ordered to surrender their ZBC identity cards and other
items that
belong to ZBC and are forbidden from interacting with other
employees or
even visiting the state broadcasters' premises.
MISA-Zimbabwe expresses
its gravest concerns over what can reasonably be
perceived as the deliberate
purging of journalists at the state broadcaster
for the purposes of partisan
political expediency on the part of those that
are still in charge of the
state media.
Further still, MISA Zimbabwe notes that in the face of a
Presidential
election run-off, this deliberate purging of media personnel at
the ZBC can
only be construed as being part of an orchestrated campaign to
intimidate
not only state media personnel but the Zimbabwean media
fraternity as a
whole. Media freedom violations of journalists in the form
of intimidation,
arrest and conviction of media personnel has taken a sharp
turn for the
worse especially since the elections held on 29 March. Such a
situation
should be condemned by all human rights activists in the
country.
BACKGROUND:
The suspensions come barely a month after the
dismissal of Chief Executive
Officer, Henry Muradzikwa, on 14 May for
defying ministerial orders to deny
the opposition Movement of Democratic
Change (MDC) favourable coverage in
the run-up to the 29 March elections.
Over the recent months there have also
been media reports that senior
government officials have been having
meetings with personnel in the state
media in attempts to ensure that they
cover the ZANU PF party in a positive
light.
BuaNews
(Tshwane)
5 June 2008
Posted to the web 6 June 2008
Vivian
Warby
Cape Town
A preliminary group of South African observers will
head off to Zimbabwe
this week ahead of the country's presidential run-off
elections, according
to Minister in the Presidency, Aziz Pahad.
The
minister said the numbers of observers to Zimbabwe had increased
substantially and by 27 June the South African Development Community (SADC)
observers would also be in place.
SADC observers will not only be
observing the voting but intervening where
there are acts of violence in an
attempt to disrupt a free and fair election
process.
SADC observers
will ensure that conditions are created where "even the
opposition would be
happy," said Mr Pahad.
Despite skepticism, said Minister Pahad, no one
had challenged the
Presidential elections held in March.
Opposition
leader, Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change,
just fell
short of gaining a straight majority leading to a run off
elections. The
results of the March elections were withheld by the Zimbabwe
Electoral
Commission for weeks.
Minister Pahad said following allegations of
violence in Zimbabwe in the run
up to the elections, President Thabo Mbeki
had dispatched senior South
African retired generals to assess the situation
in the country and to
report back to him.
When asked about the arrest
of MrTsvangirai for a few hours, Mr Pahad said
everyone was committed to the
fact that the rule of law must prevail in
Zimbabwe and that the will of the
people must be reflected in the elections.
It was the task of
facilitators to put a stop to activities that hinder the
will of the people,
he said, adding that all allegations would be followed
up by the
facilitation team in Zimbabwe.
The minister said South Africa's agenda
was to insure that Zimbabwe would
again be part of the SADC strategic
programme of action.
Minister Pahad said a total of 31 organisations and
countries would be there
to observe the run-off elections.
The Herald (Harare) Published by the
government of Zimbabwe
6 June 2008
Posted to the web 6 June
2008
Walter Muchinguri
Harare
The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe is
working on a solution to deal with the
accumulation of zeros in monetary
transactions.
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor, Dr Gideon Gono said he
would make an
announcement on the issue before September 1. "The issue of
digits is the
prerogative of the governor and I will be coming back to the
nation with an
announcement soon," he said.
Dr Gono was
responding to concerns raised by Zimbabwe Tobacco Auction
Centre's general
manager Mr Wilson Nyabonda when he visited the Boka Tobacco
Auction Floors
on Tuesday. Mr Nyabonda had raised concern that the
accumulating zeros had
made it difficult for them to keep track of
transactions. Mr Nyabonda said
their banker had resorted to opening multiple
bank accounts for them to cope
with the increased inflows of money into the
Zitac account. ZABG chief
executive Mr Stephen Gwasira said their system was
designed to cater for
transactions of up to $10 trillion. Anything above
that would create a digit
overflow as was the case with the Zitac account,
hence the need to open
additional accounts. Dr Gono said the bank had been
inundated with calls to
deal with the issue of zeros but maintained them to
fend off accusations of
whittling the value of people's money following the
lopped off zeros two
years.
"After people said Gono had stolen our money I said fine you can
have them,"
Dr Gono said. The accumulating zeros have presented challenges
especially to
businesses and individuals as prices continue to escalate.
Most businesses
have resorted to removing at least three or six zeros from
prices in order
for them to manage the excess digits. Meanwhile, Dr Gono
told tobacco
farmers that the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe would this year
embark on a
programme to acquire trucks to ease transport challenges faced
by farmers.
Dr Gono said the trucks, which would be used to ferry produce to
delivery
points and also carry inputs back to farmer's homes would start
operating
next year. He said the trucks would be available to all farmers
and not just
tobacco farmers. In addition he said the central bank was
looking at
introducing district committees to oversee the movement of buses
allocated
to each district under the National Transport Enhancement Program-
me.
Dr Gono said this had been necessitated by the fact that most of the
buses
were operating outside their districts when they were expected to be
moving
around the district.
National Post
'A Lot Of
Suffering'; One-billion Zimbabwean dollars needed to buy US$1
Alia Mc
Mullen, Financial Post, With Files From Reuters Published: Friday,
June 06,
2008
It's a sad day when those that can afford to buy a loaf of bread
need to
cart 600-million Zimbabwean dollars to the store. But the situation
is only
set to get worse in the crippled southern African nation.
Amid
surging inflation and political unrest, the Zimbabwean dollar has
depreciated to such an extent that US$1 now buys an average Z$1-billion.
Traders quoted the currency as selling for as much as Z$1.45-billion against
the greenback yesterday, a jaw-dropping Z$700-million higher than at the
start of the week. The currency traded at equal value to the U. S. dollar in
1983.
"A currency dropping to 1.45-billion to the U. S. dollar is
definitely an
indication that the whole currency regime has collapsed -- the
economy has
collapsed," said Karanta Kalley, regional managing director of
Global
Insight, Africa Group.
The currency has depreciated 84% since
the Zimbabwean central bank floated
the dollar on May 5. It had been pegged
at Z$30,000 per U. S. dollar since
Sept. 7 last year.
Mr. Kalley said
the currency was being driven higher by the political unrest
in the country,
which has caused a massive loss of revenue, cash shortages
and the highest
inflation rates in the world.
Central bank figures show inflation rose at
an annual pace of 165,000% in
February, but analysts predict it could have
surged as high as 1.8-million
per cent in May.
"It's difficult to
imagine, especially when you don't live under these
conditions," Mr. Kalley
said.
He said inflation was being driven higher by the central bank's
lack of
independence, with the government, led by dictator President Robert
Mugabe,
ordering more and more money to be printed to meet
demand.
Inflation began to surge in 2000 when Mr. Mugabe began to seize
land from
white farmers and reallocate it to landless blacks. The action
caused much
instability in the country and a steep drop in agricultural
production, the
main staple of the Zimbabwean economy.
Mr. Mugabe was
prime minister of Zimbabwe from April, 1980, to December,
1987, when he then
assumed the presidency. He lost this year's March 29
democratic election to
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai by two votes,
forcing a run-off election
to be held on June 27.
"I think it will maybe get worse before it gets
better," Mr. Kalley said.
"Mugabe is still adamant about staying in
power."
The cost of a loaf of bread is reported to have risen to
Z$600-million from
Z$15-million before the Zimbabwean elections.
"For
the day-to-day average people, there's a lot of suffering. Those who
could
flee, fled," he said.
amcmullen@nationalpost.com