http://www.voanews.com
By VOA
News
14 March 2009
Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe has
called for an end to political violence
and said the new unity government
should bring peace and stability to the
troubled nation.
President
Mugabe made the comments Saturday as he spoke at a funeral for
Vitalis Gava,
a former commander of Zimbabwe's military forces. Prime
Minister and former
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai was also in
attendance at the
funeral.
Mr. Mugabe thanked Mr. Tsvangirai and other former opposition
members for
attending the funeral. He called for an end to violence between
his ruling
ZANU-PF party and the long-time opposition Movement for
Democratic Change
party, which is now part of the unity government, formed
last month.
He said they are of different political parties but they must
not fight.
Mr. Mugabe said those who believe they must keep fighting are
enemies of
Zimbabwe.
President Mugabe began expressing conciliatory
sentiments towards his
longtime political foe last week at the funeral for
Mr. Tsvangirai's wife.
The president said he hoped Mr. Tsvangirai remains
strong and urged all
Zimbabweans to support the prime minister in the new
power-sharing
government.
Susan Tsvangirai was killed in a traffic
accident one week ago.
As Zimbabwe's longtime opposition leader, Mr.
Tsvangirai experienced
government intimidation and violence at the hands of
the ruling party.
The unity government was formed after pressure from
regional leaders for
Zimbabwe to end its political crisis.
Zimbabwe's
economy is in ruins following years of declining farm output and
soaring
inflation. Inflation, last measured at 231 million percent, has made
the
country's currency virtually worthless
Associated Press
Mar 14, 11:31 AM EDT
By ANGUS SHAW
Associated Press
Writer
HARARE, Zimbabwe (AP) -- President Robert
Mugabe and longtime political
rival Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai sat
side by side Saturday at a state
funeral that was seen as a symbolic step
for their parties' month-old
coalition.
The funeral was for former
defense forces commander and Mugabe loyalist Gen.
Vitalis Zvinavashe and was
Tsvangirai's first formal attendance at a shrine
for fallen guerrillas and
political leaders. Mugabe had attended Tuesday's
funeral service for
Tsvangirai's wife, Susan, who died in a car crash south
of Harare a week
ago.
Most of the nation's military commanders are ex-guerrillas of the
independence war and have refused to salute Tsvangirai, a civilian and
former labor leader who did not take part in that war.
At Saturday's
funeral, commanders sat near the coalition politicians at
Heroes Acre, a
North Korean-built cemetery outside Harare, but only saluted
Zvinavashe's
casket while Mugabe and Tsvangirai watched.
The 85 year-old president
gave an unusually brief and muted 50-minute eulogy
for
Zvinavashe.
Mugabe, who has frequently criticized Tsvangirai for his
links with Western
governments, also said the new coalition was "between us,
brother to
brother."
"Zimbabwe belongs to us. Let's walk the road
that says no to the British and
no to sanctions," Mugabe said. "Those who
want to be our friends and
partners are welcome. Let those who think they
can use that road of
friendship to domination, we say:
No."
Zvinavashe, a top official in Mugabe's ZANU-PF party who trained as
a
guerrilla fighter a decade before independence in 1980, retired as overall
commander of the defense forces in 2003.
Mugabe said Zvinavashe
fought British colonialism in the struggle for
independence from white
rule.
"The fight was against the British and up to now it is still about
them and
their sanctions," Mugabe said.
Mugabe blames Western
economic sanctions for the nation's economic meltdown,
but critics point to
the often violent seizures of white-owned farms since
2000, which disrupted
the agriculture-based economy.
The president said some violence continued
between rival political groups
after years of political and economic turmoil
that spurred violence blamed
largely on Mugabe party militants against
Tsvangirai's supporters, backed by
police, the military and state
agents.
"Let's stop the fighting in some places. Go and tell them we are
united and
to stop the fighting," he said.
The coalition government
brokered by South Africa and regional leaders has
appealed for $2 billion in
regional and international funding to kickstart
the shattered
economy.
No funding package has been agreed by regional leaders or the
African
Development Bank after talks in neighboring South
Africa.
Britain, the former colonial ruler, the United States and other
Western
nations argue the coalition agreement leaves too much power in
Mugabe's
hands and the resumption of aid and investment depends on future
measures to
restore democracy and the rule of law in Zimbabwe.
http://www.apanews.net
APA-Harare
(Zimbabwe) Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe extended an olive
branch to
former colonial master Britain and other Western countries,
challenging them
on Saturday to partner the newly formed unity government in
its drive
towards economic revival.
Addressing mourners in Harare during a funeral
of an army general who died
this week, Mugabe said Zimbabwe wanted to turn a
leaf in the hostile
relationship with the West and would prefer partnership
rather than the
hostilities that have characterised ties since
2000.
"It must be noted that what we want is partnership and those who
want to be
our friends and partners are welcome to do so," Mugabe said
during the
burial.
Relations between Zimbabwe and the West have been
hostile since Mugabe
embarked on a controversial land reform programme under
which he
expropriated plots from white farmers.
The veteran
Zimbabwean leader has constantly blamed Britain and her allies
of a plot to
topple his government in order to replace it with one headed by
former
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
Tsvangirai is now prime minister in
a unity government with Mugabe since
last month, ending nearly a decade of
hostilities.
The former opposition leader and senior officials of his
Movement for
Democratic Change for the first time attended the burial of a
senior member
of Mugabe's ZANU PF, an indication of thawing relations
between the two
Zimbabwean politicians.
JN/daj/APA 2009-03-14
http://news.yahoo.com
HARARE (AFP) - Zimbabwe
police on Saturday detained a mayor from Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's
party following political violence in the east
of the country earlier this
week, a party spokesman said.
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
spokesman Pishayi Muchauraya told AFP
Admire Mukorera, the deputy mayor for
the city of Mutare (east), was taken
from his home early Saturday by
detectives from the police law and order
section.
"They said his
vehicle was used during political disturbances in Buhera but
they did not
give details," Muchauraya said.
"He is detained at Mutare central police
station but they plan to take him
to Buhera. When we went to see him he had
not been charged."
In a reference to President Robert Mugabe's party, he
added, "What surprises
us is that we have supporters who had houses burnt by
ZANU-PF supporters
this week and we made reports to the police with names of
suspects but
nothing has been done."
Lawyer Trust Maanda confirmed
Mukorera was detained in Mutare.
"Initially they had said they were not
going to charge him and that they
only wanted to record statements from him
as a witness in connection with
some incidents in Buhera," Maanda
said.
"Later they said they were locking him up and that they were going
to charge
him. But for what? I don't know."
Mukorera's detention came
as Mugabe urged Zimbabweans to refrain from
violence and work together
following the formation of an inclusive
government with long-time rival
Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, the leader
of a smaller splinter opposition
group.
The state-controlled Herald newspaper reported on Saturday that
violence had
occurred in Buhera, Tsvangirai's home district, between MDC and
ZANU-PF
supporters.
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Charles Tembo Saturday 14 March 2009
HARARE -
Human rights abuses and politically motivated violence have
left Zimbabweans
traumatised and in serious need of rehabilitation to
achieve national unity,
churches in Zimbabwe have said.
"What happened in the long past and
immediate past left trauma in
large parts of the country," Zimbabwe Council
of Churches (ZCC) president
Naison Shava said last week, adding; "There is
trauma that needs to be
attended to so that the nation can realise true
healing."
Gross human rights abuses and politically motivated
violence and
murder have accompanied elections in Zimbabwe since the 1999
emergence of
the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) as the first real
threat to
President Robert Mugabe and his ZANU PF party's decades-long hold
on power.
The country witnessed some of the worst political
violence and torture
after a March parliamentary election last year that was
won by the MDC while
the party's leader Morgan Tsvangirai defeated Mugabe in
a parallel
presidential poll but with fewer votes to avoid a second run-off
ballot.
In a bid to ensure Mugabe regained the upper hand in the
second round
vote, ZANU PF militia, war veterans and state security agents
unleashed an
orgy of violence and terror across the country, especially in
rural areas
many of which virtually became no-go areas for the
opposition.
Tsvangirai later withdrew from the June 27 run-off
election because of
violence that left about 200 of his supporters dead,
leaving Mugabe to win
uncontested in a ballot that African observers
denounced as a shame and
Western governments refused to
recognise.
A power sharing agreement was signed on September 15 to
stop the
bloodshed, leading to the formation of an inclusive government last
month
and a committee of senior ministers set up to begin the process of
national
healing and reconciliation.
The ZCC - a grouping of
the country's major denominations - said it
would work to compliment the
government initiative at national healing and
would from next week begin to
compute information on "what happened in the
past and how it can be
resolved".
"We have set up a research committee that will look into
the finer
details. We must have the truth and balance with forgiveness. Some
people
are thinking revenge, an eye for an eye, but as the church we say we
must
have compromises," said Shava.
"We are working out a
package to offer ourselves as the church and we
hope to join the government
team so that we work together," said Shava,
adding that the church wanted to
play an active role in the economic
recovery effort, the national
constitutional process and in governance.
Shava called on the
inclusive government to "genuinely engage and
enhance areas of trust,
confidence accountability and unity" so as to foster
an environment of
tolerance.
The new unity government between has raised hopes that
Zimbabwe could
finally turn the corner and emerge as a united country that
respects the
rule of law and human rights.
Tsvangirai has
stressed the need for national healing so as to foster
national unity and
make the people work together again.
"This nation needs national
healing. There can never be progress if
there is no national healing. I
appeal to all Zimbabweans from the bottom of
my heart that we should heal
this nation," he told MDC supporters at a rally
in Gweru in
February.
Mugabe has also called for an end to political violence,
telling
mourners on Monday at a Methodist church after the death of
Tsvangirai's
wife, Susan, that the unity government was going to do its best
create an
environment of peace and tranquility in the country. -
ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by By Lizwe Sebatha Saturday 14 March 2009
BULAWAYO -
Zimbabwe's struggling rail parastatal has failed to raise deposit
money to
take delivery of 10 locomotives and 64 inter-city coaches under a
deal
signed with the Chinese five years ago, a company official said on
Thursday.
"Since 2004, we have failed to raise the 10 percent deposit
of US$11
million. We have only managed to raise US$2.5 million to date,"
National
Railways of Zimbabwe (NRZ) chief Air Commodore Karakadzai told
Zimonline.
The NRZ entered into a deal with the Chinese in 2004 that
would have seen
the parastatal replace its aged locomotives and commuter
coaches as part of
it recapitalisation efforts.
Under the US$110
million contract signed with the Chinese, the NRZ was
supposed to settle a
down payment of 10 percent - about US$11 million -
while the remainder would
be paid in installments over four years.
"We are into talks with various
companies and the RBZ to get loans to settle
the deposit as we move up a
gear to replace the locomotives and our coaches
that are well past their
date," said Mike Karakadzai.
The NRZ, like other state parastatals, is
confronted with numerous
challenges stemming from acute foreign currency
shortages to import spare
parts and equipment to improve services and
generate more cash.
Half of the NRZ's wagons are derelict because there
is no hard cash to
import spares, including wagon wheels, and most of the
diesel and electrical
locomotives are out of service while passenger and
freight services are
constantly grounded.
Other challenges facing the
parastatal include the deterioration in the rail
infrastructure, vandalised
communication equipment and dilapidated yard
facilities.
Karakadzai
said: "We also hope the dollarisation of the economy will improve
NRZ's cash
flow situation in hard currency so that we purchase the
locomotives and
coaches from China and at the same time repair vandalised
communication
equipment."
The NRZ chief said the brain drain affecting all sectors of
the economy has
not spared the parastatal as more than 70 percent artisans
and 25 percent
train drivers have quit the NRZ since last year in protest
over low pay and
the weak Zimbabwean currency.
Last month, the
parastatal was forced to recall retired train drivers as a
result of the
exodus of experienced train drivers.
"We are operating with a near
skeleton staff when it comes to specialists
like artisans, engineers and
train drivers. We have been hard hit in those
areas since last year as we
could not afford to match regional salaries," he
said.
The NRZ was
last month hit by a crippling industrial action over low
salaries but the
employees who were pushing for monthly salaries of US$300
have since
returned to work after they were promised US$120 for the least
paid
employee, Fanuel Masikati, the parastatal's spokesperson told
ZimOnline. -
Zimonline
http://www.sabcnews.com
March 14 2009 ,
5:12:00
Thulasizwe Simelane, Victoria Falls
The
unsettled issue of President Robert Mugabe's successor may emerge
as a
talking point in a high level meeting between the governments of
Zimbabwe
and South Africa this weekend.
It has emerged that the issue may
arise as a potential threat to the
stability of the new unity government,
especially as Mugabe's ZANU PF party
prepares for an elective congress at
the end of this year.
It is understood the identified threats include
the role of hard
liners in the security services, who may oppose the MDC's
efforts to reform
the sector. South Africa's high level delegation to the
bilateral will
include the ministers of Foreign Affairs, Agriculture and
Land Affairs and
Health.
Once a continental powerhouse,
Zimbabwe's economy is on its knees. The
new government has inherited a
bankrupt state, and the overwhelming
expectations of its people. And now,
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's
crusade to restore it is set to get a
major boost.
South Africa remains the largest contributor to the
region's effort to
help Zimbabwe back on its feet. R300 million for
Agriculture and R1.2
million in medical supplies to combat cholera has been
promised.
To a large extent, this gathering is a natural
progression stemming
from South Africa's long-standing commitment to the
country. However
Pretoria also has the added responsibility of being the
guarantor and main
advocate for the new unity government. It appears no
effort will be spared
to prop up this fragile arrangement.
In
return, South Africa wants a bilateral agreement, which will
provide legal
protection for the assets and properties of businesses
investing in
Zimbabwe.
South African para-statals and the private sector are
also likely to
reap the rewards in lucrative joint venture projects in
fields including
mining and energy.
http://www.theglobeandmail.com
New government believes it has only a couple of
months to make dramatic
changes
GEOFFREY YORK
Globe and Mail
Update
March 13, 2009 at 7:05 PM EDT
HARARE - At a clinic in a
Harare suburb, the nurses squirm with
embarrassment when you ask about their
doctors or ambulances - or their
salaries. There are none.
"The last
time I saw an ambulance here was a year ago," says one of the
nurses at
Kuwadzana Polyclinic, a shabby building where pregnant women have
to bring
their own sheets and blankets for the sagging cots in the maternity
ward.
"We last saw a doctor early last year," the nurse says.
"Because of
transport problems, he doesn't come here any more."
This
is what a once-proud health system looks like in the midst of
near-total
collapse. It's been five months since the nurses were paid a
salary. Almost
a year since their telephones worked. A month since they last
had medicine
for their HIV/AIDS patients.
They can't track down their medical supplies
because their phones don't
work. Their water and electricity are erratic,
often failing for hours or
days, forcing them to rely on candles, lamps and
buckets. Almost half of the
nurses have quit. Their patients have to provide
their own food - and even
latex gloves for the clinic staff.
Yet this
is the main clinic for thousands of Zimbabweans, people who walk
for
kilometres to reach the facility.
"We don't even know when we're going to
be paid," says one nurse, who
doesn't want to give her name because she's
still afraid of political
persecution. "We're working for
charity."
Zimbabwe's fragile new unity government has managed to reopen
most of the
country's closed hospitals since taking office last month, but
the health
system is still on the edge of collapse, even as a cholera
epidemic rampages
through the country, sickening 88,000 people and killing
4,000 so far.
After struggling for years to win a share of power, after
enduring violent
attacks and even torture from ruling-party thugs, the
Movement for
Democratic Change is now saddled with the almost impossible
burden of trying
to resuscitate a ruined state, with health care as the most
pressing of
several competing and urgent concerns.
The MDC, the
long-time opposition party, holds only half of the cabinet
seats in the new
government. It is begging for international loans or
donations to pay the
government's bills. It reckons it has only two months
of breathing room
before it faces the threat of another health disaster.
Its message to
foreign donors is simple: Give us money, or accept the
government's defeat
and the revival of President Robert Mugabe's
authoritarian ZANU-PF, the
party that has steered Zimbabwe into economic
catastrophe during the past
two decades.
"If they want us to succeed, let them assist," says Henry
Madzorera, an MDC
leader and physician who became Health Minister in the new
cabinet.
"The failure of this government would be a triumph of the old
regime," he
warns. "If the donors don't come in to help us, they are
supporting the
regime that they want to banish. If this government fails,
the MDC is dead
and buried forever."
Dr. Madzorera has been working
long hours at the decrepit Health Ministry
building, where the stairwells
are unlit and the staff are so poorly paid
that the ministry's security
guard begs for a dollar for his bus fare home.
"I don't have a single cent,"
the guard tells visitors at the entrance. "Can
you just give me a dollar for
transport?"
A large portrait of Mr. Mugabe still hangs in the Health
Minister's office,
like a looming reminder of the dominant power in the
country. Every office
in the country is still obliged to keep his portrait
on their wall.
Followers of the autocratic 85-year-old President have
jeopardized the unity
government by arresting MDC activists and seizing
control of the few
remaining commercial farms in the country. "They still
have a stranglehold
on power," Dr. Madzorera says.
For months,
Zimbabwe's hospitals were closed because they lacked basic
services and
could not perform surgery safely. "Closing the hospitals was
better than
killing the patients," the Health Minister says.
Now most health workers
are back at the job after the government managed to
find enough money to pay
them $100 (U.S.) in wages last month. But they are
still desperately short
of equipment, medicine and staff.
At one of Harare's biggest hospitals,
Parirenyatwa, a doctor speaks of the
anguish of doing surgery without proper
drugs or equipment. All he can do is
warn the patients of the high
risks.
"The monitoring machines are very old and can go out at any time,"
says Amon
Siveregi, an anesthetist. "The suitable drugs to put the patient
to sleep
safely are not there, so you just have to take the
risk."
Two weeks ago, he recalls, the monitoring equipment failed in the
middle of
an operation on a pregnant woman who was bleeding internally.
Luckily she
survived. "In such cases, we just have to pray that the patient
is okay," he
says.
Often he lacks painkillers for patients after
their surgery and he hears
them crying all night from the intense pain. "You
don't feel like a complete
doctor," he says. "You feel like a
failure."
The hospital's third-floor corridors are covered with water
from a leaking
roof, and toilets overflow into the patient wards, he says.
"Our patients
can die from infections they get at the hospital, not at
home."
The hospital employees have waited for two months for emergency
allowances
that were donated to them by foreign relief agencies. The money
was given to
the hospital administration but never passed on to the staff,
says Dr.
Siveregi, who is also the head of the Zimbabwe Health Workers
Association.
When he spoke at a rally of hospital workers to demand the
allowances, he
was arrested and taken into police custody for two hours. He
is still too
nervous to meet a foreign journalist in the hospital and
insists on meeting
in an abandoned coffee shop nearby.
Inside the
hospital, 19-year-old Carlington has been waiting almost a week
to see a
doctor for a spinal injury that crippled him. Now he is waiting to
be taken
to another hospital where a doctor might be available. For five
days he was
given no painkillers, no sheets or blankets for his flimsy cot,
and only the
food that his relatives brought him.
"The nurses told me they can't give
me any medical prescription without a
doctor seeing me, but I haven't seen a
doctor in five days," he says.
At the main entrance, meanwhile, a sign
warns that cars will be searched
because of "a spate of thefts" of "valuable
property" from the hospital.
The district clinics are even more
dilapidated than the hospitals. They are
financed by Harare's city
government, where the MDC now has a majority on
council. But the city has no
money for health care because most ratepayers
are unable to pay their
utility bills or even the rent on their city-owned
houses.
Wilton
Janjazi, a slight, unassuming MDC member and city councillor, is on
the
front lines of the health struggle. He points to the huge heaps of
rotting
garbage in the outlying districts - perfect breeding grounds for
disease.
Less than half of the city's 35 garbage trucks are functioning, so
the
garbage is uncollected. The water and sewage systems often stop working
for
days at a time. It's little wonder that cholera has killed hundreds in
the
city.
When the councillor visits Kuwadzana clinic, the nurses berate him
for
failing to pay their wages. "Maybe you don't think we provide an
important
service," one nurse tells him. "Last year you promised to give us
maize, but
you never did. We doubt that we're going to get any payment. If
it wasn't
for our husbands, we'd have to stop working here."
Mr.
Janjazi looks miserable as he tries to explain. With unemployment now
topping 90 per cent, less than a quarter of city residents are paying the
full amount of their bills. The council can only beg them to
pay.
"We've inherited a bankrupt city," he says. "We're living from hand
to
mouth. When the ratepayers pay us, we can pay the health workers, but
it's
very hard to convince them. They say, 'where will we get the money,
we're
unemployed.' Obviously we can't evict them or turn off their
water."
Last year, when gangs of ZANU-PF youths were killing scores of
people in
election violence, Mr. Janjazi had to flee into a cornfield in a
narrow
escape from thugs who tried to run him over in a car. Even now he
hides at
night, sleeping in a secret location outside his ward. "We're only
visible
in the day," he says. "Living such a life, when you're a city
father, is a
problem."
One of his biggest frustrations is the sight
of a nearly finished health
clinic in a nearby suburb. The clinic was built
15 years ago - and never
completed because of a lack of funds. Instead, the
clinic was looted, the
electricity cables were ripped out, and the building
was used as a torture
camp during the election violence last
year.
Outside Harare, the health disaster is even worse. In the town of
Norton,
about 40 kilometres from the capital, the residents of one
neighbourhood
have gone without a water supply for the past six months. Some
of them leave
their sewage in open pits behind their houses, despite the
risk of cholera.
"We don't know why the water suddenly stopped," says
Simon Chaturiuka, a
construction labourer who lives with his wife and six
children in a tiny
three-room brick house in Norton.
He shows his
water faucets, completely empty. And he points to an open
sewage pit beside
his house. "When you don't have water and sewage, that's
why there's
cholera," he says. "You're vulnerable to disease. You can't
escape it. We've
been very lucky so far, but I'm worried about my family.
We're only
surviving through God's mercy."
http://www.nehandaradio.com
14 March 2009
From the
Australian
THE face of suffering Africa is generally a starving child,
but it could
also be Morgan Tsvangirai. Mr Tsvangirai has long led the
opposition to
Robert Mugabe's kleptocratic government in Zimbabwe. He has
been
photographed bruised and beaten by Mugabe's thugs.
He has been
photographed on his way to prison for opposing a regime where
millions face
famine and cholera. He has been photographed in exile as
African leaders
ignore his pleas for help against the Mugabe regime.
And now, just when
Mr Tsvangirai has finally forced the Mugabe regime to
share power, he is
being photographed in hospital, after a car crash that
killed his wife, with
Mugabe staring balefully at him.
This accident -- and for once it seems
the Mugabe Government was not
responsible for doing Mr Tsvangirai harm -- is
a disaster for Zimbabwe.
Mugabe and his henchmen abhor the agreement that
saw Mr Tsvangirai become
Prime Minister, but it was an improvement on the
long years of Mugabe's
capricious rule.
Whatever happens next, Mr
Tsvangirai deserves to be honoured, like Nelson
Mandela, as a stalwart
soldier in the service of ordinary Africans. Yet he
has too long been
ignored by Western aid activists and the developing world
lobby because the
man he opposed was also a black African, a so-called
freedom
fighter.
It is passing strange that faux friends of Africa have dared not
denounce
Mugabe while they have left his opponent to rot. Perhaps Mr
Tsvangirai will
soldier on when he recovers, but he would have every right
to give up in
disgust.
http://www.iol.co.za
March 14 2009 at
02:30PM
Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change in
South Africa
is "shell shocked" at Gauteng local government MEC Dorothy
Mahlangu's verbal
attack on Central Methodist Church Bishop Paul
Verryn.
"For Mahlangu to accuse a man of God, Bishop Paul Verryn of
exposing
Zimbabweans to danger when he is in actually providing us shelter
is very
regrettable," said MDC spokesman Sibanengi Dube.
"At
least thousands of our people have somewhere to lay their heads
where no
rain can soak. We now have a roof over our heads, isn't [that]
better than
sleeping in the streets?" he asked.
On Friday, Mahlangu said that
Zimbabwean refugees should not be
allowed to stay at Johannesburg's Central
Methodist Church and that she
thought Bishop Paul Verryn was exposing them
to more danger.
"I don't think its helpful for
the Bishop to continue to do what he's
doing under the guise that he's
simply helping vulnerable people," said
Mahlangu.
"We are not
condoning what he is doing. We condemn it," she said.
Verryn
responded by saying Mahlangu's comments were out of place.
"It is
most unfortunate at this time for us to enter a mudslinging
match. There's
plenty of mud lying around," said Verryn.
"[Mahlangu] hasn't had
the decency to pick up the phone and call me."
Dube said: "We
appeal to South Africa's senior government officials to
desist from the
habit of making inflammatory statements which could trigger
a second round
of xenophobic attacks.
"We expected the provincial government which
Mahlangu is serving to
complement and not complicate the efforts being made
by Verryn," Dube said.
"Mahlangu should know that when ANC cadres
fled to Zimbabwe under the
heavy pursuit of apartheid operatives, we did not
close our doors in-front
of them, but took them in our houses. We don't
expect a senior ANC member of
Mahlangu's stature to exhibit clear
insensitivity to the plight of
Zimbabweans." - Sapa
From ZWNEWS, 14 March
The problems which have
been bedevilling Zimbabwe's email system in recent
weeks came to a head
three days ago when the network came close to total
collapse. TelOne, the
government parastatal responsible for the internet
gateways to the rest of
the world, had failed to pay the fees for their
external internet links - in
particular a satellite link and a ground link
with South Africa. The links
were disconnected, contributing to growing
congestion within the network.
The TelOne links are not the only ones used
by Zimbabwean ISPs. There are a
number of other links provided by licensed
Internet Access Providers
(different from ISPs). However all the ISPs do use
TelOne bandwidth to a
certain extent, and are not easily able to handle the
additional traffic on
other links if they lose that bandwidth. Another more
technical problem was
caused by TelOne's mismanagement of the top-level
Zimbabwean domains - those
ending in .zw, .org.zw, .gov.zw and .mil.zw .
These had been incorrectly
configured, and were difficult to access. As a
result, nameserver records
disappeared, some Zimbabwean ISP's domains
"ceased to exist", and other ISPs
inside and outside the country were unable
to deliver mail to them, and
refused to accept mail from them.
The internal Zimbabwean internet
was as badly affected as traffic with the
rest of the world. Commercial and
personal email traffic has been slow, or
has disappeared altogether. Some
journalists have been unable to file news
reports. At the Beitbridge border
post, imported vehicles backed up when the
Zimbabwe Revenue Authority
(Zimra) was unable to clear them, as the process
requires internet-based
valuations. (In addition, it seems that someone had
lost the keys to the
Zimra server equipment room.) The new MDC minister for
information and
communications technology, Nelson Chamisa, summoned
officials from TelOne to
explain the collapse of the internet system, after
representatives from the
ISPs, Zimra and the Confederation of Zimbabwe
Industries complained about
disruption to their operations. A partial
payment of US$200 000 for the
external satellite link was made, and the link
to South Africa has been
restored. By Friday afternoon email traffic had
begun to flow more
easily.
From The Star (SA), 14 March
Former Ethiopian dictator Mengistu lives in lap of luxury
while locals
starve
Basildon Peta
Forced political
exile has impoverished and made many once-powerful
dictators idle. But not
Mengistu Haile Mariam. The former Ethiopian
strongman, who fled to Harare in
1991 as Meles Zenawi's rebels closed in on
Addis Ababa, has not only
remained active in helping his generous host
President Robert Mugabe sharpen
tactics of repression and political
longevity. He has also flourished as a
businessman. Mengistu is privileged
with around-the-clock security and two
mansions in the affluent suburbs of
Gunhill and Borrowdale. Mugabe gave him
the second so he could switch
between the two, after four Ethiopians on a
grudge mission tried to kill him
as he took his daily jog around Gunhill on
November 4, 1995. When Mugabe
begun his destructive land seizures in
February 2000, Mengistu also got two
plum, white-owned farms in Mashonaland
West province, although these are not
registered under his name directly,
sources say. Those who watch his
movements say he drives the latest ML
Mercedes Benz and travels to his farms
and other places with discreet
escorts. All of this is financed by the
state. Although he does not travel
often, he used his Zimbabwe government
diplomatic passport for a
controversial visit to South Africa for treatment
for a heart problem in
1999 and for a few more surreptitious visits since,
according to sources.
His four children are full Zimbabwean citizens and
travel the world on their
passports issued on Mugabe's directive. Highly
placed sources say the
special treatment accorded to him is because he is
not your ordinary
political exile.
Unlike Uganda's Milton Obote, who died a virtual
pauper in Lusaka, Zambia,
or even his compatriot Idi Amin, who complained
that his $4 000 monthly
stipend from his Saudi hosts was inadequate to cover
his expenses and those
of his 30-plus children, Mengistu "has had it all and
still has it all",
said one Zimbabwean intelligence official. This is
because when Mugabe's
grip on power came under heavy threat from a resurgent
civic society and
opposition, the 85-year-old dictator turned to his old
comrade for help. And
the fellow-Marxist, who has a death sentence hanging
over him in Ethiopia
because of his murder of hundreds of thousands of his
countrymen during his
"Red Terror" reign from 1974 to 1991, had the
necessary experience and the
will to do so. "Mengistu did not only play an
advisory role, he effectively
became an active employee of the CIO," said a
source in the dreaded spy
agency. Mengistu worked closely with the security
generals in the so-called
Joint Operations Command, the military junta that
has run Zimbabwe over the
past few years. He advised them on the best
tactics to keep the opposition
and civil society at bay as he had done for
many years at home before his
enemies finally caught up with him. In fact,
some sources claim the
murderous campaigns Zimbabwe has witnessed over the
years are a direct
result of Mengistu's "wit". "Even though he has now
slowed because of health
problems, he still spends long periods in private
consultations with the
president at State House," another source
claimed.
Mengistu has every reason to want Mugabe to stay in power. His
next port of
call, should Mugabe be ousted, is said to be North Korea, which
has already
approved his future asylum should the need arise. He routinely
packed his
bags in readiness to flee there before Zimbabwe's elections "just
in case",
sources say. But though he would be welcome in Pyongyang and
secure, this
appears to be a last resort. Over the years, he has grown
accustomed to
Zimbabwe and the lifestyle there. Because his residences are
very close to
Mugabe's and he is looked after by the state, he does not have
to suffer the
routine problems of power cuts, food and fuel shortages, and
others that
most Zimbabweans have to live with. His farms are also said to
be doing
well. Mugabe has for 18 years rebuffed the Ethiopian government's
demands
that he hand over Mengistu to face justice for his crimes, arguing
Mengistu
helped him more than most when he was fighting the liberation war.
While in
opposition, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), vowed to
expel
Mengistu as soon as it came to power. And now that it is part of the
coalition government, it seemed Mengistu might be packing again for
Pyongyang. Instead it looks as though he can sleep easy again as the MDC has
other fish to fry. "What we now have is a government of national unity and
decisions are reached by consensus. I frankly don't know whether that
(extradition) is going to be possible," said MDC spokesman Nelson
Chamisa.
12 March 2009
The Combined Harare Residents Association
has received disturbing reports from some sources at Town House (names withheld)
that the Council is channeling most of the money received from ratepayers
towards paying the salaries of its employees. These reports come after the City
of
The residents are cognizant of the fact
that the City employees had been receiving paltry salaries that could not cater
for their financial needs but it should also be noted that residents were not
receiving basic municipal services from the City of
The residents feel that the City of
CHRA urges Councilors, who are the
representatives of the ratepayers (who also voted them into power), to
critically question this issue of salaries as it is a pointer to serious matters
of personal aggrandizement of funds at Town House. The City of
CHRA will continue to advocate and lobby for a democratic local government system and struggle for the provision of quality and affordable municipal services on a non partisan basis.
_________________________________________________________________________________
Combined
Exploration House, Third Floor
Landline: 00263- 4-
705114
Contacts:
info@chra.co.zw,
admin@chra.co.zw
12March 2009
The Combined Harare Residents Association
(CHRA) is deeply concerned by the exorbitant license fees that have been pegged
by the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings (ZBH) for the year 2009. ZBH, with the
approval of the Ministry of Information and Publicity has released a notice in
terms of section 38B (2)
of the Broadcasting Services Act [Chapter 12:06] citing the new Listeners’
license fees where radio listeners in the rural areas are expected to pay as
much as US$10 (ZAR100) while those in urban areas will be expected to part with
US$20 (ZAR200) per annum. Below is a summary of the notice released by
ZBH.
(a) Listeners' licence (sound-rural), US$10
(ZAR100);
(b) Listeners' licence (sound-urban), US$20
(ZAR200);
(c) Listeners' licence (sound and television), US$50
(ZAR500);
(d) Listeners' licence (sound-business premises), US$50
(ZAR500);
(e) Listeners' licence (television-business premises), US$100
(ZAR1000);
(f) Listeners' licence (sound-private vehicle), US$30
(300);
(g) Listeners' licence (sound-employer-owned vehicle), US$80
(ZAR800);
(h)
Listeners' licence (sound and television vehicle), US$100
(ZAR1000);
These
license fees are too high and they only serve to marginalise residents from
getting broadcasting services as they are beyond the affordability of many.
Other national broadcasters in the Southern Africa Region draw most of their
revenue from advertisers and this lightens the burden on listeners and viewers.
In South Africa, for example, the government subsidises the costs of its
national broadcaster, SABC and residents only have to pay television license
fees of ZAR225 per annum (while in Zimbabwe residents have to pay a whopping
ZAR500). Unlike ZBH, SABC and other broadcasters rely on advertisers because
they have explored ways to improve the quality of their programmes in order to
attract advertisers. In
This is not so with the
Zimbabwean national broadcaster, ZBH. The previous government heavily polarized
the programmes that were being aired both on radio and television and turned the
national broadcaster into a political mouthpiece that focused on propagating
State propaganda. The ‘100% local content’ campaign saw ZBH broadcasting stale
programmes of the liberation war struggle and political talk shows; a situation
that repelled many advertisers from conducting business transactions with the
national broadcaster and thereby depleting its revenue base. Moreover, most of
radio and television owners purchased satellite decoders to get access to other
broadcasters outside
CHRA feels that ZBH should first
conduct a market research to find out what residents want on their television
sets and revamp its programming in order to attract and regain the confidence of
advertisers so as to get revenue. The license fees that are being charged by ZBH
do not correspond with the services that the national broadcaster is giving to
residents. For example, the issue of cholera has not been adequately covered by
ZBH (except for the adverts that are being flighted by UNICEF). At one time,
residents complained that the cholera statistics that were being released by the
national broadcaster were being censored and that they did not reflect the true
picture and the gravity of the cholera crisis in
It should be noted that
residents also have to deal with other utility bills from the City Council,
ZESA, Tel One and ZINWA. CHRA urges the inclusive government to intervene in
this situation where service providers seek to clear their deficits by imposing
exorbitant service charges on residents. The Association is cognizant of the
fact that the government allowed the use of foreign currency in order to curb
inflation but there is a danger of the worsening of this situation if service
providers are allowed to charge residents anyhow. Taking into consideration the
fact that service providers like Tel One are serving residents with bills that
amount to as much as US$500 (ZAR5000), there is a possibility that an average
resident would have to budget for at least US$1000 (ZAR10 000) to pay utility
bills every month which is outside the income brackets of most people. Moreover,
residents in rural areas cannot afford to pay ZAR100 as license fees as most of
them do not have any formal sources of income.
CHRA urges other Residents
Associations around
_______________________________________________________________________________________
Combined
Exploration House, Third Floor
Landline: 00263- 4-
705114
Contacts:
info@chra.co.zw,
admin@chra.co.zw
http://www.newsnet.co.zw/index.php?nID=15215
Posted: Sat, 14 Mar 2009 09:18:09
+0200
Veteran broadcaster Tichafa Matambanadzo popularly known as Tich Mataz
together with Dr Raymond Tendai Chamba, a businessman, have been arrested
for allegedly defrauding the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe- RBZ.
Veteran
broadcaster Tichafa Matambanadzo popularly known as Tich Mataz
together with
Dr Raymond Tendai Chamba, a businessman, have been arrested
for allegedly
defrauding the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe- RBZ.
Inspector James Sabau
confirmed the arrest saying the two were allegedly
given funds by the RBZ in
November last year to supply 1 551 food hampers
which they failed to deliver
to date.
This prompted the RBZ to report the case to the police resulting
in the duo
being arrested.
Inspector Sabau said the two are currently
detained at Harare Central Police
station.
Last year the RBZ embarked
on a programme to distribute food hampers to the
people.
From The Mail & Guardian (SA), 13 March
Stanley Kwenda
Everything around the streets of
Harare seems to have changed, the hordes of
people changing wads of cash
have disappeared and there are fewer cars on
the road. Life seems to be
getting back to "normal". But the spirit of
enterprise is stronger than
ever. "Dollar for two, dollar for two" go the
symphonies of street vendors.
Whether you are buying a drink, grabbing a
taxi home or buying bread,
everything is "dollar for two". This is thanks to
the introduction of the
dual currency system in Zimbabwe. If you have US$1,
you are a king,
especially when it comes in cents. If you only have a note,
however, your
"dollar for two" will force you to buy two even when you want
one because of
the change shortage. "Dollar for two" has seen imported South
African
assorted biscuits becoming the bestseller in town; Marie, Lemon
Creams,
Galaxy, Choice Assorted, you name it, you can get it.
Clutching their
small white boxes at every street corner, the traders are
unmistakable.
South African biscuits are the bite of choice, but all
biscuits are a
sell-out success. "Biscuits are the in thing," one Harare
office worker told
me. "Because that's what many people in town can afford
to buy for lunch.
They're the cheapest food in town. If I go home without
biscuits, my wife
will ask me why I don't have them because they are the
cheapest product in
town," says another worker. I asked one street vendor
why biscuits? "That's
what the people of Harare are eating; it's now the
biscuit city. You can
enjoy them anywhere, in a taxi, working in your office
or walking around
town. They keep the hunger away." With a plate of sadza or
pap going for
US$2 and a kilogram of meat for US$3, biscuits remain the
cheapest item in
town at "dollar for two". Just three months ago the streets
of Harare were
infested with currency dealers, but the goalposts have
shifted. The money is
now in biscuits: if you have them, you are king.
From The Aviation Herald (UK), 13 March
By
Simon Hradecky
An Air Zimbabwe Boeing 767-200, registration Z-WPE
performing flight UM-722
from Harare (Zimbabwe) to London Gatwick, EN (UK)
with 206 passengers and 10
crew, was on final approach to London Gatwick,
the crew just selected flaps
15, when the crew noticed an unusual roll
motion, the airplane however
quickly stabilized. A normal landing followed.
The AAIB released their
report stating, that during post flight inspection
the crew noticed the
right overwing escape slide compartment open and the
slide itsself missing.
The activating mechanism was hanging out of the
compartment and had caused
dents and perforations in the adjacent fuselage
skin. The deflated overwing
slide was found several days later in the
approach path to Gatwick Airport.
The airplane however had already been
repaired and dispatched again without
a detailed inspection to determine as
to why the compartment had opened.
Boeing was able to perform a limited
investigation establishing, that the
opening actuators had not fired and the
escape hatch was still securely
locked. However, as the slide came out of
the compartment, the inflation
cylinder had discharged. Boeing was able to
determine, that the slide had
not inflated inside the compartment and blown
the compartment door open as a
result, and concludes, that a combination of
incomplete latching, misrigged
or worn components prompted the release of
the slide.
Last week the 4th
of March 2009 will go down in history as a day of
reckoning in the short
life of the international Criminal Court [ICC].The
issuing of an arrest
warrant for the sitting head of state of Sudan Omar
Hassan Ahmad Al Bashir
is unprecedented both legally and politically. Not
only that, it has
implications that might be severe for the future.
It is unprecedented in
that it’s the first time that a sitting head of state
has been issued with a
warrant of arrest for ‘serious crimes of concern to
the international
community’. There is a common misconception among some
that Slobodan
Milosevic and Charles Taylor set the precedent of being tried
at The Hague.
The correct position is that Slobodan Milosevic was indicted
by the
International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia, a tribunal set
up by
the United Nations Security Council to deal with atrocities committed
during
the breakdown of the federation. On the other hand Charles
Taylor[former
president of Liberia] was indicted by the Special Court for
Sierra Leone, a
hybrid court set up by a treaty between the UN and Sierra
Leone after the
mayhem of the civil war in that country. Both courts
however use/used the
premises of the ICC at The Hague, hence the
misconception.
The second
issue is that Sudan is the first country referral from the
Security Council
to the ICC.For a referral, a resolution would not pass with
a veto by any
one of the permanent 5.It is interesting that the United
States principally
does not recognise the ICC and is not party to the Rome
Treaty that borne
the ICC but allowed the referral. A resolution of the
Security Council has
the effect of binding all members of the United
Nations. Once a case is
before the ICC, all high contracting parties to the
ICC are also bound. What
this means then is that the Security Council by
referring Sudan to the ICC
means all parties to the United Nations are
obliged to cooperate even if
some of the countries are not party to the Rome
Treaty.UNSC Resolution 1593
urges ‘all states, whether or not party to the
Rome Statute, as well as
international and regional organisations to
cooperate fully with the ICC on
Sudan.’ That obligation now translate to
making sure that if he sets foot in
their territories he should be
arrested.Ofcourse that’s the theoretical
aspect of it. In reality probably
most countries, serve for those in the
west and their allies will not arrest
him. Already Sudan has failed to
comply with arrest warrants issued to
minister Ahmad Harun and a well known
alleged Janjaweed militia leader, Ali
Muhammad Ali abd Ali Rahman [ Ali
Kushayb] since 2 May 2007.
Basher is charged with 5 counts of crimes
against humanity and 2 counts of
war crimes. In addition the Pre Trial
Chamber 1 indicated that he could
still be charged with genocide if the
prosecution furnishes further
evidence. At the same time it should be borne
in mind that there are
currently peace efforts underway in Sudan with the
proposed referendum on
Southern Sudan autonomy in 2011.The question then is
whether political
pragmatism will override criminal responsibility. Would
the Security Council
defer prosecution to give way for political
settlement?
Indeed the Rome Statute allows the Security Council to request a
deferral
both for investigations and for prosecutions [article 16] for a
year if it
deems that’s its necessary for international peace and stability.
Deferrals
have to be renewed annually by a SC resolution through a positive
resolution. That’s means none of the permanent members of the SC can
exercise their veto power to defer an investigation or prosecute. This power
to defer requires a UN chapter 7 situation [a threat to or breach of
international peace].
Uganda is posing the same problem both to the ICC
and the United Nations
Security Council. Though Uganda was a self referral
by the Khartoum
government regarding the Northern Uganda situation, it is
the peace efforts,
including campaigns by the local Acholi leadership for
the ICC to suspend
arrest warrants issued for Joseph Kony and seven other
leaders of the Lords
Resistance Army. They argue prosecutions do not bring
about peace and
reconciliation. They are advocating for the SC to use a
deferral so that
peace initiatives continue.
Already we have
heard some states calling for the Sec Council to use this
deferral also in
Sudan. The African Union has also called for the warrant to
be boxed. To
those in the human rights movement it is just not acceptable.
Individual
criminal responsibility has to override any settlement that
allows despots
to get away with such atrocities. If the ICC is to serve the
purpose of its
creation, the SC should not intervene. To intervene is to
give a passport to
would be despots that they can get away with anything if
they are prepared
to negotiate. It is the need to end a culture of impunity
that necessitated
the creation of a permanent international criminal court
to bring such
perpetrators to justice. If political settlements are allowed
to scupper
criminal justice why then was the court created?
If basher is not
arrested, and Sudan does not comply, the ICC statute on
article 87[7]
stipulates that the court would have to refer the issue again
to the
Security Council. It remains to be seen whether the SC will press
ahead and
pass another resolution on enforcement.
For now it is difficult to
envisage Zimbabwe at the ICC, firstly because
Zimbabwe has not ratified the
treaty, secondly because it is highly unlikely
the Sec Council would pass a
resolution without a veto from China or Russia.
Self referral? Possible if
the MDC wins next election and forms the next
government. Unfortunately the
crimes committed in Matabeleland during the
Gukurahundi era would not be
under the ICC’s jurisdiction if at Zimbabwe
becomes an issue because the ICC
only has to try crimes committed after its
inception. [July
2002].
Interesting times ahead!
SANDERSON MAKOMBE
Can be contacted
at smakombe@btinternet.com
http://www.timesonline.co.uk
March
14, 2009
In life
Susan Tsvangirai was a force in her own right. In death she has
inspired an
entire nation
Jan Raath in Harare and Ben Macintyre
A week after her
death Susan Tsvangirai, the wife of Zimbabwe's Prime
Minister, Morgan
Tsvangirai, has emerged as a powerful symbol of hope in
this shattered
country.
In life Mrs Tsvangirai was an important though reluctant
politician in her
own right who played a pivotal role in the opposition
movement. In death she
has become a tragic heroine of the campaign for
democratic change in the
crumbling kleptocracy presided over by Robert
Mugabe.
Roy Bennett, the MDC treasurer released from remand prison this
week,
described her as "the backbone of the family". He said yesterday: "She
was a
very, very strong woman. Morgan is going to find it very
difficult."
Mrs Tsvangirai was killed last Friday when a truck hit the
Prime Minister's
car. Mr Tsvangirai suffered head and neck injuries. He has
since insisted
that his wife's death was an accident, although rumours of
foul play abound.
The Tsvangirais were married for 31 years but Susan
Nyaradzo Tsvangirai (her
middle name means comfort) was more than simply a
dutiful politician's wife.
Since her death, friends have painted a portrait
of a woman at the forefront
of Zimbabwean politics, widely regarded as the
unofficial leader of the
women's opposition movement.
They describe her
as unobtrusive but remarkably resilient, juggling her
family
responsibilities with a rising political profile of her own.
Her modest
character and simple tastes offered a stark contrast to the
extravagance and
arrogance of Grace Mugabe, the shopping and luxury-loving
wife of the
President. Mrs Tsvangirai, who was 50 when she died, is now
referred to
popularly as "our first lady" - in implied contrast to Mrs
Mugabe, who
formally owns the title.
At the Ngezi turn-off, 60 miles south of Harare,
where the collision
occurred, a large wreath honouring Mrs Tsvangirai has
been strung from a
road sign. "Our idol, our rock, our mother," read
T-shirts worn by
supporters of the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC).
Mrs Tsvangirai, who was buried at the couple's rural home on
Thursday,
always carefully concealed the strain of living under Mr Mugabe's
brutal
rule but she found the repeated assaults on her husband hard to
bear.
"She was an intelligent woman and a very dignified person. She hid
whatever
she was thinking and whatever her fears were behind a smile," said
Tendai
Biti, the Secretary-General of the MDC and now Minister of Finance in
the
new Mugabe-Tsvangirai unity Government. "I think the one thing that gave
her
away was her eyes; you could see that this woman was worried. We could
tell
she was crying but she would never show it publicly."
The couple
met in 1978, when Mr Tsvangirai was the foreman of a nickel mine
in Buhera,
south of Harare. Gradually, as his role in the opposition to Mr
Mugabe
expanded, she was drawn into politics, particularly after 1989, when
Mr
Tsvangirai was arrested and detained without trial for six weeks for his
criticism of Mr Mugabe's proposals to establish a one-party state.
In
December 1997, after a successful national strike, Mr Tsvangirai was
again
assaulted, when his attackers attempted to throw him out of a window
of his
tenth-floor office with the national trade union.
"It was a real shock
for Susan," Mr Biti said. "He was lucky to be alive. At
this stage she would
have realised this was not going to be a normal life at
all."
A s the
pressure on the MDC intensified, Mrs Tsvangirai's political role
expanded,
particularly after a damaging split within the opposition movement
in 2005.
"From then on she had the pulse of what was going on in the party,"
Mr Biti
said. "She began to be more visible, and she really felt that she
had to
support him. Before, she never came to his rallies, it was his
business.
Then she made it her business. She also began to take a keen
interest in the
goings-on in the party."
In traditional Shona custom, women are expected
to greet male visitors with
a glass of something to drink, offered while on
their knees, but Mrs
Tsvangirai was not one to kowtow.
"She was
someone with dignity. She was an equal with Morgan," Mr Biti said.
"She
would not kneel to you, she would not kneel to Morgan, no way. If you
were
having a meeting at her house she would take a chair and sit in. She
wouldn't run away. She made it very clear it was as much her business as
ours, but she was never intruding."
Although Mrs Tsvangirai held no
official political position, she was revered
within the opposition,
particularly by women.
"She was an incredibly down-to-earth person," a
senior aide said. "The
Wednesday before she died I was talking to her in the
kitchen. She had
wanted a glass of Mazoe [a local cordial] and water. She
went and fetched
the glass, the bottle, the water out of the fridge. She
could easily have
clicked her fingers and got someone to do it for
her."
Yet the danger and violence were ever-present. "On 10th March 2008
we had a
party at her house. The next day we were beaten up, all of us who
had been
at the party," Mr Biti said. "A few days after, she came to the
hospital to
see us - she had already seen Morgan - you could see she was
crying."
A few days after the Zimbabwean elections, the threat of murder
became
explicit.
"Morgan got a call that they were about to
assassinate him," Mr Biti
recalled. "The next thing, we had to drive him to
Botswana; one of the cars
rolled and was written off. You can imagine, she
was hearing all these
things. It was a disaster. They wanted to kill him,
she knew it."
As the political situation deteriorated, Mrs Tsvangirai
found herself having
to juggle the demands of her husband's career and the
needs of her children
living abroad. "She had to constantlymake a decision,
who was more
important, Morgan or the children? Her children were sacred."
Mrs Tsvangirai
became the mid-fielder, coordinating the family and their six
children from
long distance. "The children were in Canada, Australia, South
Africa, and
Morgan was everywhere and anywhere. The only person who knew
what was
happening to everyone was Susan," Mr Biti said.
T he death
of Mrs Tsvangirai has raised her husband's stature dramatically,
affirming
the faith of ordinary Zimbabweans in the indomitable and
long-suffering
leader who has once again survived to fight on against
President
Mugabe.
The presence of numerous ambassadors and Southern African
ministerial
representatives at her funeral on Wednesday has also been seized
on to give
Mr Tsvangirai enhanced official status, and the words "our
President
Morgan" - of Zimbabwe, not just the MDC - have suddenly become
common
parlance.
"People really respected her. She was far more than
just the wife of a
politician," Georgina Godwin, a close friend of Susan
Tsvangirai, said.
"Susan's death has shown what enormous support the MDC
has, and how Zanu
(PF) has been prepared to stand up publicly and mourn
her."
Mr Tsvangirai is expected to attend the burial next week of Vitalis
Zvinavashe, a former army general and veteran member of Mr Mugabe's inner
ring. His presence is likely to be seen as the Prime Minister assuming the
functions of the head of state from Mr Mugabe.
Yet among Mr
Tsvangirai's closest friends there are fears that the
psychological shock of
losing his wife of three decades may affect him in
ways that 30 years of
brutal treatment and physical violence never could.
The vital public and
private roles played by Mrs Tsvangirai in her husband's
life have left many
wondering how the MDC leader will cope without her.
Constant
companion
1958 Susan Mhundwa born in Buhera, south of Harare
2002
While Morgan Tsvangirai goes on trial for treason she runs a soup
kitchen in
her house
2003 Mr Tsvangirai says that Susan will one day serve tea in State
House
10 February 2009 Susan is by her husband's side as he is sworn in as
Prime
Minister of Zimbabwe
8 March 2009 Susan dies after being thrown
from a car in an accident south
of Harare. Her husband escapes with
injuries. She had been due to launch the
Susan Nyaradzo Tsvangirai Trust, to
support women and children
Source: Times Archive
http://www.timesonline.co.uk
March
14, 2009
Georgina Godwin: First
Person
Susan Tsvangirai would have been surprised by the impact her death has
had
on this country. The unifying effect and the sense of hope to come out
of
this awful tragedy would, I am sure, have pleased her.
In
Zimbabwe, when someone dies a mourning vigil is held at their home.
Traditionally, friends and relatives gather at the family home as soon as
possible until after the burial. Therefore, on Monday, along with hundreds
of others, I made my way to the suburban Harare home of the Tsvangirais to
pay my respects to my friend Susan.
From a mile away cars were
abandoned along the potholed roads and the sound
of drumming drifted through
the early evening. There was a group of women in
red-and-white Methodist
church uniforms standing at the gate singing
Tichasangana kudenga, neropa
raJesu. Sung to the tune of Auld Lang Syne, the
hymn translates: "We will
meet again in Heaven, Through the Blood of Jesus."
I took a seat in the
queue waiting to enter a room where I believed we would
contribute to the
condolence book. In front of me was Stan Mudenge, the Zanu
(PF) Minister of
Higher Education. On the opposite side, both physically and
politically, was
a representative from ZUM, the Zimbabwe Unity Movement that
Mr Mugabe
effectively crushed in the 1990s.
I entered the darkened room and found
the Prime Minister there, dressed in a
dark suit. Selfishly my own grief
took over and I wept as he hugged and
comforted me. "There is nothing to be
done," he said. "What can you do?"
I recalled my work with Susan, before my
political broadcasts made me an
undesirable in Zimbabwe, and her trip to
London in 2002 when we had believed
she would be First Lady soon. By the
time I left him, darkness, always swift
in Africa, had fallen and the garden
was alive with cooking fires.
David Coltart, the MDC Minister of
Education, called me over to meet his
colleague, Herbert Murerwa. Mr Murerwa
is the Zanu (PF) Minister of Lands
and a man I have been very vocal in
criticising publicly. As we were
introduced, he told me: "I hear what you
say and I see what you do."
Sinister at any other time, his words seemed
oddly benign in an atmosphere
of real unity. I don't believe the Zanu (PF)
presence was cynical. I,
perhaps naively, think that they joined in this
intimate part of the
occasion in a spirit of genuine grief and
togetherness.
Susan was an unassuming and gracious lady who possibly had
no idea how much
her work with the poor and sick achieved. Susan's
contribution to the nation
in life was great. In death it may be greater
still - genuinely bringing
true unity to the Zimbabwean people.
-
Georgina Godwin is a Zimbabwean journalist and broadcaster