IT will be a
tough fight. But while the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
is not likely to spring a surprise victory in the March 31 elections, it
should be able to stop the ruling ZANU PF from winning the two-thirds
majority that the party is so desperate to clinch.
The MDC's worst
enemy will be apathy. Most of its supporters may not have registered to vote
following the party's threats to boycott all elections including the coming
elections if the government did not level the playing field. Though
the government has ostensibly opened the airwaves to all parties contesting
the elections, the electronic media seems to be favouring ZANU PF
candidates, those from three smaller parties that are not a threat to the
ruling party, as well as independent candidates who have no chance of
upsetting the cart. Five political parties are contesting the
elections with ZANU PF and the MDC contesting all 120 seats at
stake. The Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU Ndonga) is contesting
15, including Chipinge, where the party has never been beaten since
independence. Party president Wilson Kumbula presently holds the
seat. The Zimbabwe People's Democratic Party (ZPDP), which claims to
have been in existence since 1991 and says it was formed to stop ZANU PF
from introducing a one-party state, is fielding only one candidate in the
MDC stronghold of Glen View in Harare. The party is led by Isabel Madangure
but she is not contesting the elections, saying she is waiting her turn in
2008. The little known Zimbabwe Youth Alliance, whose acronym ZIYA
means sweat, is contesting three seats, one in Glen Norah, an MDC
stronghold, another in Buhera North which was held by ZANU PF and Chirumanzu
also held by ZANU PF. Sixteen independent candidates, among them
former information minister and President Robert Mugabe's propaganda chief
Jonathan Moyo and former ZANU PF provincial chairman for Matabeleland South,
Lloyd Siyoka, suspended for attending the infamous Tsholotsho meeting, are
contesting the elections. Three MDC MPs are also contesting as
independents. These are Silas Chingono of Masvingo, Dunmore Makuwaza of
Mbare and Peter Nyoni of Hwange. Margaret Dongo, who made history in
the 1990s when she won the Harare Central seat after standing as an
independent when she fell out with the ZANU PF leadership, is once again
standing in that constituency as an independent. The only
independent candidate who seems to have a chance is Jonathan Moyo unless the
people of Tsholotsho are misleading him just like the people of Chipinge
have misled ZANU PF over the years by packing stadiums when it addresses
rallies on the area only to vote ZANU (Ndonga) at elections. ZANU PF
has several advantages in the coming elections, the biggest being that of
incumbency. It has access to state machinery and this enables it to campaign
freely and widely. It also has the cash. The party was awarded $3.38
billion last month under the Political Parties Finance Act. It has access to
the state media both electronic and print. While the MDC also has
cash because it was awarded Z$3.12 billion under the Political Parties
Finance Act last month, it has very little access to the mainstream
electronic and print media. The only independent daily at the moment, the
Daily Mirror, has a very small circulation and is widely considered to be
sympathetic to ZANU PF. Another major disadvantage is that the MDC lost
three seats before the race had even begun. It lost one seat in Bulawayo,
one in Matabeleland South and one in Harare which were scrapped during the
delimitation exercise. They were awarded to areas sympathetic to ZANU PF,
one in Mashonaland West, one in Mashonaland East and one in
Manicaland. A province-by-province analysis shows that the MDC could
sweep all the seven seats in Bulawayo. It had eight seats in the previous
elections. It could win six of the seven seats in Matabeleland South.
Though ZANU PF currently holds three seats in the province, Beitbridge,
Gwanda South and Insiza, it could lose Beitbridge because Home Affairs
Minister Kembo Mohadi, who won the seat in 2000, is facing a serious
challenge from former provincial chairman Lloyd Siyoka. This could
split the vote in favour of the MDC candidate but Mohadi is a tough
candidate to beat because of his dollar power. There will be a tough
fight in Gwanda where two constituencies, one which was held by ZANU PF and
the other by the MDC, were merged. Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister
Abednico Ncube who won Gwanda South is standing against MDC spokesman Paul
Themba Nyathi who won Gwanda North in 2000. The seat could go either way but
the scales are in favour of Nyathi. There is little doubt that Andrew
Langa, the current MP for Insiza, could retain the seat perhaps becoming the
only ruling party MP in the whole region. The MDC could also sweep
all seats in Matabeleland North except Tsholotsho where Jonathan Moyo is
widely expected to win. The MDC won all seven seats in 2000 and lost Lupane
through a by-election. It is likely to regain that seat. If Moyo loses in
Tsholotsho, this could be the end of his political career. The MDC
is likely to win all 18 seats in Harare. It may face stiff challenge in
Zengeza currently held by ZANU PF through a by-election but observers say it
is likely to win the day. The MDC is likely to pull through even in Mbare
where Dunmore Makuwaza may to spoil things. The MDC could pull off four
seats in Manicaland, three urban seats in Mutare and Chimanimani where
jailed MP Roy Bennett's nomination papers will be considered following a
ruling by the Electoral Court. Some observers say it could retain
Nyanga though it has dropped Leonard Chirowanzira and replaced him with
Douglas Mwonzora. It is not likely to win any seats in Mashonaland East
and Central, but could pull two or three seats in Mashonaland West,
especially in the urban centres and constituencies that take in both rural
and urban voters like the newly created Manyame. In Masvingo,
though a ZANU PF stronghold, people in this province tend to show strong
feelings if the party imposes candidates on them. The MDC could win one or
two urban seats. It could also walk away with three seats in the
Midlands. The MDC could therefore walk away with at least 49 seats. If
Chipinge goes to ZANU and Tsholotsho to Moyo, this will stop ZANU PF from
winning a two-thirds majority. ZANU PF is after a two-thirds
majority to override the people's rejection of a new constitution in 2000.
While the party says it wants to create a senate that will comprise mature
politicians who will scrutinise legislation before it is signed into law,
some critics say the whole idea is a ploy to reward party loyalists.
SOUTH Africa's
reading of the political climate preceding the watershed March 31 polls
might have lessened anxiety within the ruling ZANU PF, out to please its
regional peers, but it has certainly touched raw nerves within the main
opposition - the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
Thabo
Mbeki, the South African leader at the centre of trying to mend gaping
political wounds inflicted by the feuding ZANU PF and its main rival the MDC
has, in recent weeks, tacitly thrown his weight behind President Robert
Mugabe's electoral reforms. Mbeki's viewpoint, which has the obvious
support of Africa's ruling liberation movements, courted the ire of the MDC
which, for the third time, would be attempting to dislodge ZANU PF from
power. To some extent, Mbeki's views have also poured cold water on
mounting United States and Britain's opposition against President Mugabe's
government, accused of human rights abuses and bad governance.
Welshman Ncube, the MDC secretary general, came up with a scathing attack of
the South African government this week. Ncube, a key figure in the
failed MDC/ZANU PF talks, said his party is perplexed by South Africa's
claims that the elections would be free and fair and by its claims that it
does not see any problem in the electoral system. "The MDC does not
understand the South African government's ignorance about the situation in
Zimbabwe and the basis for such optimism and believes that the position
adopted by the South African government is not only misinformed, but also
dangerously premature," he said. Analysts this week said the MDC had
reacted unfairly to Mbeki, seen as the only influential African leader
capable of resolving the delicate Zimbabwean crisis that reared its ugly
head after the disputed 2000 parliamentary elections before worsening in
2002. Joseph Kurebwa, a local political analyst, said there had always
been no love lost between the MDC and Mbeki. "Its really nothing
new, they (MDC) have been clearly disrespectful of Mbeki. They are a number
of landmarks in recent history pointing to Mbeki and the MDC not being
friendly," said Kurebwa. Last year the MDC almost dragged Mbeki to
court to force the South African leader to release a report that was to help
the party fight its court case against President Mugabe. The MDC later
backtracked on the idea. In the past, the main opposition has also
questioned Mbeki's widely discredited quiet diplomacy, which has so far
failed to bring about a negotiated political settlement. Kurebwa
said while the playing field is not as level as the opposition parties would
have wanted, it has certainly taken a turn for the better when compared with
previous election periods. He said: "It appears Mbeki was referring to
free and fair election in the context of the government having significantly
levelled the playing field in compliance with SADC (Southern African
Development Community) guidelines. There is a vast change over the 2000
elections, which were a catastrophe". It is also normal, said other
analysts, for the opposition to issue out statements critiquing the election
process to whip up emotions and draw sympathy from voters. The MDC
secretary general however, said that it is clear to each and every objective
observer that conditions for a free and fair election do not exist in
Zimbabwe. Ncube said there is nothing on the ground to suggest that the
elections would be free and fair, or indeed legitimate, adding the
environment is worse than it was during the March 2002 presidential
elections. To back up its case, the MDC is citing the voters' roll,
which is still in a shambles, violence and intimidation and equal access to
the state media, which has remained a myth despite the SADC
guidelines. The main opposition said the elections are being managed
and run by the same biased electoral bodies, which have manipulated the
electoral process to the political advantage of ZANU PF, not withstanding
the existence of the so-called new independent electoral commission, which
it said has failed to impress its authority over the old
institutions. The MDC further alleges its meetings and rallies continue
to be banned or disrupted by the police under the notorious Public Order and
Security Act. Lovemore Madhuku, the chairman of the National
Constitutional Assembly (NCA) said the MDC should have known what lay ahead
when it chose to participate in the elections early this year. On
announcing the decision to participate, the opposition party said it was
doing so "with a heavy heart" and "under protest". Madhuku however,
said it was ill-advised for the MDC to expect fundamental changes to the
electoral process, adding: "These are the kind of things that were obvious.
This is why the NCA said the MDC has a choice not to participate and demand
overall constitutional changes. The NCA chairman, who has been
unequivocally lobbying for a new constitution, said if Ncube is so serious
about the electoral flaws highlighted, then he should influence the MDC to
pull out of the race. "All that Ncube said constitutes a basis for
withdrawing from the elections and not a basis for rejecting the outcome,"
he said. "Should they participate, objecting to the outcome would be
overweighed by the fact that they found it necessary to
participate." Madhuku said Mbeki had not been well-informed about the
problem in Zimbabwe. "Mbeki obviously was informed that free and
fair elections would resolve the problem and yet it is the overall
constitutional reforms that would work," said Madhuku. The MDC
however, urged the South African government to re-think the wisdom of
publicly expressing its confidence in the capacity of President Mugabe and
ZANU PF to host free and fair elections when there is a dearth of evidence
on the ground to support such an optimistic outlook."
THE
slowdown in inflation, after an unexpected rise in January, has soothed
worries at the central bank, but there is little doubt that the
post-election inflation picture may not be as rosy as February's decline
would suggest.
The Central Statistical Office (CSO) reported
recently that inflation decelerated to 127.2 percent in February
year-on-year, down from 133.6 percent in January. Month-on-month inflation
also rose by 3.1 percent, the CSO reported, slower than January's 14.1
percent increase. That January figure had come on a 0.9 percentage
rise, the first time the rate of inflation had risen in the 12 months since
the 622.9 percent peak of January last year. A worrying consensus
has emerged among observers on where they see inflation heading in the
medium to long term. "The inflation rate has come down; fine, but is
the willpower and ability there within government to keep the rate down in
the long term? I don't think so, and most people don't either," said one
bank chief executive officer, requesting anonymity. Government's
decision to suppress fuel prices ahead of the election, a roaring foreign
currency black market, an expected poor harvest, more state spending on
ex-political prisoners and increased government spending are factors for the
RBZ, to watch in the coming months, critics say.
Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe. Is he
power-crazed? Clinging to his position and, like Madam de Pompadour,
celebrated beauty and intimate of King Louis XV of France, taking the
attitude that "after me, the flood"?
Is this man putting his people
through an economic and social meltdown simply because he wants to continue
ruling the country? It would be easy to say that he is all these
things. In fact, in Western capitals, and in sections of South African and
Batswana society, this is exactly how the Zimbabwe President is being
cast. It has been found easy - and intellectually lazy, I believe - to
cast this man in the role of a bloodthirsty, uncaring, unfeeling
ogre. Even in the face of one of the highest inflation rates in the
world, alarming unemployment and a breakdown of civil services, he still
will not go. He is a bad man, the megaphone diplomats tell us. But
I believe that President Mugabe's detractors are doing themselves a
disservice. By believing their own hype, they are deliberately choosing not
to understand the real issue. And, as any good strategist will tell
you, one does not solve a problem that one doesn't understand. Once you have
understood your problem, coming up with a strategy to solve it is a walk in
the park. This is the main reason President Mugabe's detractors are
shooting blanks. They do not understand that they are up against the most
powerful motivation known to man. Put simply, President Mugabe is
fighting for his legacy. And when a man is fighting for his legacy, he has
got everything to lose. President Mugabe, I believe, does not want to
go down in history simply as the first executive President of
Zimbabwe. Being so determined to leave an indelible mark on the history
of this country and the continent, he has genuinely identified land as the
issue that will define his entire career. He is gambling that on
the land issue, history will judge him very favourably - and I believe that
it will. Despite the multiple farm ownership sagas and all the other
wrongs that came with the land reform exercise, by and large, everyone,
including his critics, agree that the land question had to be
settled. But most importantly, I also believe that for President
Mugabe, retiring or resigning before settling the land question would
basically have negated his entire struggle. It would have meant the struggle
he waged, the years spent in jail and all the rest of it would have come to
absolutely nought. President Mugabe himself has said that "we went
to war because land . . .", and he has also previously pointed out that
people did not die fighting just for black people to be allowed to live in
Borrowdale and to walk in First Street. In other words, getting
land back was the primary motivation for the war that liberated Zimbabwe
from Ian Smith's unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) and colonial
rule. So, when the President's opponents started off by labeling his
land crusade of the late 1990s a "political gimmick", that was the biggest
blunder they could ever make, strategically. They were belittling
the very foundation upon which President Mugabe seeks to build his legacy,
dismissing the entire point of his whole career. Now, you can see how a
man treated like that would dig his heels in. He became convinced that,
should he leave the scene, no one would ensure that equitable distribution
of land was achieved - if they could dismiss it as a political
gimmick Then, once the land exercise was under way, the very same
detractors sought to convince the world that it was because of the way he
was seeking to settle the land question that Zimbabwe was now a basket case
- an argument that is itself arguable. Surely, his critics were
aware that, once they had issued this accusation, the President would then
want to stay on and ensure that when he left office, the wrongs committed in
the process of redistributing land were righted, and righted in a way that
protected his legacy? Indeed, for a man fighting for his legacy, to
leave the stage while he is being booed is a non-starter, because he will be
leaving knowing that his legacy has been discredited. And wrongfully so, he
would say. Better to exit with applause ringing in his ears. That way,
his legacy, that which will define him and his struggle in the history
books, will be secured. What he wants is victory. Because, shrewd
as the man is, he knows that history is written by the victors in any war.
Their side of the story is what becomes definitive history, true
history. The only thing President Mugabe can be accused of is that he
failed to cover his flanks as he went to "war" on the land issue in the late
1990s. His entire being was consumed by this fight and the ministers he had
at that time, without guidance from him, failed to cover the flanks - which
are primarily the economy and social services. Being ostracised is
not a death sentence to the economy of a country, as Smith demonstrated in
the age of UDI. Prior to declaring UDI, he lined up his ducks, made sure
there was enough foreign currency, made contingency plans to bust sanctions,
and generally braced the country for the onslaught he knew would
follow. In this instance, President Mugabe's ministers of finance,
trade, health and all the other suffering areas of the economy failed to put
such contingency measures in place, even after President Mugabe alerted them
in a Cabinet meeting that he was about to invite the wrath of the monied
West by appropriating land and not paying "a cent" for it. And
instead of exercising fiscal restraint in the run-up to this momentous
decision on land, the government dished out billions of dollars to veterans
of the country's 1970s independence war. Then, to compound the mistake,
ministers deserted their posts and joined the stampede for multiple
farms. It is clear that we have gone too far down the road for the
President's detractors to convince him that, if he leaves office today, his
legacy is secure and the land reform exercise will not be reversed. Now he
is determined to see it through to a clean end. Those who continue
to try and score cheap political points by belittling his crusade to "return
stolen property" are only ensuring that he digs his heels in
further.
A MASS Public
Opinion Institute (MPOI) pre-poll survey has found that of the 46 percent
decided Zimbabwean voters, 30 percent would vote for the ruling ZANU PF,
while only 16 percent would vote for the main opposition party,
MDC.
The survey, whose results were released this week, was
conducted between December 2004 and January 2005, before the MDC
discontinued its boycott of all elections, which had been in place since
last August. "On the most crucial question of voter preferences, thirty
in hundred Zimbabweans intend to vote for the ruling ZANU PF party while
nearly sixteen in hundred Zimbabweans expressed their preference for the
main opposition MDC party. "So 46 percent of Zimbabweans can be
said to be hard-core party supporters who have firm voting preferences. Of
major significance too is that up to 45 percent out of every 100 potential
voters are undecided, a vast reservoir that awaits harnessing by the
political gladiators," MPOI said. Charles Mangongera, the principal
researcher at MPOI, told The Financial Gazette that his institute had done
another survey closer to the election date to capture the impact of recent
developments on the political scene. "It should be emphasised that
the survey was in the context of the suspension by the MDC of its
participation in all national elections because of the alleged uneven
electoral playing field. This suspension has since been lifted and the MDC
has already To Page 31 registered its candidates to contest.
We have just done another survey to gauge the voter preferences as things
have changed and we have a host of independent candidates," Mangongera
said. The survey also found that 70 percent of the respondents were
registered voters, while the remainder cited handicaps such as not knowing
where to register, procrastination and not having vital documents such as
birth registration certificates. The majority of the respondents did not
bother to inspect the voters' roll. "Apparently and unexpectedly in
light of some persistent assertions about the state of the voters' roll,
nearly three quarters of the electorate say they trust the voters'
roll. Also contrary to projections of widespread apathy, MPOI found
that 86 percent of the respondents declared their intention to vote in the
March 31 poll. It was also found that 90 percent thought elections are
important, with 80 percent saying they believed elections influenced their
life. The survey also established that the majority of Zimbabweans are
not conversant with the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
principles and guidelines on free and fair elections. The survey
showed that out of 1 200 respondents, only 16 percent were aware of the SADC
guidelines. A slightly bigger minority representing about 28 percent of
the respondents said they knew about the electoral reforms introduced by the
government in the run-up to the polls while the rest displayed total
ignorance of the electoral reforms. On the decision to have people
vote in only one day, just over half were not supportive of this innovation
while a third of Zimbabweans were supportive. The survey also reveals
support for translucent ballot boxes with 55 out of 100 Zimbabweans
welcoming the boxes while a third registered their disapproval. As
for the counting of ballots at the polling stations, six in ten were
supportive but nearly a quarter were against the counting the votes at
polling stations. The MPOI survey, carried in the old and new
resettlement areas, low and high-density suburbs and communal and commercial
farming areas, also dwelt on voter registration, food aid and distribution
and political violence.
TROUBLED tycoon
Mutumwa Mawere, who is battling to retain control of his vast business
empire, has launched a scathing attack on President Robert Mugabe, accusing
him of orchestrating his downfall.
The increasingly desperate
Mawere, whose aggressive acquisitive business culture saw him benefit from
government support in the form of guarantees, was the subject of a failed
extradition attempt by Zimbabwean police, who say they want him to face
fraud charges involving $300 billion. The businessman denies the
charges, saying he is the victim of a murky political plot. Mawere
this week wrote to President Mugabe, accusing him of making defamatory
statements. "I have read with concern a press article published by the
Herald on Monday, February 28 2005, in which you were quoted as having made
a number of defamatory statements about me and the companies I am associated
with. You were quoted as having said that I was "so corrupt that I bought
Shabanie and Mashava Mines through fraudulent means" and that I had
established Southern Asbestos Sales, a company incorporated in South Africa,
with the deliberate intention of foreign exchange externalisation. The two
accusations are at the core of the harassment I have endured since May
2004. "I had naïvely thought that there was a genuine intention on the
part of the government of Zimbabwe to pursue justice and uncover the truth
but it appears that there is a well orchestrated plan to strip me of my
assets using state machinery accompanied by intensified propaganda.
"Your intervention on a matter that your government has been purporting to
investigate and on which the courts are competent to adjudicate, leaves me
with the inescapable conclusion that the source of my trouble lie (sic)
squarely in your office. Although we are challenging the illegal methods
used to acquire my assets, I am concerned that it appears from the
statements alleged to have been made by you that the real force behind
(state-appointed SMM administrator Afaras) Gwaradzimba and (Edwin) Manikai
in their crusade to strip me of all my assets is your office. If this is
true, I think the public and all asset-owning people with interests in
Zimbabwe have a reason to be concerned," Mawere wrote. He claimed he
had written to inform the public on his "politically motivated"
predicament as well as the President's "irregular nature of intervention on
matters the courts are competent to resolve." "Firstly, it is
important to note that I have not been convicted of any crime in any
jurisdiction. Equally, I am not facing any pending criminal charges and yet
you saw it fit to convict me in the eyes of the public when it is common
cause that the government's attempt to extradite me on trumped up charges
was dismissed in the South African courts, notwithstanding the fact that the
government was given 30 days to come up with a case. Having failed to come
up with any charges, the government then proceeded to specify me on charges
of corruption and yet the basis of the extradition application was
externalisation." Mawere is currently challenging a proposed rights
offer at Zimre Holdings Limited (ZHL), a diversified insurance group in
which his controlling interest is imperiled, should the capital raising
initiative go through. Several other businesses linked to Mawere
were specified, along with the businessman, last July. Before his
problems spilled into the public domain, Mawere was linked to ruling party
stalwarts, mainly ZANU PF legal affairs secretary and parliament speaker
Emmerson Mnangagwa whose political star has been on the wane since the
Tsholotsho debacle. The two are reported to have fallen out over a battle to
control First Banking Corporation (FBC), now FBC Holdings, in which Mawere
was a founding shareholder but has now been elbowed out as ZANU PF increases
its influence within the group. Mawere was also reported to have easy
access to President Mugabe. The businessman would regularly call on the
President, often in the company of current and potential business
partners. Last year, Mawere, who has been resident in South Africa
since 1995, turned down a position within the ZANU PF Midlands provincial
executive, to which he had been elected in absentia as a sign of confidence
the establishment had in him. It has all turned sour, leaving the affable
tycoon a very bitter man.
FISCAL stimulus
measures adopted by the central bank to induce supply-side responses through
heavy capital injections into the productive, parastatal and municipal
sectors have driven the government's internal debt to $5.8 trillion, up from
just over $1.3 trillion a year ago.
According to central bank
statistics, government debt, mainly made up of treasury bills, government
stocks and the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) overdraft, stood at $5.8
trillion last Friday. The bulk of the debt is in the form of treasury
bills worth $2.25 trillion and attracting interest of $2.94 trillion.
Government stocks account for $456.56 billion. The figures also
reflected an expansion in RBZ advances to the government, which maintained a
positive cash balance on its account for long periods last year.
Although central bank advances to the government were down to $161 billion
last Friday, recent weeks have seen peaks exceeding $700 billion.
Analysts have always urged the central bank to ensure that the government
overdraft remains within the statutory limit of 20 percent of the previous
year's revenue, as stipulated by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Act.
Based on last year's total revenue of $7.87 trillion, this year's statutory
limit is $1.574 trillion. Failure to rein in government expenditure
would result in the creation of excess money, a situation inimical to
current efforts to check inflation. Broad money supply growth, which
was around 450 percent at the beginning of 2004, closed the year at around
150 percent, a situation reflected in declining inflation figures.
Annualised inflation declined from a January 2004 peak of 622.8 percent to
132 percent by December 2004. The central bank projects a year-end rate in
the 20 to 35 percent range. However, government debt is expected to
continue rising on the back of debt rescheduling and liquidity management
efforts by the RBZ, as well as the need to finance the budget deficit of
$4.5 trillion.
IRATE non-resident
Zimbabweans, who have been barred from taking part in the March 31
parliamentary polls, are going to stage mock elections on that same day to
express their anger at being excluded from the polls.
The Diaspora
Vote Action Group (DVAG), which recently laun-ched a legal challenge to be
allowed to vote in their current domiciles, said it was going to stage mock
elections in various parts of the world. The South Africa chapter of
the DVAG said will conduct the elections in Pretoria, in front of the
Zimba-bwean embassy. The elections will also be followed by
demonstrations, said spokesperson for the movement, Daniel Molokela who is
also a human rights lawyer. Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs)
from Zimbabwe and South Africa as well as human rights activists from that
country are also expected to join hands in picketing the embassy.
Molokela said Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition was playing an instrumental role
in organising the mock elections. Other mock elections are also planned
in Australia and United Kingdom. Both countries have significant populations
of Zimbabweans resident there. It is estimated that more 3.4 million
Zimbabweans, who are eligible voters, are living and working
abroad. More than two million Zimbabweans are estimated to be living
and working in neighbouring South Africa. Molokela said more than 12 buses
would be used to pick up Zimbabweans from designated points to Pretoria for
the mock elections. "Voting will be done in Pretoria at the
Zimbabwean embassy where polling booths are going to be erected. After the
elections there will be picketing where solidarity speeches will be
delivered," Molokela told The Financial Gazette. "We want to
register our concern about the failure of democracy in Zimbabwe, to tell the
whole world that we are not happy at being excluded from voting in our
motherland," he said. Molokela also said his group had concerns over
Zimbabwe's election processes, which he said had a lot of
shortcomings. Concerns over Harare's ability to conduct free and fair
polls also comes at a time when government has invited observers from
friendly nations, while spurning perceived critics of the ZANU PF
government.
THE Southern Times, a joint Zimbabwean and Namibian newspaper
project launched to shore up the faltering fortunes of regional leftwing
revolutionary political parties, has hit troubled waters.
It
has been established the regional propaganda project, launched amid pomp and
fanfare in September last year, is struggling to remain afloat. The
newspaper project, cobbled up to spearhead attempts by the region's
liberation movements now in government to ward off a new wave of demands for
greater democratisation, had become a drain on the financial resources of
the Zimbabwean and Namibian governments, its main promoters. The
government-controlled Zimbabwe Newspa-pers and Namibia's New Era
Publications are managing the project. The weekly paper, which had
hoped to exploit the sympathy of the regional advertising market, has failed
to make an impact. Instead, the paper has sparked what insiders at the
Zimbabwe Stock Exchange-quoted Zimpapers say is an unsustainable financial
haemorrhaging at the publishing company. According to sources, the
biggest newspaper publishing concern in Zimbabwe has so far coughed up in
excess of $2 billion in production costs since the troubled paper was
launched. Sources said the paper's print run was drastically reduced
for last Sunday's issue, which was only distributed locally. They said the
paper almost failed to come out this week adding that only 2 000 copies were
printed for the local market. This, they said, indicated the future of the
weekly hung in the balance. Normally, copies of the paper are also
circulated in Namibia and Zambia. The paper is printed by Natprint, another
Zimpapers subsidiary. The editor of the paper Moses Magadza, who
reliable sources say is being paid in foreign currency, is understood to be
jittery over the uncertainty surrounding the paper. Press reports
early this month indicated the paper had failed to penetrate its intended
market amid revelations it had sold only 20 000 copies throughout the region
in its first eight weeks. Sources linked the apparent death spasms of
the newspaper project to the unceremonious departure of former information
minister, Jona-than Moyo, who played an instrumental role in its
establishment. The Southern Times would be just one of Moyo's
floundering initiatives, including the long-stalled vernacular National TV
project and musical band Pax Afro, which has followed the mercurial former
minister off the stage. State media reports this week indicated
Moyo had told a rally in Tsho-lotsho, where he is standing as an independent
candidate, he would seek to establish newspapers to publicise his
projects. It was not immediately clear whether the Frank-enstein
monster he created in the form of the Media and Info-rmation Commission
would not come back to haunt him in his reported plans to establish
newspapers now that he is on the other side of the political
divide. During his tenure as the infamous information minister, Moyo
also presided over the establishment of other Zimpapers publications such as
the New Farmer, Zim Travel and Trends magazines. Contacted for
comment, Zimpapers board chairman Herbert Nkala flatly denied The Southern
Times project was in trouble. Nkala said Moyo's departure would not
have any impact on the broadsheet, adding that the paper was gaining
tremendous support. "How many ministers have changed since Zimpapers
was formed and has that dragged down the company or any of its projects?"
Nkala asked. "We are in the business of printing and publishing
newspapers with our partners at the New Era Publications and talk that the
newspaper is in trouble is not correct," Nkala said, although well-placed
sources indicated this week the Namibians were no longer interested in the
project. "We only print according to demand but I cannot tell you those
figures. This is a project owned by two very strong shareholders. There is
no talk of it going down," Nkala said. He claimed copies for the
Zambian and Namibian markets were being sent by road.
THE forthcoming parliamentary
election is a serious trial for Zimbabwe's political maturity. And the world
is watching with keen interest as the major players start girding their
loins for the political high stakes in the elections - hoping to lose as
little as possible.
Unfortunately, no matter how much the people
may want to exercise their universal adult suffrage, the election fever that
has gripped the leadership of the ruling ZANU PF and their counterparts in
the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), has seemingly failed dismally to
capture the imagination of the common ruck of folk. Instead there is a deep
sense of trepidation that one can literally cut with a knife. And it is not
difficult to see why. Election time in Zimbabwe has always been one
of grief and pain despite the ordinary citizens' quest for untainted,
indisputable free and universal elections. What with the orgy of violence,
intimidation and systematic bullying of opponents? For a long time now, the
country's citizens have suffered the consequences of intolerance of
political opponents and deep-seated hatred for compromise - the birthmark of
the country's politics. It is well-documented that in the
presidential election of 2002 and the parliamentary election of two years
earlier, Zimbabwe slid into a sad theatre of political bigotry where
ordinary Zimbabweans felt the sharpest edge of the knife. The chaos,
brutality and purposeless sadism in which ordinary Zimbabweans were turned
into pawns in the country's tragicomic political chess game, was the height
of madness. And what has been the upshot of it all: Terrible and
irretrievable losses in terms of precious human lives and property - a
visible reminder of the terrible aura of Zimbabwean elections in its
starkest form. That is why we believe that the issue of political violence
should be placed on the pre-election political stage. It indeed should be an
election issue just like health, education, jobs and the economy because it
involves people's lives. Not only that, but Zimbabwe also needs to have a
decisive rupture with its immediate violent past because this was a tragedy
that should never be allowed to happen again. It is an
understatement of significant proportions to say that the insanity of the
past five years has left permanent emotional scars among disenfranchised
whole families, orphaned children and wrought division, frustration, anger
and hatred among the country's citizenry. Indeed there are no big enough
words to describe the sad story. It is like saying the sea is wet. Suffice
it to say that the trauma spawned by this violence will haunt the nation for
years to come when political skeletons from times past inevitably come
tumbling out of the closet. Indeed political violence has been one of
the country's biggest curses and curses, like chickens, usually have the
habit of coming home to roost - it has dampened voter enthusiasm and
severely damaged public confidence in the country's electoral system. Little
wonder therefore that even the adoption of certain aspects of the SADC
guidelines and principles on democratic elections has failed to bolster the
battered voter confidence. And yet political violence cannot and should not
be admissible for whatever reason. That is if each and every Zimbabwean
feels responsible enough to do something about it and rejects all those
politicians who play a subtle but blunt behind-the-scenes role in fanning
the avoidable violence. That is why the chorus for zero tolerance for
political violence is reaching a crescendo. The mind indeed boggles
as to how such a civilised country like Zimbabwe could tolerate something so
barbaric when people should be allowed to organise on the basis of their
political convictions. The foregoing is the major reason why the March
31 2005 parliamentary election is attracting priority attention amid
political battling, psychological crises, apathy and in some cases euphoria
that usually accompanies such elections. True, for a country
accustomed to bloodshed, shootings and wanton destruction of property in the
run-up to a major election, Zimbabwe's political life has been
uncharacteristically calm, even though there is no telling what might happen
in the remaining two weeks. What is clear however is that the dangerous
tensions that have in the past torn the nation apart are simmering under.
The politically-motivated violent confrontation is now slowly raising its
ugly head, indicating growing intolerance. Hence the 71 cases of political
crimes reported to the police by mid this week. While the reported
incidents of political violence are few and far between, this should not
lull us into a false sense of security. If anything, the cases of violence
should provoke alarm and concern among the peace-loving people of this great
nation. Even a single such incident is one too many in Zimbabwe's endless
search out of the vicious circle for a way towards the democratic renewal of
the country. The dangerous political zealotry should be nipped in the
bud lest the country's political life could be poisoned again. Zimbabweans
have to accept that difference is a real factor in politics and learn to
co-exist with those with different political views. Even Christian
churches in their multitudes subscribe to the belief that the Lord Jesus
Christ walked on earth 2005 years ago. But that is as far as the unanimity
goes. They do no draw the same conclusions about how to live now. And so it
should be with politics. We have said it before and we will say it again.
Consensus of opinion is not a virtue in politics. People should learn to
agree to disagree. In any case, as we have so often reminded Zimbabweans, no
politician is worth killing or dying for. None whatsoever. Zimbabweans have
to remember this as they join together in silent reflection and memory of
those maimed, raped and murdered by political attack dogs!
Our newly
appointed attorney-general, Sobuza Gula-Ndebele, was recently quoted as
saying that chefs should regularly declare the sources of their wealth, or
something to that effect, as one way of keeping high-level graft in
check.
Sounds like a brilliant idea. A really brilliant idea from a
guy whom we are made to believe is a brilliant lawyer. But the
problem here is that the seemingly well-intentioned man doesn't seem to know
how some of his predecessors left that office! Should we remind him that
first and foremost, he is employed to protect the people to whom this
country personally belongs? Imagine a nobody like him knocking at the
door of some minister to harass him with such pesky questions like where he
got money for his new socks, his new spectacles, his children's toys, his
wife's shopping sprees, the mansions, etc, etc. That would be too much,
wouldn't it? Just imagine getting our leaders - most of whom officially
earn much less than some pick-pockets at Mbare Musika - to explain the huge
variation between their earnings and the jaw-dropping riches they have
accumulated in no time! Will they tell you that they got so much in
kickbacks from this or that project, so much in signature fees from this and
that investor or abused this or that facility? Or that it is pure theft or
plunder of public resources for individual gain that has made them this
embarrassingly rich? Actually, some people will not even explain where
they are getting money to buy the computers that they are haphazardly
donating to schools daily, including to those without electricity!
Anyway, with these so-called land reforms, everyone will tell you that they
are rich because they work hard on the land even on those farms where the
land is still virgin.
Missed
In the past two weeks or
so, CZ was away. He was out to see how they do it in other countries so that
he remains abreast with developments in the world. A child who does
not travel always thinks all mothers cannot cook well. So CZ needed to
compare and contrast. Good, isn't it? To see how others run their countries
(up or down). During this absence, CZ missed quite a lot. A lot and a
half because so many things happened when he was away, the saddening of
which was the passing on of Harare governor Witness Mangwende. He will be
missed a lot. But what CZ dearly missed were those juicy events that
curiously decided to take place when he was not there, of all the time in
the world. Tell me about this super tenant who was booted from that
Gunhill property on very short notice. What really happened? So where is he
staying right now? In a tree, in a hotel, or sharing with a friend? Sorry to
him, but we told him before that he was dealing with a merciless
lot! And also tell me about our dear brother, Cde John Singh of the
Miss Tourism World beauty pageant - our new-look Ari Ben-Menashe - whom we
are told after all had been said and done bolted out of the country with a
warrant of arrest in hot pursuit. Unbelievable! Jesus God! And
there were all other stories: some churches were fined for illegal dealings
in foreign currency; some well-known political thugs, perhaps realising that
thuggery does not pay, start claiming they are born-again Christians and . .
. eeh . . . sister Cde Sekesai Makwavarara finally sashayed her way into the
controversial mayoral mansion! Good for her!
Kingdom
This time CZ was in the Royal Kingdom of Swaziland, a beautiful, nasty
little mountainous country where some of the most primitive unimaginables
are still happening in broad daylight. For the record, it was only
through sheer coincidence that CZ found himself there just in time for the
Marula (maganu) Festival. He didn't plan it to be like that, so who was he
to avoid seeing locals partaking of this highly famed potent drink which
spawns some of the craziest stories there? The drink, made from a
seasonal Marula tree fruit, is saluted locally as reason why most children
there are born in the last quarter of the year. It is famed to be highly
aphoristic, so men - and sometimes women also - who drink it end up failing
to resist the temptation. There were stories about some men raping
minors, or even going for chickens after taking this brew . . . that sort of
thing. However, not everyone agrees with this belief. Some dismiss it
as a mere excuse by brothers to behave the way they do . . . placebo effect.
Remember some Zimbos say the same thing about our own innocent
Scud? After the Marula Festival in the first quarter of the year, the
next important date on the Swazi calendar is in August. The Reed Dance is in
August and that is when King Mswati picks his next bride from thousands of
half-naked little girls. We are doubtful if this year's Reed Dance
will take place since there are already unconfirmed rumours in Mbabane that
the king has already helped himself to a 13-year-old kid. Please
don't quote me but rumour - strong rumour for that matter - has it that the
man who would otherwise be a plain criminal on any other part of the earth
thought the Reed Dance was too far for him so he decided to help himself to
this little girl. This king, young as he is, seems to be missing
ordinary simple life and we are told there are times when the man just
disappears from his many palaces and, disguised, goes into night spots
purportedly to do a one-man survey on what people think of him . . . but in
fact to dance the night away. Still on night spots, there is this
one somewhere about halfway between Mbabane and Manzini . . . veterans of
the place call it Why Not? In fact, its full name is "If not, Why
not?" Those who cared to invite themselves there said the only major
attraction there is the striptease - haplessly poor girls, most of whom come
from Mozambique, dancing in their birthday costumes night in night out in
return for a few coins. Cruel, isn't it? One more thing: As soon as
CZ arrived there on his short visit, authorities there announced that
blowing one's nose in public had become an offence. Was this targeting CZ?
One wonders. cznotebook@yahoo.co.uk
Government in no hurry to delist Hippo Valley
land
Staff Reporter 3/17/2005 7:46:03 AM (GMT
+2)
LISTED agro concern Hippo Valley Estates Limited is still
battling to recover part of its land listed for compulsory acquisition under
the government's agrarian reform.
The government exercise,
which dispossessed over 4 500 farmers of their properties, has not spared
Zimbabwe Stock Exchange-quoted firms owning estates despite earlier
assurances to the contrary. Hippo Valley managing director Sydney
Mtsambiwa told The Financial Gazette this week that his company was still
negotiating with the government in its bid to find a lasting solution to the
problem. "We are continually engaged in talks with the authorities. We
have deliberated on the issue but that is all I can tell you. Our position
has not changed from the last announcement," said Mtsa-mbiwa.
Critics of the agrarian reform programme, which began in 2000 and took the
form of invasion of white commercial farmland, say the exercise has only
benefited a few influential government and ruling ZANU PF party
officials. Spearheaded by veterans of Zimbabwe's 1970s liberation war
and ZANU PF supporters, the land reform exercise has seen massive reversals
in agricultural production over the past five years, badly affecting
agro-based companies. Apart from Hippo Valley, controlled by global
mining giant Anglo America PLC, horticulcture group Interfresh Holdings is
also battling to recover more than 88 percent of its Mazoe Citrus Estates,
also listed for acquisition. Repeated pleas from the companies that
the seizures and listings were disrupting production and future investments
have so far not yielded any results.
THE poverty datum line
(PDL) has shot up to $1 951 248 in January 2005, an increase of 142 percent
over the year, as Zimbabweans continue to grapple with a worsening economic
crisis characterised by high inflation and rising unemployment.
A key economic index, the PDL represents the minimum consumption expenditure
necessary to ensure that households consume a minimum food basket
representing 2 100 kilocalories. In January 2004, the PDL was $805 887
and closed the year at $1 702 627, according to the latest Central
Statistical Office (CSO) data. An individual whose total consumption
expenditure does not exceed the food poverty line is deemed to be very
poor. "This means that poor individuals required that much to purchase
both food and non-food items," CSO said. Although inflation, which
has since been declared the country's number one enemy, has declined from a
peak of 622 percent in January 2004 to 127 percent in February 2005, the
rate is still too high and continues to decimate incomes. The
rising breadline also comes at a time when most companies, caught up in a
ballooning web of rising overheads, shrinking profit margins and the
generally depressed economic environment, are mulling salary and wage
freezes. The central bank has also sent an advisory tone to
industry warning against the implications of awarding salary increases out
of line with revenue generated. The CSO said the national food
poverty line (FPL) per individual stood at $132 769 as at January
2005. "This represents an increase of 8.69 percent over the December
figure of $122 154," the CSO said. The FPL has risen by 118.4
percent on the January 2004 figure of $60 789 per person.
Dare the
apprehensive people of Zimbabwe hope for peaceful and violence-free
parliamentary elections at the end of this month? After many traumatic
years when the prospect of an impending election has sent shivers down the
nation's collective spine, Zimbabweans desperately hope that things will be
different this time around.
They hope the tragedy of the past five
years when no national or local government election has not passed without
unspeakable acts of violence being perpetrated against innocent people is a
thing of the past. They hope they have seen the last of horrific incidents
in which hundreds were killed and scores were maimed While this
terrible carnage took place, political leaders from the different political
parties publicly declared their abhorrence for violence and pledged their
determination to ensure that the atrocities would end. But lo and behold,
the scourge of violent incidents in the build-up and during polls has
continued unabated. The question is: who are the desperate culprits who
know that they cannot win elections by convincing the electorate of their
worthiness to be the people's representatives and have to resort to
fomenting violence as a campaign strategy? This time round,
politicians and the police are, as usual, doing what they do best at this
stage of the pre-election period. They are making all the right noises and
uttering the politically correct warning and sound bites on the subject of
election-related atrocities. Speaking the loudest are the police, who
launched their anti-violence campaign some months ago. That was when Police
Commissioner Augustine Chihuri announced with great flourish that the police
force was adopting a zero-tolerance approach in dealing with political
violence. The police chief raised (false) hopes by stressing that this
time round there would be no sacred cows and all culprits would have to face
the music regardless of political affiliation. All well and good,
but what does the police commissioner have to show the nation to prove his
commitment to these lofty goals? For all we know, events have actually
served to raise serious questions about the credibility of the police
rhetoric. I wrote in this column some months ago when the police first
unveiled their "new" approach that the litmus test as far as their
even-handedness was concerned was how they would deal with pending cases of
political violence involving ruling party politicians. One such
case involved Anti-Corruption and Anti-Monopolies Minister Didymus Mutasa,
who police had determined had a case to answer in connection with violent
incidents that had taken place in his Makoni North constituency. Whatever
became of this matter about which nothing further has been heard?
Mutasa's case, moreover, is not the only one that appears to have been swept
under the carpet. More politicians, including Agriculture Minister Joseph
Made, were accused of fanning violence in a bid to intimidate opponents
during ruling party primary elections. There has been an equally deafening
silence from the police with regard to how these cases of violence were
dealt with. As if this lack of action by the police were not bad
enough, newspapers have been awash with disturbing headlines indicating a
resurgence of political violence ahead of the polls at the end of this
month. It is noteworthy that when these reports appear, albeit mainly in the
independent press, the police never bother to comment and enlighten the
nation on what they are doing to bring the situation under control.
The culture of non-accountability that has taken root in Zimbabwe seems to
have given public officials carte blanche to deceive and mislead the nation
without flinching. These officials have no qualms about making public
declarations about commitments they have no intention whatsoever of
honouring. The police have been accused in the past of dealing with
violent incidents selectively and turning a blind eye on atrocities
perpetrated against opposition party activists. It would be too
easy for the police to claim that such incidents never occurred and were
fabrications by the private media and opposition parties. However there are
well-known cases when police looked the other way while terrible things were
done to fellow Zimbabweans, offering the lame and illogical excuse that they
had not acted because the disputes concerned were political. Can
the police tell the nation how they expect to deal with violence without
fear or favour by steering clear of disputes involving politics? If we
are to see a genuine improvement this time round, police have to get serious
and stop hiding behind a finger and offering implausible excuses for their
unprofessional dereliction of duty. A state-controlled paper reported
last Friday that police in Matabeleland North had met candidates contesting
the forthcoming elections to reinforce President Robert Mugabe's message
that violence will not be tolerated this time round. It is fair to
say enough talking has been done on this matter. All that remains is to
translate the rhetoric and pledges made so far into reality. The onus is now
on the police to prove they can rise to the occasion and exercise
zero-tolerance towards violence by dealing with all perpetrators
even-handedly. Zimbabwe is a small country. How can our supposedly efficient
police force which show such zeal in setting up roadblocks and issuing
tickets for traffic fines, yet fall short when a crucial issue like
political violence has to be dealt with once and for all?
Zimbabweans have been told and will
continue to hear about how the ZANU PF administration is beyond reproach and
is an innocent victim of Anglo-American strategies of regime change and the
imperialist attempts of a conglomeration of Western citadels to overthrow a
well meaning, transparent, accountable; law upholding regime in
Harare.
The 'tea party' atmosphere that once epitomised Harare's
relations with Washington and London has turned into something rather
difficult to characterise, though definitely not cordial. Our
government's international relations are poor to say the least. The
harmonious relations that were once enjoyed with London were themselves not
based on the truth; they were constructed on a precarious foundation, one
which was designed to support certain economic and political columns, to
preserve a certain balance of economic power and simultaneously
reconfiguring political power in a way which was then seen as significant
but is now perceived as being of token value. To the individual who
reads in between the lines, it is true to say that during the negotiated
Lancaster House settlement the social realities of ordinary Zimbabweans were
rendered secondary to the primary economic and social interests of elites on
both sides of the negotiation table. The patriotic front ascended into
the symbolic offices for exercising power and the predominantly white
business community continued to control production in agriculture and
manufacturing. Indeed that was the sum total of the Lancaster House
settlement. Now that ZANU PF decided to revisit its part in that
agreement and decided to forcefully re-organise the economic superstructure
of Zimba-bwe's economy the powers-that-be in the economy decided that they
will have nothing to do with that project and used their levers to make that
point clear. It seems virtually impossible to discuss the present
condition that Zimbabwe finds itself in without looking at history.
Attempting to fix history once and for all is a foolhardy project and has
been the lonesome lever used by ZANU PF to resuscitate its dwindling
political fortunes in the last five years. Completely ignoring its
own part in presiding over the spectacular de-industrialisation we are
experiencing and subsequent loss of livelihoods through mass unemployment
and appalling deterioration in standards of public service delivery,
misinforming Zimba-bweans and the world at large has been the foremost
survival strategy of ZANU PF. When a country is recorded as having the
fastest shrinking economy in the world with the highest levels of inflation
and the highest rates of outward bound migration of skilled labour surely as
a government there must be some deeply incorrect things you are
doing. The whole purpose of suppressing the media using a legal mantra
identical to the false supremacist Rhodesian Front's tactics is to get
Zimba-bweans to view the nation's situation through ZANU PF's own narrow
lenses and begin to rationalise politics from the party's own limited
reading of history. The machinery of misinformation will continue
to harp on and on about how the ZANU PF government has been flawless in
service delivery, public policy management, and meeting basic health,
educational, nutritional needs of citizens. The public's memory has
been unrelentingly told of the suffering of the comrades in the liberation
war and reminded how we should be eternally grateful to, and submissive to a
regime that is paternalistic and founded on clientelism. In the
coming weeks as in all the years since 2000 Zimbabweans will be told that
government ministers, public officials, and prospective ZANU PF candidates
for the elections are a well meaning, hardworking, and basically peace
loving lot whose image is being traduced by Tony Blair. Our choice is
clear, Blair has precious little to do with the failure to run the day to
day affairs of this country, like procuring medicines in hospitals,
repairing roads, ensuring adequate levels of food security within the
country, delivering justice and standing for the poor. The author is a
political scientist with research interests in humanitarian issues and
complex political emergencies.
AS
DEVELOPMENTS in Namibia, where the country's High Court last week ordered a
recount of the national assembly electoral votes, cast serious questions on
the capacity of the Southern African Development Com-munity (SADC) states to
preside over untainted polls, local observer groups find themselves having
to contend with a heavy financial burden that could diminish their
effectiveness in the March 31 parliamentary election.
Zimbabwean
civic groups intending to field observers in all 120 constituencies will
have to fork out hundreds of millions of dollars to cover all 8 277 polling
stations planned by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) the electoral
body to run all the country's national elections and referenda.
SADC desperately hopes for an undisputed election outcome in the poll could
bring to an end Harare's nagging five-year political impasse. Critics are
adamant that the region, led by South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki, could
have done more to resolve the five-year political crisis. Information
reaching The Financial Gazette indicates that local civic organisations,
already grappling with donor fatigue and general apprehension wrought on by
the Non-Governmental Organi-sations (NGO) Act, need to fork out $100 000 per
observer in the 120 constituencies in and around the country. An
organisation intending to field an observer at each of the 8 227 polling
stations proposed by ZEC will be entitled to pay more than $822
million. Players in the sector said the figure did not include
transport costs, out of pocket allowances, accommodation and other
incidentals for each person. Foreign observers are required to pay
US$100. The Electoral Supervisory Commis-sion (ESC), which started
vetting aspiring local observers, was, however, on Tuesday still yet to
inform local civic organisations and other interested observers that applied
for accreditation on the outcome of their individual requests.
Applications for local observer status were invited about a month ago.
However, sources within the country's NGO fraternity this week charged that
the participation fee of $100 000 per person being charged by the ESC was
exorbitant, coming as it does at a time when international donors were wary
of bankrolling local organisation due to government charges that western
countries were agitating for President Robert Mugabe to effect a regime
change. Rindai Chipfunde-Vava, the national director of the Zimbabwe
Election Support Network, bemoaned the expenses associated with the poll,
adding it would financially cripple stakeholders interested in observing the
country's elections. ZESN is an umbrella body of local civic organisations
with an interest in Zimbabwe's electoral process. Chipfunde-Vava
also expressed concern at delays by the ESC in releasing the names of
approved local observers. ZESN, which represents about 40 institutions
with an interest in the staging of free and fair elections as outlined by
the SADC Mauritius Protocol, applied to have 6 138 observers. "We
have applied for 6 138 observer posts but we are yet to get a reply from the
ESC," Chipfunde-Vava said. Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa on Tuesday
however indicated the ZESN had been invited among the 8 548 local observers
from 29 "non-partisan organisations". "We would have wanted to field
observers at all the polling stations but charges of $100 000 per person are
proving to be prohibitive," bemoaned Chipfunde. ZESN would need to
pay more than $600 million just for registration, minus accommodation,
transport, out of pocket allowances, among other incidentals. In
the 2002 President polls ZESN applied for 12 000 observers but the state
election body only acceded to 400 names. Added Chipfunde-Vava: "This is
the kind of money that we don't have. We can't afford to have observers at
all the more than 8 000 polling stations. As for transport and
accommodation, we have no choice but appeal for assistance. We need vehicles
to cover all the 120 constituencies." Government has been accused of
cherry-picking election observers for the poll. Russia is the only European
country invited to send an observer mission.
ZIMBABWE police have
denied the main opposition Movement Democratic Change (MDC) permission to
hold four public meetings in Harare South constituency, amid revelations
that not a single ZANU PF rally has been cancelled.
The battle
for Harare South, presently held by the MDC, pits James Mushonga of the main
opposition against Hubert Magadzire Nyanhongo of the ruling party.
Documents obtained by this reporter indicate that MDC public meetings
scheduled for Sunningdale Peoples' Park, New Prospect Park, Zindonga Open
Space and a door to-door campaign had been thwarted after police in the
areas refused to sanction the exercises. Under the Public Order and
Security Act (POSA), it is a requirement for organisers of public meetings
to first notify the police of the intention to gather. It is an
offence, under the same law, for more than five people to meet without
notifying the police, who have the prerogative to permit or deny permission
to hold public meetings. "I regret to advise you that authority to hold
your meeting at Zindoga Open Space, Waterfalls on March 20 2005 has not be
granted in terms of section 26 (1) of the Public Order and Security Act,
Chapter 11:17. Section 25 2 (b) does not allow people holding public
meetings at public places," reads part of a letter written to the MDC by
chief superintendent Sadzamari, the officer commanding police in Mbare
district. "Anyone who shall be caught violating this section shall be
guilty of an offence and will be arrested and prosecuted. Police will
monitor the situation," added Sadzamari in the letter, dated March 4
2005. Sadzamari has also written to the MDC denying the opposition
permission to hold a door-to-door campaign and letter distribution in
Waterfalls and Houghton Park. Sadzamari gives the reasons for
cancelling this political activity as "in a door-to-door campaign there is
no specific venue or time and it is therefore difficult to cover and it
interferes with other people's rights." The police, in denying the MDC
permission to hold a public meeting in Sunningdale People's Park, also said
POSA did not allow people holding meetings at public places.
ZIMBABWEAN police
have angrily reacted to media reports on the increase in incidents of
violence, which threaten to spoil a relatively calm run-up to the March 31
election, although official statistics released this week show a surge in
political violence since last Friday.
In her media briefing to
journalists yesterday, senior assistant commissioner Mary Masango accused
the private media of twisting facts when "there's overwhelming peace on the
ground." "Yes, any one political violence case indicated by some
sections of the media is one too many but the response by the ZRP (Zimbabwe
Republic Police) in line with the zero tolerance policy has been emphatic,"
she said. "We never thought these media briefings could be misconstrued
or distorted as what is being portrayed in some sections of the media. By
hosting these media briefings, we are being accused of propping up ZANU PF
or the government when we observe that the situation is overwhelmingly
peaceful on the ground. "They would like us to join them in coining
fiction and to see shadows where there no shadows. I need to remind them
that our responsibility as a police organisation is to deal with the
practical issues on the ground and inform the nation accurately," she
said. But she conceded there had been an increase in the number of
politically motivated crimes since her last briefing on Friday.
"Since my last briefing, we have recorded an additional 15 cases only of
politically motivated crimes and of these six relate to political violence,
while the remainder are contraventions of the statutes. A total of 52
supporters from ZANU PF and the MDC were arrested. This brings the number of
politically motivated cases committed by ZANU PF supporters to 32, resulting
in 112 supporters being arreste,d and the MDC to 39 cases and 112 arrests,"
she said. Regarding an MDC truck allegedly hijacked on its way to
deliver campaign material in Chimanimani, the policewoman said the ZRP
suspected it was an inside job and investigations were in progress.
SHADOWY
protest group, Zvakwana, is urging voters to come out in full force on March
31.to spoil the ballot papers and register disenchantment with the
circumstances under which the parliamentary elections will be held.
Zvakwana, which has taken protest to new heights, or depths, depending on
where one stands, is behind bold political graffiti and has been accused of
defacing bank notes and condom brands to further its cause - the ouster of
the ZANU PF government. "At Zvakwana we believe that spoiling your
ballot is the best action on election day. Why? Because there is no question
that many things with this election are unacceptable. The opposition party
is saying this all the time. The only news we get from them is information
about assault, abandoned meetings, intimidation and such like. "On
election day when you spoil your ballot you will be clearly stating that you
do not legitimise the sham that all these politicians are calling an
election. Spoiling your ballot is active, and it is a valid form of
expression when faced with a flawed election. For all those who have been
saying we do not support this election in any way - go and spoil your ballot
instead of sitting at home on election day. This action is not a rejection
of any independent candidate or political party it is a rejection of the
process," Zvakwana exhorted in its newsletter, distributed via
e-mail. The esoteric Zvakwana, regarded by government as a rogue
pro-Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) regime change proponent, last year
caught international attention when it floated two yatchs off the coast of
Mauritius, boldly emblazoned Zvakwana (enough), as Southern African
Development Com-munity heads of state and government - including President
Robert Mugabe - met at Grand Baie to deliberate on regional standards for
democratic elections.
Jailed legislator can run again Zimbabwe court
sets separate date for vote in his race By John Donnelly, Globe Staff |
March 17, 2005
CAPE TOWN -- Zimbabwe's new Electoral Court has ruled that
a jailed member of parliament can run for his seat in the far east of the
country and set a date for the end of April, a month after the nationwide
vote.
But Roy Bennett's entry into the race, after his wife, Heather, had
begun campaigning in his place, was met with mixed reactions from his
supporters yesterday in Harare. They said they were happy he could run for
reelection, but expressed concern about the stand-alone vote. In such
previous races, they note, President Robert Mugabe's ruling party used
intimidation and violence to win.
The case of the Bennetts, who are
white, has drawn widespread attention following their violent eviction from
their farm in 2000, the strong support from black Zimbabweans for Roy
Bennett's successful candidacy that same year, and his sentencing in 2004 to
a year in jail for pushing the country's justice minister to the floor
during an argument.
''He can run, and that's a good thing," Heather
Bennett said by telephone from Harare. ''But in past stand-alone elections,
the ruling party has put all their resources into the one area, rigged the
election, and the violence becomes far worse than normal."
Plus, in
this case, she said, her husband will have to run for his seat from
jail.
It means that Heather Bennett, a reluctant campaigner, will
continue addressing public rallies on his behalf. The nationwide parliament
election will be held March 31; the vote for Bennett's seat will be on April
30.
The Electoral Court ruling, issued late Tuesday, surprised many
political observers in Zimbabwe. It overturned an earlier ruling by an
electoral nomination court to bar Bennett from the race because he was in
jail. The Electoral Court was established in January as part of overhauls
called for by the Southern African Development Community toward free and
fair elections.
''People do want to have the opportunity to vote for
Roy," Heather Bennett said. ''But we wish they could do it at the end of
March, not April."