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Ballot Papers Printed in Duplicate to Foil Rigging Detection
SW
Radio Africa (London)
24 March 2008
Posted to the web 24 March
2008
Tichaona Sibanda
Millions of ballot papers to be used in
this Saturday's combined
parliamentary and presidential elections have
allegedly been printed in
duplicate, to make it almost impossible to detect
any rigging.
An employee for Fidelity printers, contracted by the
Zimbabwe Election
Commission to print the ballot papers, leaked the vital
information to
Newsreel through a third party.
This also confirms
allegations by the Tsvangirai MDC that the Zimbabwe
Election Commission have
printed an extra three million ballots for the
country's 5,9 million
registered voters.
We learnt from Michael Musarurwa (not his real name)
who has a close contact
working for Fidelity Printers, that employees there
are being ordered to
covertly print extra ballots.
'The moment
employees at Fidelity printers started getting orders to print
extra ballots
using the same serial numbers, they knew immediately they were
meant for
rigging. Workers there were unanimous to let the world know this
is what is
happening,' Musarurwa said.
There is strong suspicion the duplicate
ballot papers are to be sent to
rural constituencies and outlying areas in
Zanu-PF strongholds, where
opposition-polling agents are usually barred from
the polling stations.
According to Musarurwa by printing the ballots in
duplicate it is easy for
the state to destroy the actual ballots used during
the voting process and
replace them with the other batch, whose serial
numbers match the
counterfoils that remain with election
officials.
'For example, my contact tells me if you have two batches with
10 000 ballot
papers, what they simply do is use one batch for the actual
voting. When its
clear Zanu-PF has lost they simply destroy 8000 out of the
10 000 ballot
papers and stuff the boxes with the exact number of ballots
from the other
batch. Remember the ballots have the same serial numbers that
tally with
counterfoils,' Musarurwa explained.
He added; 'the issue
of extra ballots should be addressed by the opposition
because this is what
Robert Mugabe had up his sleeve. He has been telling
his supporters Zanu-PF
was going to crush the MDC at the polls and this is
how he was going to do
it, through rigging.'
The MDC last week had accused the government of
printing millions of surplus
ballot papers for the presidential and
legislative polls. They say leaked
documents show nine million papers have
been ordered for the country's 5.9
million voters.
The head of the
electoral commission, Judge George Chiweshe, has rejected
suggestions that
the extra papers might be misused. In effect he admitted to
the existence of
the extra ballot papers, but would not elaborate.
MDC Secretary General
Tendai Biti said the claims of excess ballot papers
were based on leaked
documents from the government printers.
The MDC also say that 600,000
postal ballots have been ordered for just a
few thousand police, soldiers
and civil servants. This raised more questions
of rigging after the
electoral commission confirmed last week that only 8
000 postal ballots had
been requested by voters. Officially soldiers and
police officers started
voting Saturday, but the MDC allege that
unofficially the exercise has been
ongoing since the beginning of March.
Last week, we reported that over 75
000 postal votes had already been cast
by police officers and soldiers. In
Mutare soldiers were ordered to write
down their force numbers at the back
of the ballot paper, while in Bulawayo
police officers voted numerous times
in contravention of the election rules.
Murdered Tsvangirai Aide Still On Voters Roll
SW Radio Africa
(London)
24 March 2008
Posted to the web 24 March 2008
Lance
Guma
A former aide to Morgan Tsvangirai who was murdered by ruling
party
militants in the run up to the 2000 parliamentary election, is still
on the
voter's roll 8 years later. The name of Tichaona Chiminya is one of
many so
called 'ghost voters' whose names still appear on the controversial
roll.
Election expert Topper Whitehead who runs the Free-Zim Support Group
in
Exile, released an interim report detailing the irregularities. Chiminya,
who was killed alongside fellow activist Talent Mabika in a petrol bomb
attack by CIO agent Joseph Mwale, is listed in the Harare East
constituency.
Murdered white farmers David Oates and David Stevens are
also listed as
voters on the roll. Stevens is on the Murehwa South
constituency roll while
Oates is listed in Zvimba. Both were murdered in
2000 during violent land
invasions sanctioned by Robert Mugabe. It was also
revealed earlier this
month that Desmond Lardner-Burke, a former Minister
for Justice in the
Rhodesian government who died long ago, is still on the
Mount Pleasant
voters roll. Trudy Stevenson, a parliamentary candidate for
the Mutambara
MDC in the area, said there are people over 100 years old on
each page of
the voters roll. Making a complete mockery of the roll is the
fact that a
significant number of newly registered voters are over 100 years
old.
Explaining how they examined the voters roll Whitehead said they
were only
able to obtain some CD's in image form and these needed the
painstaking
process of converting the pictures into text. He pointed to
thousands of
duplicate voters on the roll whose national ID numbers were
identical. He
also accused the Registrar General of playing around with the
first two
numbers on each ID. For example the same ID number could be
registered under
different registration centres, making only the prefix on
the ID number
different. Whitehead said only a careful selection of the
numbers in
sequence helped bring out the duplication.
Whitehead
worked tirelessly for years to expose the rigging of the 2002
presidential
election. But after 7 court cases and the near arrest of the
Registrar
General for ignoring a court order, Mugabe's government deported
him on the
flimsy grounds he had taken up South African citizenship.
Click here to read the Interim Report
Despite Having
Destroyed Zimbabwe, Mugabe Likely to be "Reelected"
Cato Institute
News Release
March 24, 2008
Zimbabwean member of
parliament estimates conditions are worse than in
Darfur
WASHINGTON
-- Robert Mugabe will likely remain in power after this weekend's
elections
despite being largely responsible for Zimbabwe's implosion, finds
a study
released today by the Cato Institute.
"Few people believe that [the
elections] will be free and fair," writes
David Coltart, a Zimbabwean member
of parliament for the main opposition
party -- the Movement for Democratic
Change.
In "A Decade of Suffering in Zimbabwe: Economic Collapse and
Political
Repression under Robert Mugabe," Coltart points to the atrocities
committed
by Mugabe's government -- including the massacre of 20,000
Matabeles in the
early 1980s -- and concludes that Mugabe cannot give up
power peacefully out
of fear of prosecution.
Unfortunately that means
that Zimbabwe's political and economic decline will
likely continue.
Already, Zimbabwe suffers from 150,000 percent inflation
and an 80 percent
unemployment rate. Life expectancy is now among the lowest
in the world,
having declined, since 1994, to 34 years from 57 years for
women, and to 37
years from 54 for men. Moreover, Coltart estimates, more
Zimbabweans have
died from the combined effects of malnutrition, crumbling
healthcare and
HIV/AIDS than in Darfur.
According to the author, institutional
weaknesses, which characterized
colonial rule and were enshrined in
Zimbabwe's 1980 constitution, are the
root of the current crisis. The
constitution provides little balance of
power between the branches of
government and does little to restrain
governmental abuse. That has allowed
the government to introduce many
policies that have crippled the economy,
undermined the rule of law, stifled
civil liberties and squashed political
opposition.
According to Coltart, Western countries and international
financial
institutions are complicit in the country's downfall. They have
poured
billions of dollars into Zimbabwe despite meager results. Other
African
countries also "ignored very serious deficiencies in governance and
in so
doing assisted in the perpetuation of the culture of impunity and
violence
[in Zimbabwe]."
Coltart suggests a number of solutions to
rectify the current situation,
including restructuring Zimbabwe's political
institutions, limiting
government's interference in the economy, protecting
property rights and
redressing past injustices.
'I anticipate a landslide'
The Guardian
Monday March 24th
2008
Zimbabwe's former finance minister Simba Makoni, who turned 58 over
the
weekend, has gone head to head with Robert Mugabe in the run up to
presidential elections on March 29. His decision to challenge his former
mentor and boss has met with mixed feelings. Some have vowed to him their
support while others have accused him of stalking Mugabe's horse in a bid to
undermine the chances of MDC opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai. Here,
Makoni speaks about his mission, his meeting with Mugabe, and his chances in
the polls on Saturday
Monday March 24th 2008
I
decided to run for president in July 2007. It was after Robert Mugabe had
announced in March - long before any of the processes required for a person
to take leadership of the party had been set in motion - that he would lead
the party into the next election.
It was then that I convinced myself
we needed urgent renewal, and that I
needed to do something to bring it
about. I began a process of consultation
with a wide cross-section of people
within Zanu-PF and outside.
I went to Mugabe to tell him there was a
growing desire for renewal among
some of his party members, renewal of
leadership in the party and in the
country, and that there was a feeling
this should come from within the
party.
I was frank with him, and
told him that I was prepared to stand as
president. I also told him there
were people who supported my decision to
move in. He took note.
I
won't be in this presidential campaign alone. There will be many more of
us
- a great many of us. But I am not standing in the name of any party; I
am
standing as an independent. I would have wanted to stand on a Zanu-PF
ticket, but that opportunity was denied to any other cadre within the
party.
I believe my chances in the elections are very good - overwhelming
even. I
am confident of beating Mugabe. Zimbabweans are going through such
stress
and tension because of the myriad economic problems in the country,
such as
poverty that affects more than 80% of the population, and rampant
unemployment, especially among the young.
I urge all those who yearn
for genuine renewal and improvement in our
conditions - those who, like me,
yearn for the restoration of a united
nation, for genuine national
reconciliation, for our proper place in the
region and the global village -
to come forward and participate in the
forthcoming elections under our
banner.
But let me also encourage those others in Zanu-PF who have been,
and are
still, working with us in this project for national renewal, to
remain
steadfast and not be intimidated. I don't feel threatened. My
security is
among the people.
Mugabe may have been elected at the
December congress [the main agenda of
which was to confirm his candidature
for the presidency], but let me tell
you this. When the full facts of the
processes that led to that congress are
made public, people will understand
why this decision has been necessary.
Questions will be asked of the legal
secretary, the secretary for
administration and the political
commissar.
I am asked: "Where are your alleged Zanu-PF party supporters?"
But what is
this notion that people have, this belief that I was ever going
to parade
people in front of the cameras? My consultations were not only
with people
in the leadership of Zanu-PF but with all the people of
Zimbabwe, at a
grassroots level.
I have come out and said that
Zimbabwe's crisis is the result of the failure
of our national leadership,
so I don't understand it when people still
expect to see me parade in public
members of this very same leadership, who
are responsible for these same
failures. Wouldn't that be a contradiction?
I have stood for hours in
cash queues with ordinary people; I know
first-hand the tribulations they
suffer, standing out there for long periods
of time just to withdraw a
measely $5million. The people who matter most are
the people who are going
to come out on March 29 to deliver a verdict.
No Zanu-PF officials have
approached me to launch this challenge. I am
nobody's tool or agent. I had
views of my own, that we were long overdue a
change of leadership. And I
found that there was some significant support
for that change. I urge people
not to be duped by the falsehood that I am a
Zanu-PF ploy.
I am asked
why I waited until July 2007 to challenge Mugabe when I had seen
the rot set
in long before. But if you look at the record of all my public
pronouncements, during the years I served in government and since leaving
government, you will realise what I have always been about.
I wanted
to see a return to the original principles we held as a party at
independence, when the president told us to turn our swords into
plough-shares and establish an equitable and prosperous society. Those
values are still relevant now. It is just the leadership's deviation from
those values that I'm seeking to reverse.
Until the last minute I
continued in Zanu-PF working towards a return to
those original values. I
persevered only in the hope that there would be
some renewal of our party.
Zimbabwe's ruling party has a history, but it
must also have a
future.
Judging by the responses to my announcement to run for president,
I do not
anticipate anything short of a landslide. The enthusiasm is
palpable.
I do not make any distinction between urban and rural
constituencies. Why do
we always want to categorise our people? Why do we
herd them into paddocks?
All of them are Zimbabweans, and all of them yearn
for the same thing, which
is an immediate renewal of our country. We should
not create unnatural
barriers.
I have been criticised for being vague
on policy and strategy. But what I
will not do is make high-sounding
promises to the people of Zimbabwe. I want
to emphasise this. I am not going
to give them a reel of menus and recipes.
What I am offering is an
opportunity to make changes, and to have real
empowerment.
I am not
going to stand in front of the people and say: "I will build a road
here, a
house here, a dam there." I cannot make such promises. There are 14
million
Zimbabweans, and what I am about is offering each one of them the
chance to
once again make the best out of their opportunities, a chance to
realise
their full potential.
Mugabe's government made many lofty promises, but
it was a mistake to
believe any of them would be delivered.
My
economic priority would be to get the land producing again. We could get
all
the fertiliser from China, India and so on, but the task would be to get
our
own Zimbabwean companies going again. Manufacturing capacity is down,
primarily because companies cannot source raw materials. There will be a
need for technological overhaul in our industry, and we will need to
recapitalise our factories.
The most important thing is to get our
people re-engaged, and to restore
their confidence, such that there will be
no need for a parallel market, or
the need to pretend there is a formal
market when one no longer exists. This
economy can still be turned
around.
. Simba Makoni was talking to Njabulo Ncube in Harare.
Freedom for the Country
The Zimbabwe Guardian
(London)
OPINION
21 March 2008
Posted to the web 24 March
2008
Morgan Tsvangirai
AS THE March 29 election in Zimbabwe
approaches, the cards are clearly
stacked in favor of President Robert
Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party.
Draconian legislation has curtailed freedom
of expression and association.
Daily, the representatives of the Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC), the
political party that I lead, are harassed,
tortured, imprisoned without
trial and even killed.
Economic
mismanagement by Mr. Mugabe's government is an even more serious
problem.
Zimbabwe's inflation and unemployment rates are 150,000% and 80%
respectively. Infrastructure is crumbling, and education and health-care
systems have collapsed. Life expectancy is now among the lowest in the
world, having declined, since 1994, to 34 years from 57 years for women, and
to 37 years from 54 for men. Some four million of my fellow citizens have
fled the country, taking with them both human and financial
capital.
Out of the many reasons for Zimbabwe's decline, three stand out.
First is
the ruling regime's contempt for the rule of law. The government
has
repeatedly stole elections, and intimidated, beaten and murdered its
opponents. It has confiscated private property without compensation and
ignored court rulings declaring such takings illegal. Such behavior only
scares away investors, domestic and international. Current circumstances
make it impossible to have a growing economy that will create jobs for
millions of unemployed Zimbabweans.
The government of Zimbabwe must
be committed to protecting persons and
property; and the restoration of
political freedom and property rights is an
essential part of MDC's economic
recovery strategy. This means compensation
for those who lost their
possessions in an unjust way. It also means
striking a healthy balance
between reconciliation and accountability by
establishing a Truth and
Reconciliation Commission along the lines of the
South African TRC. And it
means restoring the independence of the judiciary.
The second reason for
Zimbabwe's decline is the government's destruction of
economic freedom, in
order to satisfy an elaborate patronage system.
Today, Zimbabwe ranks
last out of the 141 countries surveyed by the Fraser
Institute's Economic
Freedom in the World report. According to 2007 World
Bank estimates, it
takes 96 days to start a business in Zimbabwe. It takes
only two days in
Australia. Waiting for necessary licenses takes 952 days in
Zimbabwe, but
only 34 days in South Korea. Registering property in Zimbabwe
costs an
astonishing 25% of the property's value. In the United States, it
costs only
0.5%.
The MDC is committed to slashing bureaucratic red tape and letting
domestic
and foreign entrepreneurs improve their lot and, consequently,
Zimbabwe's
fortunes. We will open economic opportunity to all Zimbabweans.
Unlike the
ZANU-PF dictatorship, which has destroyed domestic
entrepreneurship, we
consider the business acumen and creative ingenuity of
the people to be the
main source of our future growth.
The third
factor responsible for the country's decline is the size and
rapaciousness
of the government. Today, that size is determined by the
requirements of
patronage. But a government that provides hardly any public
services cannot
justify the need for 45 ministers and deputy ministers, all
of whom enjoy
perks ranging from expensive SUVs to farms that were
confiscated from
others.
The Central Bank too has departed from its traditional role of
stabilizing
prices. Instead, it dishes out money to dysfunctional,
government-owned
corporations that are controlled by the ZANU-PF and are
accountable to no
one. The result is runaway growth in the money supply, and
the highest
inflation rate in the world. Zimbabwe's potential for economic
growth cannot
be realized without macroeconomic stability. Hyperinflation
must be tamed,
in part by taming the government's appetite for
spending.
The MDC plans a complete restructuring of the government,
including a
reduction of the number of ministers to 15. The government will
have to live
within its means. It will not be allowed to inflate its way out
of trouble.
To that end, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe must become
independent of the
government and given the sole task of fighting
inflation.
Most state-owned companies are woefully inefficient, a strain
on the budget
and a much-abused vehicle for ZANU-PF patronage. They will be
privatized or
shut down.
This is, of course, not an exhaustive list
of reforms necessary to set the
Zimbabwean economy on a path to growth. Our
tax code will also have to be
made simpler and flatter to encourage thrift
and enterprise, and our trade
and investment regimes will have to be
reopened.
The people of Zimbabwe hunger not just for food, but also for
political
change. MDC rallies draw enormous crowds -- even in areas where
the risk of
being murdered by government agents is highest. A recent
independent poll,
conducted by the University of Zimbabwe, puts my candidacy
in the first
place, with Robert Mugabe's a distant second and Simba Makoni's
third.
There is still a chance that the election results will reflect the
popular
will. Then the people will have the new Zimbabwe they deserve, under
a
government guided by the principles dear to free people
everywhere.
Morgan Tsvangirai is the leader of the main faction of the
Movement for
Democratic Change. This article was first published in The Wall
Street
Journal.
Conditions for free elections "don't exist," says
lawyers group
Monsters and Critics
Mar 24, 2008, 17:01 GMT
Harare - Zimbabwe cannot
have a free and fair election in the current
environment where President
Robert Mugabe - himself a candidate - maintains
almost total control over
the electoral system, one of the country's leading
civil rights groups
warned.
A report by Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum released at the
weekend
concluded that 'conditions do not exist for the holding of free and
fair
elections on Saturday this week.'
It cited a 'partisan' and weak
electoral commission that runs the elections,
widespread military
involvement in the process and mass vote buying.
The report comes amid
widespread fears of vote rigging - which independent
observers say have
given 84-year-old Mugabe victories in the last three
elections since 2000 -
in a complicated poll held on o only one day,
compared with three in
previous elections. Observers also warn that the
state of ill-preparedness
of the state-appointed Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission (ZEC) will lead to
confusion.
On Sunday, opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai warned
supporters of his
Movement for Democratic Change that Mugabe would 'use
every trick in the
book to subvert the will of the people.'
In a move
setting the scene for potential confrontation with the regime,
Tsvangirai
urged supporters not to leave the polling station areas after
they had cast
their ballots, but to stay and 'defend your vote.'
Poll watchers have
reported a dramatic surge throughout the country in the
last few weeks in
support for opposition parties, particularly for
Tsvangirai's MDC, while
Mugabe's backing appears to falter, amid signs of
divisions in his ruling
ZANU(PF) party.
Although the Forum report says that the ruling party's
'institutions of
intimidation ... are being used countrywide,' observers say
that the level
of violent intimidation that has characterised previous
elections is
considerably lower, and that opposition parties are able to
campaign
relatively freely.
However, the Forum says that the ZEC
'continues to operate in a politically
partisan manner.' 'The key personnel
who will run the elections on the
ground are pro-ruling party sympathisers,
such as ex-army officers and
intelligence officers,' adding, one provincial
electoral officer was a
serving officer.
Judge George Chiweshe, the
chairman, appointed by Mugabe, is a former
brigadier-general 'and a staunch
supporter of ZANU(PF),' it said. Recently
amended electoral laws put the ZEC
in charge of maintaining the voters'
roll, but the law has been ignored and
it remains under the control of
registrar-general Tobaiwa Mudede, whom the
Forum described as 'a fervent
supporter' of Mugabe.
The Forum said
voter registration for this election had been 'selective and
fairly
chaotic.' When it questioned him about severe inaccuracies, Chiweshe
'brushed the allegations aside.'
ZEC had also 'conspicuously failed'
to take any action to prevent the state
run media from behaving like 'ruling
party propaganda organs.'
The report also cited the heads of the army,
the police and the prison
services as saying they would not 'salute'
Tsvangirai because he was 'a
puppet' and ordered their officers to vote for
Mugabe. Their statements were
'a gross abuse of office and are tantamount to
treason.'
Reports said 'hundreds' of soldiers had been deployed in rural
areas 'to
coerce the rural population to vote for Mugabe and his party.'
Soldiers had
also been instructed to take leave to help ZANU(PF) campaign,
it said.
The forum said Mugabe and ZANU(PF) had engaged in 'massive vote
buying' by
using state resources. It cited massive pay rises for civil
servants and the
distribution of millions of US dollars of imported
agricultural equipment,
effectively free of charge, mostly to ruling party
supporters.
Robert Mugabe 'printing fake ballots to rig poll'
The Telegraph
By
Peta Thornycroft in Harare and Sebastien Berger
Last Updated: 1:30am GMT
24/03/2008
Opposition leaders warn the Zimbabwean
government is printing millions
more ballot papers than there are registered
electors - raising fears of a
huge vote-rigging operation ahead of next
weekend's election.
The registered electorate for the presidential
and parliamentary polls
is about 5.9 million. But the Movement for
Democratic Change says it has
obtained leaked documents showing nine million
papers have been ordered.
Robert Mugabe, who is seeking a sixth
term in office, is in a
three-way fight with MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai
and Simba Makoni, a former
finance minister in the ruling Zanu-PF
party.
If used in Mr Mugabe's favour, the extra ballot papers would
be enough
to ensure that he passes the 51 per cent of the vote required to
be declared
the outright victor.
Documents also show that
600,000 ballot papers have been ordered for a
few thousand soldiers and
state employees working away from home, the MDC
says.
The
number of Zimbabweans who have left the country's economic turmoil
to seek a
better life abroad is estimated to be between one to three
million. But
despite opposition demands during talks mediated by the South
African
government, the diaspora has not been granted the right to vote.
Tendai Biti, the MDC's secretary-general, said: "We are extremely
worried
about the extra ballot papers. If he steals the election, he will
get a
temporary reprieve. But that will guarantee him a dishonourable if not
bloody exit. Either way he's in a no-win situation."
Mr Mugabe
is widely believed to have stolen the last election in 2002.
This time
around, observers from Western governments have been banned and
few
independent media accreditations have been issued. The electoral roll is
allegedly padded with the names of dead people and polling stations are
relatively few in the opposition strongholds of Harare and Bulawayo, with
procedures being changed to allow police into them.
At a rally
in Harare, Mr Tsvangirai told tens of thousands of
supporters: "The polling
stations will open late and there will be no power,
no lights. They will
have trouble with the toilets and they will be in a
muddle with the ballots
and the voters' roll."
The veteran opposition leader is enjoying a
surge in support in the
run-up to the election, which Mr Makoni's candidacy
has made the most open
since independence.
Zimbabwe's economy
went into reverse after Mr Mugabe began seizing
white-owned farms in 2000.
It is the fastest-shrinking in the world outside
a war zone. Inflation is
running at more than 100,000 per cent. About 80 per
cent of the population
is unemployed and a third needs food aid.
Mr Mugabe admitted at the
weekend he was not immune to the
deteriorating infrastructure, revealing
there was no running water at his
residence.
Zimbabwe's whites fear vote will change little
Reuters
Mon Mar 24,
2008 2:21am GMT
By Cris Chinaka
HARARE (Reuters) - Like many white
Zimbabweans, James Douglas wonders if he
will still be a political punching
bag for President Robert Mugabe after
Saturday's election.
Mugabe
faces his biggest challenge in nearly three decades of rule in the
March 29
polls. The defection of two senior officials from his ruling
ZANU-PF party
has raised hopes among his opponents of political and economic
change.
But these hopes are not shared by Douglas and other whites,
who lost power
with independence from Britain in 1980 and who feel like
political
scapegoats in a country whose leader regularly decries Western
conspiracies
and interference.
"If the elections were going to be
fair, I don't think the outcome would be
in any doubt. But I don't think
that will be the case and people are
expecting more of the same," said
Douglas, whose 200-hectare farm was seized
as part of Mugabe's controversial
land reforms.
The 54-year-old was uneasy during the interview, tapping
the coffee table
and scanning the outdoor cafe for eavesdroppers, always a
concern in a
country where human rights groups say abuses are
common.
"I am very uncomfortable with this whole subject," he said. "I
don't like
talking about our problems in isolation because that is what the
politicians
are trying to do, to pin a special tag on us as
whites."
Zimbabwe's white population, estimated to have shrunk to about
40,000 out of
a total population for Zimbabwe of around 13 million, has kept
a low
political profile since 2000 when Mugabe started seizing white-owned
commercial farms for landless blacks with little or no experience in
agriculture.
A dozen white farmers were shot dead and many others
were beaten and driven
from their homes. About 3,800 of the country's 4,500
white commercial
farmers lost their land.
Critics say the
controversial land policy has plunged the southern African
country -- once a
food exporter -- into a severe economic crisis marked by
food and fuel
shortages and the highest inflation in the world, at above
100,000
percent.
Mugabe, 84, says the seizures are part of an ambitious black
empowerment
drive and seek to correct colonial injustices that left 70
percent of the
best farmland in the hands of whites.
He blames
Zimbabwe's economic woes on sanctions imposed by the West as
punishment for
his land reforms.
"SCAPEGOATS"
Whites are used to insults and
threats from his ZANU-PF party, which accuses
them of working with the main
opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC).
"I think people have
come to accept that they (whites) are a convenient
scapegoat, and while they
are not comfortable with it, many white people
have come to expect it," said
a white journalist who asked not to be named.
"You shrug and say, 'there
he goes again.' But you take comfort from the
fact that race relations are
generally cordial and that outside a few
politically motivated attacks, you
are not in danger of suffering any
violence from other
Zimbabweans."
Mugabe faces a fierce challenge from his former finance
minister, Simba
Makoni, and Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the MDC's biggest
faction, in
Saturday's vote.
The MDC is frequently denounced by
ZANU-PF as a pawn of white western
interests, despite its largely black
urban base.
Mugabe and his party say some whites have never accepted
black majority rule
and are desperate to get "black puppets" into power to
protect their
business interests.
Mugabe recently signed into law a
bill empowering blacks to take control of
foreign companies, including mines
and banks.
"We have whites here who see Zimbabwe as an extension of
Britain, who see
blacks as second-class citizens, who are racist and have
never truly
accepted that this is a black country, an African country,"
Mugabe said at
his election campaign launch.
"Anyone who thinks that
we have to apologize for fighting for, and defending
the interests of the
indigenous black people does not understand our role as
nationalists," he
said.
Critics say Mugabe is obsessed with the belief that whites have
never
stopped plotting against him since he assumed power from the white
government of former Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith.
In 1965,
Smith, who died last year, led 270,000 whites in then Rhodesia in a
unilateral declaration of independence from Britain and only bowed to the
pressure of a bloody guerrilla war spearheaded by black nationalists in the
1970s.
Around 50,000 mostly black people were killed in the
war.
FLIGHT
The dwindling white population in Zimbabwe still
retain some of the
trappings of colonial-era life: many live in big houses
with servants and
swimming pools. But more and more are leaving, heading for
Britain, South
Africa, Australia or other places.
More than 150,000
whites fled Zimbabwe during the liberation struggle and
after Mugabe's 1980
electoral victory, while some 40,000 others have
emigrated in the last 20
years.
Very few whites are comfortable talking to the media about
politics because
they fear being branded racists by the government. A
handful of white
officials with senior positions in opposition ranks are
constantly subjected
to these accusations.
David Coltart, a leading
figure in a faction of the MDC and a member of
parliament for a black
constituency, says he has long stopped paying
attention to any racial
insults.
"It's something I have got used to but which does not worry me
at all
because I know those feelings and views don't reflect the general
feeling in
our country," he said.
(Editing by Michael Georgy and Clar
Ni Chonghaile)
Funeral costs rise as Zimbabwe elections loom for
Robert Mugabe
The Times
March 24, 2008
Catherine Philp in Harare
Hilton Takundwa died an old
man in his own bed -- the only part of this tale
that is not a tragedy. On
Easter morning his wife Winfildah got up to make
the breakfast and Hilton to
pray. "Leave me a while so I can speak to my
God," he told her.
Then
he got up from his knees and lay back down on his bed. "Now I must rest
a
while."
When I arrived that afternoon, Hilton was dead. Inside his filthy
bedroom,
his body lay under an ancient furred brown blanket on the mattress
where he
and Winfildah had slept. She crouched on the floor beside the bed,
her blind
eyes lit with tears.
Next door in the slum dwelling's only
other room, the family sat fretting
over what to do. Tendai, Hilton's son,
had just returned from the undertaker
where he went to plead for time to pay
the Z$300 million it would cost to
take his father's body to the
mortuary.
He returned with not only a refusal but worse news yet. In
three days the
price had risen threefold to Z$1 billion, a mere £12 at
black-market rates.
"It's the fuel increase," he said in despair. Their
father's body would stay
where it was.
Hilton Takundwa had cheated
the odds to live until yesterday, stretching his
life out for a full 74
years, exactly twice the average life expectancy for
a Zimbabwean
male.
But as the years stretched on so the price of death rose until his
family
could no longer afford to send him with dignity to his
grave.
This is Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe on the eve of this weekend's
historic
elections; a land of empty shelves and broken hearts where annual
inflation
runs at 100,000 per cent, turning life into a struggle to survive
and death
a struggle to afford.
Four months ago the highest
denomination note available was Z$200,000. Now
it is Z$10
million.
Money earned one day melts into nothing the next and basic
commodities are
so scarce and expensive that housewives buy carved-off
slivers of soap
instead of bars and cooking oil is sold by the spoonful not
the litre.
The Takundwa family were never rich but they got by. Hilton
and Winfildah's
three sons worked in textile and canning factories and
earned a basic wage.
Ten years ago their youngest son lost his job and
committed suicide. Three
years after that the other two were laid
off.
Diabetes cost Winfildah her sight six years ago, not long after
Mugabe's
land reform programme started in what was once the breadbasket of
southern
Africa.
None of the family have had a regular job since,
scraping by on profits from
selling vegetables by the roadside or mixing up
sugar, water and colourings
to make a crude soft drink to sell in plastic
bags.
Hilton scraped together the cash to buy diabetes medication for
himself and
his wife. They used to get their treatment free but last year
had to start
paying.
This month Hilton had gone to the hospital to
beg for government assistance.
The Takundwas had no family abroad to help
them as their luckier neighbours
do.
A quarter of the population have
left the country as the economy has
crumbled and one in three families
relies on remittances from relatives
abroad. Once it was for extras - school
uniforms and books. Now it is for
the most basic food.
"Life is very,
very hard for us," Winfildah tells me, her cloudy eyes
darting in the gloom.
It was not always this way. When she and Hilton
married in 1965 their
wedding was a big one, a traditional tribal gathering,
with hundreds of
guests feasting. Her face breaks into a smile as she
recalls the
day.
"There was a cake and chicken, rice and drinks," she remembers. "Oh
it was
very fine." What was Zimbabwe like back then, I ask. Her reply throws
me for
an instant: "Rhodesia, oh it was beautiful, we could buy all the food
we
needed."
Then her eyes filled with tears. "Zimbabwe, life is very
hard. Now I'm
crying. You can't even buy a bar of soap. If Mugabe stays it
will be worse,
even worse than now."
Zimbabweans are finally daring
to dream that might happen. But for the
Takundwas, the immediate future
looks bleak. Winfildah still needs
medication for her diabetes; how much she
doesn't know, but whatever it is,
she cannot afford it.
"My husband
bought it for me, from the money he got from selling the drinks.
Now he is
gone, I am desperate. I don't know how I will buy it now."
Tendai comes
in to the room and sits on the bed, next to his father's
corpse, shame
written on his face. He has returned from going round the
neighbours,
begging for contributions to have his father's body taken away.
They are
sympathetic, but he is emptyhanded. The body will have to stay.
The flies
were already beginning to circle as we left, Winfildah still
sitting in the
gloom. Just up the road, stonemasons were hard at work
chiselling names into
the grave stones that Hilton would never have.
"In loving memory of
Father, Benjamin Chimalizeni," read one, but the dates
were missing, blank
spaces where the masons had etched the words "Born" and
"Died".
Benjamin Chimalizeni was still alive, it transpired, but his
family had
bought the gravestone knowing that they would not be able to
afford it if
they waited until he died.
I flipped through my notebook
to where I had written down Hilton's birthdate
from his identity card.
"23.3.34". It was his birthday. Hilton had died on
his 74th birthday but no
one had told us or even remembered. They were too
busy trying to
survive.
Catherine Philp and Richard Mills paid for the funeral. It cost
£12.
Worthless money
- Hyperinflation occurs when the price of
goods and services increases at a
rate so fast as to render the currency
essentially valueless
- The most severe month of hyperinflation occurred
in Hungary in July 1946
when prices increased by 4.19 quintillion per cent
(419 followed by sixteen
zeros)
- In the same year the Hungarian
National Bank issued a 10 quintillion pengo
note (one followed by 19
zeros)
- During the hyperinflation episode in Germany from 1922 to 1923,
the Weimar
Republic printed postage stamps with a face value of one billion
marks, as
prices doubled every two days
- In Yugoslavia prices
increased by 5 quadrillion per cent between October
1, 1993, and January 24,
1995
ANC vows tougher observer mission
Mail and Guardian
Mandy Rossouw | Johannesburg, South Africa
24 March 2008
06:00
African National Congress (ANC) MPs who are part of the
Southern
African Development Community (SADC) observer mission to the
parliamentary
and presidential elections in Zimbabwe will have more freedom
than before to
give their honest assessment of the situation in that
country.
The ANC will compile a report on the implications of
the
collapse of Zimbabwe on South Africa's social and institutional
infrastructure. The MPs will be expected to "debrief" the ruling party when
they return.
The new approach to Zimbabwe was underscored
by ANC treasurer
general Mathews Phosa who came out against President Thabo
Mbeki's policy of
quiet diplomacy at a meeting of the Afrikaanse
Handelsinstituut (AHI) last
week.
"The policy of quiet
diplomacy towards Zimbabwe has not worked.
I think [Robert] Mugabe abused
us," he said.
ANC secretary general Gwede Mantashe told the
Mail & Guardian
that the planned report is an attempt to "close the
loopholes within
government diplomacy".
"The
party-to-party engagement must be stepped up. We are
beginning to talk more
critically of the implication of the collapse on
South Africa. The ANC
members who are part of the observer mission will be
quite important for us.
They will give feedback of their real observations
that are not captured in
the general report."
The ANC's approach to the observer
function is a departure from
previous missions where the findings were not
discussed in Parliament. The
report compiled by MPs after the 2005 elections
has yet to be debated.
The Democratic Alliance said the party
reserves its right to
write its own reports that will be released
daily.
Ambassador Kingsley Mamabolo, who will be heading the
South
African contingent of the SADC observer mission, told the M&G that
although
the political and economic situation in Zimbabwe constitutes a
"crisis", the
pre-election atmosphere is calmer and more tolerant than
during the 2005
elections.
The observer mission will only
look at complaints brought to its
attention and will not factor in Mugabe's
late announcement of the election
date, or the new law that gives
Zimbabweans part ownership of foreign
companies, or the pay hike for civil
servants.
The role of the observer mission will be twofold:
to observe the
elections and to intervene if "something can be
corrected".
"We want to help them have as credible elections
as possible. We
will stay out of their politics. We will only go as far as
our invitation
permits," Mamabolo said.
A preliminary
team was sent earlier to check the integrity of
the voters' roll and the
environment in general.
Mamabolo said the SADC team could not
intervene in the
Zimbabwean government's decision on which media
organisations will be
allowed into the country to cover the
elections.
Race firmly between Tsvangirai & Makoni
Nehanda Radio
24
March 2008
By Ibbo Mandaza
IT IS understandable that President
Mugabe - and those few who remain
huddled with him - should feel threatened
by Simba Makoni's bid for the top
office on March 29. For all indications
and predictions so far confirm that
Mugabe is a rank outsider in the
forthcoming poll, giving him a bare 4
percent of the vote.
This is
not surprising given latest reports that the old man received only
13
percent of the vote in the 2002 presidential election. A grave warning to
all Zimbabweans that everything should be done to avoid another rigged
election this time around.
The race is now firmly between Makoni and
Morgan Tsvangirai. I am not
certain that Tsvangirai understood fully the
import of the statement he made
two weeks ago, to the effect that the
forthcoming election is "a referendum
on Robert Mugabe".
But the
obvious inferences to be drawn from the statement should have
educated such
of his overzealous supporters as Roy Bennett (writing in the
Cape Argus on
February 17) and Jacob Rukweza (a sub-editor of the Zimbabwe
Independent,
writing in Candid Comment last week): that the main objective
of the vote is
to end Mugabe's misrule; and that the opposition as a whole
should do
everything possible to ensure that outcome by avoiding unnecessary
inter-party bickering and distractive campaigning.
I believe this was
the central consideration that inspired David Coltart
(writing in the Cape
Argus on March 10 ) when he described Roy Bennett's
attack on Makoni as
"unfortunate" and "unjustified". Coltart's reply in this
regard should
likewise shut up Rukweza's diatribe: "Simba Makoni was never
implicated in
the Gukurahundi"; and as regards Murambatsvina, "the facts are
that Makoni
resigned, in an unprecedented and brave act, from Cabinet in
2002, well
before Murambatsvina took place" in 2005.
But that is not to deny that
Makoni (and some of us involved in the
Mavambo-Kusile-Dawn initiative) has a
strong historical association with the
national liberation movement, Zanu PF
specifically. But neither Zanu PF nor
the Zimbabwe state has ever been
ideologically and politically monolithic;
and it should not surprise any
serious and informed analyst of the
Zimbabwean polity that the most
formidable challenge to Mugabe's misrule
consists of persons - particularly
Makoni himself - who have been the
conscience of a party that now stands
ideologically and organisationally
vacuous, a far cry from the movement that
inspired and motivated millions of
Zimbabweans during the struggle and well
into post-Independence.
And let us not forget the millions of Zimbabweans
for whom the struggle and
the gains of Independence remain indelible in
their memory, and for whom the
hope is that the removal of Mugabe and his
cabal of politically bankrupt
leaders will be a real dawn. There are many in
Zanu PF who share this vision
and constitute a good proportion of that 95
percent of voters who have
already turned away from Mugabe and will vote
against him.
But there has also been a huge swing away from the MDC to
the Makoni camp in
the period since Makoni announced his candidature. And
what about the many,
many more Zimbabweans who do not belong to either Zanu
PF or MDC but who
rallied to Makoni's clarion call, and rushed in their
numbers to inspect and
register on the voters' roll before
nomination.
The figures speak for themselves and do confirm that Makoni
has every reason
to expect and anticipate electoral victory. The records
show that 45% more
voters registered in the period between the day on which
Makoni announced
his candidature, and when the voter inspection and
registration process
ended.
These are the realities that speak for
themselves; less, perhaps, about the
personality of Makoni himself. This is
not a new reality about which the
likes of Bennett and Rukweza should feel
uncomfortable and threatened. It is
one that all Zimbabweans should embrace
as heralding hopes and expectations
of a better future, the real opportunity
to begin liberating ourselves from
fear, stress and tension, and from
poverty and the burden of failure and
inertia.
It is not true, as
suggested by Rukweza, that "the majority of those who
have embraced Makoni
as their future president have confessed that they know
very little about
their candidate of choice". It was not an accident that
those of us who
initiated the Simba project last December decided
unanimously that Makoni
was the best person to lead this initiative. Some of
us have known him since
the early 1970's, as one with a rare intellect, a
principled and honest man,
hardworking, and a patriot second to none. He did
not campaign for himself:
we chose him to lead us; and, as Coltart
concluded, it is Makoni's
courageousness that should be supported, not
criticised. Of course, it is up
to the Zimbabwean electorate to assess and
decide on Makoni at the
polls.
Makoni's election campaign so far has yielded a good response; he
is
emerging to be a popular and charismatic figure. He has been embraced as
a
symbol of Zimbabwe's hope across the country. Makoni has the political and
technocratic skills that gives him more than an edge over all the other
presidential hopefuls in the forthcoming election. He has had almost 30
years of exposure to the public policy arena, as the youngest Minister of
State at Independence and, subsequently, as Minister of Industry and Energy;
and from 2000 to 2002 as the Minister of Finance who might have made a
difference to the flagging Zimbabwean economy had he been afforded the
opportunity by Mugabe.
Makoni's tenure at Sadc (1984-1994) will have
exposed him to the challenges
of both external relations and economic
development. And, contrary to some
reports which seek to throw aspersions on
his tenure at Sadc, it was Makoni
who put the regional organisation on its
feet and left it at a level of
pre-eminence that the body has not enjoyed
again ever since those days. But
our future president also knows the world
of business, as both a trained
chemist and industrialist, as well as an
entrepreneur and farmer. We can be
certain Simba Makoni will bring all these
30 years of exposure to
statecraft, international diplomacy and
entrepreneurship, to bear in the new
government that he will lead. Above
all, Makoni's dramatic re-entry into the
political scene cuts him out as the
unifier of an otherwise polarised
Zimbabwe.
So, if this election
turns out to be the most peaceful, it will largely be
due to the entry into
the race of Simba Makoni and his "Mavambo-Kusile-Dawn"
movement. What a
wonderful sight for me to have witnessed, throughout most
of the campaign so
far, the MDC's, Mavambo-Kusile-Dawn, and Zanu PF, all
contesting side by
side, bereft of the acrimony and violence that has
characterised previous
elections. It is a great pity that certain elements
and individuals in Zanu
PF are bent on frustrating the campaign process,
preparing to rig the
elections and even threatening assassination.
However, I am hopeful that
Zimbabwe is on the threshold of a genuine
democratic multi-party
dispensation. But only if all of us keep the eye on
the ball and desist from
reckless distractions as those attempted by Bennett
and Rukweza.
*Dr
Ibbo Mandaza is a key aide to Simba Makoni's presidential bid.
Tsvangirai draws record rally crowd
Mail and Guardian
Angus Shaw | Harare, Zimbabwe
24 March 2008
07:41
President Robert Mugabe on Sunday vowed that his main
political
rival would never rule Zimbabwe, as the opposition raised concerns
that the
governing party would rig the March 29 ballot.
Opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan
Tsvangirai
drew the biggest crowd so far in the election campaign, drawing
at least 30
000 people to a field in western Harare, compared with 10 000
people who
attended a rally by Mugabe in the capital on Saturday and 3 000
for Mugabe's
rally in the second city of Bulawayo on Sunday.
"Tsvangirai
will never, never rule this country," Mugabe told
the crowd, many of whom
were bussed in from rural areas. "Those who want to
vote for him can do so
but those votes will be wasted votes."
Mugabe (84) was once
expected to coast to victory in the
elections.
But both
Tsvangirai (55) and the other presidential candidate,
former finance
minister Simba Makoni, an independent, say they are riding
high on anger
against record inflation topping 100 000% and widespread
shortages of all
basic supplies.
At his rally, Tsvangirai said he expected
Mugabe to "engage in
every trick in the book" to rig the polls. Western
observers are barred,
with only delegates from "friendly" countries
invited.
The opposition movement on Sunday said leaked
documents showed
that nine million ballot papers were ordered for the
5,9-million people
registered to vote next Saturday, and that 600 000 postal
ballot papers were
requisitioned for a few thousand soldiers, police and
civil servants away
from their home districts and for diplomats and their
families abroad.
It has also protested against last-minute
changes to voting
procedures allowing police a supervisory role inside
polling stations,
saying this would intimidate voters.
Tsvangirai supporters waved red cards, an opposition symbol
denoting a
soccer referee sending Mugabe off the field of play. One musical
group
received thunderous applause for singing: "Saddam has gone, Bob is
next."
A few uniformed police ringed the field. Many
supporters,
singing and wearing Tsvangirai T-shirts, arrived on old trucks
and vans
belching exhaust smoke. A helium balloon aloft declared a
Tsvangirai
campaign slogan: "Morgan is more." The carnival atmosphere
contrasted with
Mugabe's austere meetings.
'Eating
fire'
Tsvangirai said Mugabe was "really mad" over recent
opposition
gains before the election. He said that the president "was eating
fire"
after the poor turnout at Saturday's rally. "He was in a panic. When
an old
man is so angry, the writing is on the wall," Tsvangirai told
cheering
supporters.
Tsvangirai said in the past the
greatest weapon of Mugabe's
ruling Zanu-PF party was fear and intimidation.
He urged supporters not to
be afraid of "the last gasp of
dictatorship".
"The road we have trodden has been difficult
and painful. Our
anger, our hunger and our suffering have made us strong. We
have arrived at
the place we have yearned for. The time for the change
everyone wants is
now," said the trade unionist.
The
opposition is expected to suffer from the fact that at least
four million
Zimbabweans now live abroad. They are mostly fugitives from the
nation's
economic meltdown and political exiles who would be natural
opposition
supporters. They are not permitted to vote by mail -- despite
opposition
demands that they should be allowed.
Even so, Tsvangirai and
Makoni hope to garner enough votes
together to deny Mugabe an absolute
first-round majority and force him into
a second round of
voting.
Women at a meeting addressed by Makoni on Saturday
complained of
a 4 000% increase in the price of life-giving HIV/Aids drugs
from
Z$30-million in January to Z$1,3-billion (about R325 at the dominant
black-market exchange rate) for a month's course of
medication.
More than 20% of adults -- about two million
people -- in
Zimbabwe are estimated to be infected with the virus that
causes Aids. At
least 80% of the population lives below the poverty line of
$1 a day.
Tirade
In Bulawayo, Mugabe repeated
his usual tirade against former
colonial power Britain -- a "miserable"
country -- and said Zimbabwe would
implement a new rule requiring all
foreign and white-owned companies to give
51% ownership to
blacks.
"We want to see Zimbabwean people in control," he
said. "Our
people must be run the businesses. They should not just listen to
white
bosses."
Five trucks with bags of mealie meal --
the staple maize
flour -- were seen at Sunday's rally, reflecting opposition
charges that
Mugabe is using scarce food as a political
tool.
But even that wasn't enough to entice the crowds in
Bulawayo,
which is regarded as an opposition stronghold -- Mugabe
traditionally has
solid support in the rural areas.
Belinda (24), an unemployed Bulawayo resident, said she didn't
attend
Sunday's rally because "it was a waste of my precious time."
"That man has nothing new to say," she said, declining to give
her last name
for fear of victimisation. "I am jobless; there is no water,
there is no
food, so why bother?" -- Sapa-AP
Zimbabwe opposition chief, a constant
thorn in Mugabe flesh
africasia
HARARE, March 24 (AFP)
Morgan Tsvangirai, who has survived a treason trial and
a severe beating by
security forces, is making a second bid to topple
Zimbabwe President Robert
Mugabe in a poll he again suspects will be
rigged.
The main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader,
a thorn in
the side of Mugabe since the 1990s, is insistent he was the
rightful winner
of the last presidential election in 2002 when he officially
polled 1.2
million votes against Mugabe's 1.6 million.
"We won the
elections in 2002 and we are going to win again this year," said
Tsvangirai
at a recent rally.
However his confidence is tempered by the expectation
that Mugabe will
simply not allow anyone but himself be declared the winner
of the March 29
poll.
"The challenge we have got is that we are going
into the elections fully
aware of the unfavourable
conditions."
Disillusioned by the outcome in 2002, Tsvangirai appeared
reluctant to join
the contest this year before eventually deciding to throw
his hat into the
ring in February.
The economic meltdown in Zimbabwe
-- where inflation stands at over 100,000
percent and unemployment at more
than 80 percent -- should in theory play
into the opposition's
hands.
But Tsvangirai's prospects have been damaged by a split in his
party, first
triggered by a row over whether to contest senatorial elections
in 2005,
which has lost him the loyalty of nearly half the MDC's
lawmakers.
He also has to contend this time with a challenge from
Mugabe's former
finance minister Simba Makoni whom Tsvangirai has
acknowledged as a brave
patriot but not an agent for radical
change.
Tsvangirai first took on Mugabe when, as secretary general of the
Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions, he led a series of crippling strikes
against high
taxes in 1997 and 1998.
His protests were not
appreciated by his foes. He claims to have been the
target of four
assassination attempts, including one in 1997 when assailants
tried to throw
him out of his office window.
Formed in September 1999, the MDC took
almost half the seats in legislative
elections the following year in spite
of campaign violence in which around
30 supporters were
killed.
Tsvangirai's career almost came to a halt in 2001 when he went on
trial for
allegedly plotting to kill Mugabe in a case based on testimony by
a former
Israeli secret agent. He was eventually cleared.
Two years
later, he was slapped with a second charge of treason for calling
on party
supporters to overthrow the government in a case which was thrown
out of
court before going to trial.
His most recent run-in with the law came
last March when he was among dozens
of opposition supporters assaulted as
they tried to stage an anti-government
rally, suffering head
injuries.
"Yes, they brutalised my flesh. But they will never break my
spirit. I will
soldier on until Zimbabwe is free," he said in a message from
his hospital
bed.
His opponents however ridicule talk of bravery by a
man who took no part in
the country's 1970s liberation war.
"My first
priority was my responsibility to the family... I never considered
leaving
(to join the war) except for a few wistful moments," he was quoted
as saying
in a recent biography.
Born in 1952 in Gutu, south of the capital, he is
the eldest of nine
children and the son of a bricklayer.
After
school, he spent 10 years at the Trojan Nickel mine in Mashonaland
Central
province, rising to become general foreman before having his first
taste of
politics.
Zimbabwean opposition "cautiously optimistic" ahead
of polls
Monsters and Critics
Mar 24, 2008, 17:34 GMT
Harare/Johannesburg-
Zimbabwe's main opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) is
'cautiously optimistic' ahead of Saturday's poll but is
worried President
Robert Mugabe might rig his way to power, a party
spokesman said
Monday.
Nelson Chamisa told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa that the party's
campaign
had gathered momentum and 'things look good,' adding, 'We are set
for a big
victory for the people of Zimbabwe. We are cautiously
optimistic.'
He said the ruling party's message appeared 'old and tired'
alongside the
MDC's promise of a new beginning for inflation-riddled and
politically-divided Zimbabwe.
The MDC's Tsvangirai is standing
against Mugabe and independent candidate
Simba Makoni in the polls.
Tsvangirai lost to Mugabe by 400,000 votes in the
last presidential poll in
2002, a result the party has never accepted.
Chamisa cautioned that
ZANU-PF still has the capacity to 'spring a surprise'
at the polls but only
through rigging and manipulating 'the peoples will'.
The MDC has already
complained about Mugabe's last-minute tweaking of
electoral rules to allow
police into polling stations, and of the printing
of millions more ballot
papers than are needed.
'Weve read all the books, but we still have an
examiner whos likely to
change the syllabus,' Chamisa
said.
Mugabe,84, told a rally Sunday that a vote for the MDC was a wasted
one.
'You will be cheating yourself as there is no way we can allow them
to rule
this country,' the longtime Zimbabwean leader said at a rally in the
city of
Bulawayo.
Report: Zimbabwe foreign embassy staff won't be
voting
Monsters and Critics
Mar 24, 2008, 8:36 GMT
Harare/Johannesburg - No staff
from overseas Zimbabwe embassies have applied
to vote by post in Saturday's
presidential and parliamentary polls, an
official from the state electoral
commission was quoted as saying Monday.
Only 8,000 police have applied
for postal ballot papers, Utoile Silaigwana,
deputy elections officer from
the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), said.
'This does not mean that
all of them would cast their vote,' Silaigwana was
quoted as saying in
Monday's Herald newspaper.
'We will consider their applications and see
if they qualify because some of
them might not be on the voters roll,' he
said as ZEC sealed postal ballot
boxes at the weekend.
The opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai
says he wants
to know why if only 8,000 police officers are voting, 600,000
postal ballot
papers have been printed.
Tsvangirai told a rally in Harare on Sunday
that President Robert Mugabe,
84, would use 'every trick in the book' to win
Saturday's election and give
himself a sixth term in office.
'We did
not see (postal ballot) applications for staff from embassies; we
only saw
applications for the Zimbabwe Republic Police,' Silaigwana said.
'As you
know there is no law in Zimbabwe that compels a person to vote.'
Zimbabwe government to 'read riot act' to overchargers:
Mugabe
Earth Times
Posted : Mon, 24 Mar 2008 16:11:07
GMT
Author : DPA
Harare - The Zimbabwe government will "read the riot act" to
businesspeople
who have been raising prices ahead of this weekend's polls,
President Robert
Mugabe said Monday. Mugabe wants shops on Tuesday to revert
to prices
prevailing before he announced a massive salary increment for
teachers and
civil servants on March 11.
He told rally-goers in the coal-mining
town of Hwange, in Matabeleland
North that companies would be taken over if
prices do not go down.
"If industry fails to conform, the
Indigenization and Empowerment Act
will come into effect," state radio
quoted the 84-year-old president as
saying. The Act, signed earlier this
month, obliges foreign and white-owned
businesses to hand over 51-per-cent
shares to blacks.
With days to go before polling, there is
speculation Mugabe may order
another price blitz to endear himself to
struggling voters. A similar blitz
in June and July last year emptied shops
of most goods. Many stores are
still sparsely stocked.
The
Zimbabwean president is facing what could prove the biggest
challenge of his
28 years in power, with two strong contenders: opposition
leader Morgan
Tsvangirai and former finance minister Simba Makoni.
At the Hwange
rally Mugabe also promised he would hand out 400 luxury
vehicles to
government doctors on Thursday. Doctors have been leaving the
country in
droves in search of better pay and conditions overseas.
Rights
groups complain Mugabe has engaged in massive vote-buying,
handing out
buses, farm equipment, salary increases, fuel and computers
ahead of
Saturday's polls.
MDC says dark forces at work in election campaign
SABC
March 24,
2008, 19:15
Thulasizwe Simelane, Harare
The opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) in Zimbabwe alleges
dirty tricks are being applied
to block their campaigns. This includes
allegations that they are being
refused access to public facilities for
campaigns.
MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai believes his chartered flight was cancelled to
sabotage five of
his rallies.
Access to public media remains a sore point in the
pre-election build-up.
Some believe access to public media is
inadequate.
On the other hand, the Pan African Parliament observer
mission in Zimbabwe
says it is encouraged by the prevailing mood ahead of
Saturday's election.
The mission has expressed satisfaction with opposition
access to public
media, and what it calls unhindered political
campaigning.
Observers are currently scattered across the country
checking adherence to
regional principles and guidelines on elections.
Mugabe will not concede defeat
New Zimbabwe
By Lebo
Nkatazo
Last updated: 03/25/2008 00:09:33
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe will not
concede defeat if he loses the presidential
elections this weekend, he told
supporters in Bulawayo on Sunday.
Mugabe, in power since Zimbabwe's
independence from Britain in 1980, said a
vote for the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) would be a
waste because "there is no way we can
allow them to rule this country".
Analysts predict Mugabe, 84, faces the
biggest threat to his uninterrupted
rule from resurgent opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai and his former
finance minister, Simba Makoni, when
Zimbabweans vote on Saturday.
Zimbabweans, facing daily hardships and a
collapsing economy, have thronged
rallies addressed by Mugabe's main rivals
causing panic in the ruling Zanu
PF party and Mugabe's loyalists in the
security services.
Army commander General Constantine Chiwenga, Police
Commissioner Augustine
Chihuri and the head of the country's Prison Services
Paradzai Zimondi have
all said they will resist a change of government in
what Mugabe's opponents
say is an "advance coup warning".
Taking his
campaign to what is traditionally a hotbed of opposition to his
rule, Mugabe
addressed thousands of cheering supporters at Stanley Square in
Bulawayo's
poor township of Makokoba, vowing the MDC would not rule in his
lifetime.
He said: "You can vote for them (MDC), but that will be a
wasted vote. You
will be cheating yourself as there is no way we can allow
them to rule this
country.
"We have a job to do and that is to
protect our heritage. The MDC will not
rule this country. It will never,
ever happen. Asisoze sivume (we will not
yield)."
In his address,
delivered in a combination of his native Shona language,
English and a
sprinkling of Ndebele - the language spoken by most in
attendance - Mugabe
pointed to his party's symbol of a clenched fist,
evidence he said, "we can
box".
He mocked the MDC's symbol of an open palm which he said was proof
"the MDC
does not have the zeal to work for the people".
Displaying
an impressive grasp of Ndebele, Mugabe said: "Thina inqindi
silazo,
siyanqinda futhi (we have the fists, and we can box)."
Reverting to his
favourite theme of barbed attacks on western countries,
Mugabe claimed
Zimbabwe's economic recession and growing poverty should be
blamed on
sanctions imposed by Britain.
He charged: "All the problems you are
witnessing - the lack of foreign
currency and so on - are because of
sanctions.
"The Look East Policy took long to bear fruit because our
economy was
aligned to the West. But trade relations with India, Iran, China
and
Indonesia are growing. The West is also turning East."
Over the
weekend, Mugabe made further whistle stops at Inkanyezi Primary
School in
New Lobengula and a football stadium in Chitungwiza, near the
capital
Harare.
In Chitungwiza, Mugabe told supporters he shared in their
suffering, telling
them he also had a cold bath and experienced water cuts
at his official
residence.
Mugabe said: "Last night (Friday) when I
came back from Zvimba (his home
village), there was no water in my home. I
didn't have warm water. I said to
myself I am a man, and I used cold water
they fetched for me by buckets.
"This morning they tried to boil water
for me, but I am used to the showers
in prison. I had a cold bath again.
Water shortage is a problem. My minister
said they could not distribute
water because they don't have money for
purification chemicals, and they
were waiting for cabinet. I said why wait
for cabinet? They want foreign
currency to import these chemicals from South
Africa."
Mugabe railed
at Makoni, calling him a sell-out and a prostitute.
He blasted:
"Sell-outs will never win elections in Zimbabwe."
We're not interested in Zim poll outcome - AU
IOL
March 24 2008 at 06:55PM
Harare - The African Union's Pan-African
Parliament (PAP) observer
group said it has "no interest" in the outcome of
Zimbabwe's upcoming
national elections, but rather that the voting
procedures are regular, it
was reported on Monday.
"We have no
interest on the baby to be conceived, whether it is going
to be a boy or
girl, but to ensure whether the process leading to that is in
place,"
Marwick Khumalo, the head of the group, told the official Herald
newspaper.
"We have not come to prescribe to Zimbabwe how they
should conduct
their elections," Khumalo said about the March 29
vote.
"The purpose of our mission here is to ensure that the
elections meet
the standards of the African Union Charter on Democracy,
Elections and
Governance and the African Union Declaration on Elections,
Democracy and
Governance in Africa," he told the
paper.
The Zimbabwe government has been
accused of inviting only observers
from friendly countries who will
whitewash the results of the poll. Western
observer groups have been
banned.
The PAP group observed Kenya's disputed elections in
December.
In 2007, Zimbabwe's ruling party reacted with hostility
to an attempt
by the PAP to send a fact-finding mission to Harare after a
brutal police
crackdown on the opposition Movement for Democratic Change at
an aborted
prayer rally. - Sapa-dpa
Zimbabwe Decides - Five more years???
swradioafrica.com
Mutumwa
Mawere
24 March, 2008
With barely a week left before Zimbabwe decides
on who should be the
president, senator, parliamentarian, and councillor, it
is important to pose
to reflect on what would be in store for Zimbabweans
during the next five
years if ZANU-PF and President Mugabe were to be
re-elected.
What may be obvious to many that Zimbabwe needs to turn a new
chapter is
apparently not so obvious to President Mugabe who still would
want the
voting public to believe that his administration has really not
been in
charge over the last 28 years.
If President Mugabe were to
win, it is important to imagine what kind of
change he is promising. We now
know that he will push for an amendment of
the constitution to ensure that
people like Makoni will not be allowed to
exercise their constitutional
right to offer themselves for election as
President.
To the extent
that President Mugabe would want Zimbabweans to believe that
he is still a
democrat, his position on the Makoni presidency and his knee
jerk reaction
of proposing to amend the constitution to address what appears
to be a party
and personal problem clearly highlights that deep down in his
veins he does
not support the bill of rights enshrined in the constitution
of the
country.
This raises an obvious question of whether a person who holds
the
constitution he was elected to uphold and protect in contempt should be
trusted with another five years in power. Is it conceivable that President
Mugabe's contemptuous behaviour to the constitutional order will change
after the elections? If not, what is the responsibility of anyone privileged
to vote in this historic election?
Should political clubs be the
custodian of who should be a President when
the constitution provides for
citizens to directly elect their leader?
To many people it might appear
absurd for an incumbent President who for the
last 28 years has argued that
citizens are sovereign and should be trusted
to make their own choices to
now opportunistically make the case that
citizens cannot be trusted to
choose between four men who have all qualified
to be candidates for the
office of the President in this historic and
defining
elections.
However, politicians in general only pursue politically
expedient outcomes
and in most cases it is so because citizens allow them by
choosing not to
exercise their democratic rights through non-participation
in electoral
process.
I have no doubt that President Mugabe is
praying that like what happened
during the constitutional referendum many
Zimbabweans will not vote and,
thereby, allow him to remain in power fully
knowing that he also is
challenged by the future and has no real answers to
the defining questions
that confront the nation.
It is evident that
President Mugabe would not like this election to be a
referendum on his
record rather he would like it to be a referendum on
colonialism and its
known vices. To accept President Mugabe's argument means
that one has to
accept the proposition that Rhodesia never died and he as
the only leader of
post colonial Zimbabwe failed to provide the required
leadership that
Zimbabweans deserve and urgently need.
President Mugabe has attempted to
persuade Zimbabweans that voting for the
MDC would mean the restoration of
colonialism. Whether this argument will
wash with the voters remains to be
seen but what is clear is that for anyone
to accept this proposition one has
necessarily also to acknowledge that
President Mugabe has failed to deliver
independence to the majority a task
he willingly accepted to discharge in
1980 and at every election since then.
Indirectly, President Mugabe has
accepted that sanctions are biting and the
future of Zimbabwe would be more
secure and prosperous if sanctions were
lifted. If this is the case, no
suggestion has been made by him that the
situation will be any different if
he was to be re-elected. On the contrary,
anyone who will be naïve enough to
vote for the status quo must accept that
sanctions will continue and fear
will be institutionalised.
Even President Mugabe has correctly observed
that only Tsvangirai has the
pin number required to unlock the sanctions
issue. It is also evident that
President Mugabe has not informed the
Zimbabwean public that he is powerless
to deliver hope and anything he says
about the future is speculative and
cynical at best.
Zimbabwe cannot
lift itself out of the current economic abyss without the
support of the
international community and if the attitude of the
international community
is accepted as given there is nothing in President
Mugabe's campaign message
to suggest that he has any intention of reaching
out to the people who do
not share his views on how the country should be
governed and, therefore,
assist in bringing hope to a nation on its knees.
It is common knowledge
that the so-called imperialists are firmly in control
of the very
institutions that Zimbabwe needs to lift itself up and yet
President Mugabe
would want to persuade Zimbabweans to commit economic
suicide by voting for
him. The next five years under President Mugabe will
mean that the people's
government will continue to be managed with no
accountability characterised
by state induced fear.
Only yesterday, this is what President Mugabe on
the campaign trail: "Let
the British keep their money and we will keep our
land. It is treasonous for
the MDC to aid the British involvement in our
country. They must take due
precaution because after the elections we will
act against their companies.
How dare Tsvangirai and his party continue to
bow down to the British? In
this day and age, when we have fought for the
restoration of our dignity and
sovereignty of our people, the MDC still
panders to the British?
A party that is full of white Boers and the white
farmers? The likes of
Bennett (Roy) are still masters in the MDC. And this
is the party that wants
you to vote for them to rule this country? Never in
my lifetime will the MDC
rule this country. I swear by Mbuya Nehanda, that
will never happen,"
It is evident from the above that no amount of
persuasion will convince
President Mugabe to look into the mirror and see
how irrelevant he may be to
the future of the country. Why would a person
who purports to be a democrat
want to argue that a white Zimbabwean citizen
like Roy Bennett is less
Zimbabwean than a black citizen while accepting
that the constitution should
have the same meaning to all?
Who is
President Mugabe to say that MDC will never rule Zimbabwe while
accepting to
subject himself to electoral politics? Zimbabweans must take
responsibility
for helping to create an absurd situation in which a
purportedly democratic
order would allow itself to produce a President who
thinks he is above the
constitution. If there was any reason why President
Mugabe must be shown a
red card, I believe one does not have to look any
further than what I have
quoted above.
Surely for Zimbabweans to reclaim their future and help
shape their destiny,
it is evident that President Mugabe must go as his
world view is clearly not
aligned to the kind of values a progressive nation
needs.
All I can urge anyone who values his/her future, property and life
to please
take a minute just to imagine what the next five years will bring
under
President Mugabe's continued watch.
The future will surely
belong to those who believe that change is not
someone else's business but
theirs. It is not too let to put your signature
of the future by being the
change you want to see.
It should be accepted that a vote for President
Mugabe has its own meaning
and implications and ultimately responsibility
must be accepted by those
privileged to vote that they had six days to think
deeply about the future
and yet had the wisdom to invest in the
past.
If the past is important to you, then President Mugabe is your man.
Any
other outcome will surely represent change that people can really begin
to
believe in.
Zimbabwe Vigil Diary – 22nd March 2008
Stuffing the Ballot Box at the Vigil
It may have been
the first day of Spring but weatherwise it was more like Christmas. All the
elements were against us – a blustery wind and sleeting showers. It was
brilliant that so many people came. A young woman from Sheffield said she was
covered in snow when she left home.
In between dancing and singing we
practised scenes for the media events we are holding during our Mock Election
next Saturday. A big thank you to Choice Mutambanadzo and her husband Julius
who brought two tunics they had made for actors in our photo calls – so we had a
dead voter and an election observer from that most democratic of countries,
Sudan. They will be bringing more tunics next week.
Also with us was
Comrade Mugabe (he can’t keep away!) He gave us a preview of how he plans to rig
next week’s elections by stuffing the ballot box. His army and police force
will be on hand to help him – Patson Muzuwa and Charles Masawi brought uniforms.
On this cold Easter Saturday there were almost more people at the Vigil
than on the street. But instead of hurrying by many of them did a double take
when they spotted Mugabe and whipped out their cameras.
For this week’s Vigil
pictures: http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/.
FOR THE RECORD: 140 signed
the register.
FOR YOUR DIARY:
· Friday, 28th March,
2.30 – 8.30pm. Vigil of Prayer
at Southwark Cathedral on the eve of the elections. Saturday, 29th
March, 9.15 am. Special
Eucharist followed by a time of prayer until 11
am. If you wish to lead one of the prayer
times on Friday afternoon, please contact Canon Andrew Nunn 0207 367 6727. (The
Diocese of Southwark is linked to the Anglican dioceses of Manicaland,
Matabeleland and
Central Zimbabwe.)
· Saturday, 29th March
2008, 6 am – 6
pm: Zimbabwe Vigil’s diaspora polling station
and mock ballot.
· Saturday, 29th March
2008, 2 – 6
pm. First Glasgow Vigil. Venue:
Argyle Street Precinct. For
more information, contact: Ancilla Chifamba,
07770 291 150 and
Patrick Dzimba, 07990 724 137.
·
Saturday, 29th March
2008, 12.30 – 2
pm. The Zimbabwean Development
Support Association Wales is holding a demonstration in Cardiff at the Bevan Statue,
Queen
Street, Cardiff. For more information contact
Kuchi Cuthbert Makari 07939 721 419 zdsawales@yahoo.co.uk.
· Sunday
30th March at 7:00 pm. Tongue Tied? Zimbabwean dance company Tumbuka perform at
the Cochrane Theatre, Southampton Row WC1B 4AP. For more information see http://www.tonguetied.org.uk.
T ickets: £15 Box Office 020 7269 1606 or book online: www.cochranetheatre.co.uk.
Vigil
Co-ordinators
The Vigil, outside the
Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place every
Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of human rights
by the current regime in Zimbabwe. The Vigil which started
in October 2002 will continue until internationally-monitored, free and fair
elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk.
Vigil
co-ordinator
The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe
Embassy, 429 Strand,
London, takes
place every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of
human rights by the current regime in Zimbabwe. The
Vigil which started in October 2002 will continue until
internationally-monitored, free and fair elections are held in
Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk
You are receiving this because
you have attended the Vigil or contacted the website. Please advise us if you
wish to be removed from this list.
In Zimbabwe, bread costs Z$10 million
Christian Science Monitor
With
inflation at 100,000 percent, few can afford even basic goods.
By Scott
Baldauf | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
from the March 25,
2008 edition
Bulawayo, Zimbabwe - In her pink-and-yellow Indian sari,
Neeti Patel sees
the customers come into her shop, look longingly at the
sandwiches, and walk
back out empty handed.
It's not that her prices
are high - a sausage sandwich sells for a mere 30
million Zimbabwe dollars,
or about $1.25. The problem is that Zimbabwe's
skyrocketing inflation - now
the world's highest, running at more than
100,000 percent a year - keeps her
costs rising. A 30-pound bag of potatos
cost 90 million in the first week of
March. Now that same bag costs 160
million, and her potential customers
simply don't have the money.
"We have to put the prices up, but then
people cannot manage to pay us,"
sighs Ms. Patel, who moved to Zimbabwe with
her husband six months ago from
India, assuming that this southern African
nation would present the same
opportunities to her as it has for generations
of Indian shopkeepers. "But
if we don't raise our prices up, we don't see
any profit. We didn't think it
would be like this."
There are plenty
of theories for why Zimbabwe has descended from Southern
Africa's
breadbasket to its basket case. Western economists blame the
socialist-inspired redistribution of commercial farms by President Robert
Mugabe to his cronies and supporters. Mr. Mugabe's supporters blame Western
governments, which withdrew economic aid in response to Mugabe's human
rights violations. Whatever the cause, the hardship of ordinary Zimbabweans
is easy to see in their shops and homes, and difficult to resolve as long as
Mugabe and his supporters stay in power.
"It's really frightening
what the future holds for people," says Paul
Siwela, an economist in
Bulawayo, an opposition stronghold. Ethnic purges
against Zimbabwe's own
people, combined with attacks against white
commercial farmers has sent much
of the country's skilled manpower
elsewhere. "In the last eight years, the
economy has contracted to 60
percent of what it was before."
Shifting
blame?
Supporters of Mugabe, who faces the strongest-ever challenge to
his 28-year
presidency in elections on March 29, blame the country's
economic woes on
Britain, its former colonial ruler. But Mr. Siwela says
most of the
country's problems are self-inflicted.
Economic sanctions
levied by Western countries on Mugabe's regime don't
explain a huge growth
in government spending which now equals nearly 60
percent of the total gross
domestic product, he says.
With a manufacturing industry now operating at
just 5 percent of capacity -
largely due to a lack of reliable electricity
and water - there are fewer
taxes to pay for that spending, and Zimbabwe has
fallen deeper into debt.
Most troubling, however, is the way Zimbabwe
lost its ability to feed
itself, and the region. In 1979, when Mugabe's
nationalist rebels overthrew
the white-dominated government of Rhodesia, and
changed the name of the
country to Zimbabwe, thousands of commercial farms
managed to grow enough
food to export throughout the region. Today, more
than a decade of
mismanagement and neglect have dropped agricultural
production to
precolonial levels.
This year, Zimbabwe's shortfall in
maize is 360,000 tons, and its shortfall
in wheat is 255,000 tons. Food aid,
from friendly neighbors, from the United
Nations' World Food Program, and
from individual family members living in
neighboring countries, will help to
stave off starvation - for a while.
If most of Zimbabwe's economic misery
is self-inflicted, as many economists
say, then the solutions also come from
within. One senior economic adviser
to the government, speaking on condition
of anonymity, says that the first
step for Zimbabwe is to "liberalize
everything."
Solutions must come from within
"First, you have to
allow people to trade their Zimbabwe dollars freely, and
buy their goods in
US dollars. Then you have to look at the government
deficit, the whole
government budget, including the parastatal companies
(such as electric
utilities) and the central government. You add it all up,
and subtract what
you get in revenues, and then you have to bring the
difference
down."
The stark inequities of the current system of cronyism mean that
most people
will benefit from a wholesale change in the economy, the adviser
says. "It
will be painful as you liberalize, but when you liberalize, you
are also
taking away the risk of doing what people are already doing," such
as
illegally trading their Zimbabwe dollars for US dollars at black market
rates. "It's almost like lifting a giant tax on everybody, because you will
be taking that risk away."
A stroll through a regional capital like
Bulawayo shows that there is food
on the shelves, but all of it highly
priced. Massive department stores,
built for a time when farmers from miles
around would come to do their
weekend shopping, are full of clothes, but
without customers.
Gas stations have closed down entirely, and most
people who can afford it
buy fuel from roving bands of illegal fuel
salesmen, who ladle out gasoline
by the liter and even by the
spoonful.
At a local greengrocer, 12 million dollars (50 cents US) buys
you a head of
wilted lettuce. Ten million dollars will buy a loaf of bread
(40 cents US),
if you can find any. These prices are now beyond the reach of
most
Zimbabweans
"We've gone two months without butter," says Sihle,
a former schoolteacher
from Bulawayo. "For the common man, it's much
worse."
The rooms of her apartment show photos of happier times. Now,
teachers like
Sihle are quitting their jobs, when their 400 million-dollar
salary fails to
pay for taxi fare to and from school, let alone grocery
bills.
With cash almost a worthless possession, Sihle has invested her
savings in
something more meaningful. She stacks bags of maize meal six feet
high and
five feet wide in her bedroom, enough to last for
months.
"I've never seen a country that doesn't appreciate
professionals," she says.
"There's no point taking your kid to school. For
what? In this economy, if
you see someone selling tomatoes cheaper, you buy
them and sell them again
to get money. Now everyone is a commodities
broker."
Zimbabwe a shoppers' paradise for a select few -
Feature
Earth Times
Posted : Mon, 24 Mar 2008 15:59:06 GMT
Author : DPA
Harare - Want to shop till you drop in
shortage-riddled
Zimbabwe? You can at a supermarket near President Robert
Mugabe's retirement
mansion. The packed aisles of the Borrowdale Brooke Spar
supermarket show
none of the empty shelves most Zimbabweans have got used to
in the months
following last year's price blitz.
In this
exclusive store set amid the rolling hills and huge
mansions of the north of
Harare, shoppers can choose from a selection of
luxury goods unthinkable in
the city's townships.
Luxury comes at a price
though.
A jar of black olives costs 375 million Zimbabwe
dollars this
weekend, an entire monthly salary for a teacher. Mugabe
promised teachers
earlier this month that they would get huge salary hikes.
But some teachers
say they discovered last week that they had been paid just
the same as last
month: on average, around 370 million
dollars.
There are tiger prawns for sale in this store, at
more than one
billion dollars a packet. That's the amount candidates for
this Saturday's
presidential election had to deposit when they were
registering their
applications to vote.
A chicken -
rarely seen in shop freezers in Zimbabwe - costs 208
million dollars here.
Reports say officers for the state Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission (ZEC) last
month got paid just 10 million dollars per day.
The luxury
doesn't end there. At an exclusive lingerie boutique
in the same complex as
Spar, shoppers can choose from Calvin Klein or Dolce
and Gabbana designer
underwear.
Not for wealthy shoppers the cheap Chinese clothes
sold on city
flea-markets or the second-hand goods smuggled into the country
by the
bale-full.
Borrowdale Brookes Western-style
shopping experience is in stark
contrast to a supermarket in Harare's
central Sam Nujoma Street. Here, on
Easter Monday, there's no chicken, no
milk, no cooking oil, no cheese, no
flour and - most worryingly - no sign of
the staple maize-meal.
Borrowdale Brooke Spar franchise is
reportedly owned by a top
ruling ZANU-PF party official who appears not to
have to worry about recent
threats to jail those charging high
prices.
It is in the same suburb as the blue-tiled mansion
Mugabe and
his wife Grace have been building, ostensibly as a retirement
home for the
84-year-old president.
Mugabe evidently does
not intend to retire just yet. He is
standing in Saturday's polls against
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai of
the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) and independent candidate Simba
Makoni, a former finance
minister.
Analysts are warning that the dire state of the
economy and the
shortages of many basics could prove the longtime leader's
nemesis in the
polls. He has vowed the opposition will "never ever" win and
blames former
colonial power Britain for the economic crisis.
ZESN publication on the Profiles of Constituencies and
maps
swradioafrica.com
Dear fellow Zimbabweans and Partners,
Herewith the link
of a ZESN publication on the Profiles of Constituencies
and maps. To view
the reports per province please click the following link;
http://www.zesn.org.zw/pub_view.cfm?pid=157
The
production captures the geography, livelihoods and voting patterns of
people
in the 210 constituencies. The Delimitation Report as written by the
Zimbabwe Election Commission (ZEC) is a technical document. The purpose of
this publication is to simplify it and describe the places that are found in
a constituency. Zimbabwe is divided into 10 provinces, 210 House of
Assembly
constituencies and 1958 wards. The report seeks to help stakeholders
understand Zimbabwe's electoral terrain. The 210 constituencies are
described to allow the readers to have a greater understanding and
appreciation of these constituencies. The book will enable voters to locate
their wards and constituencies, and enable them to exercise their democratic
right to vote.
The publication is made necessary, by recent changes that
have been
introduced by the 18th Constitutional Amendment that increased the
number of
constituencies from 120 to 210 in the 2008 harmonised election.
The book
enables the reader to take a tour of the 210 constituencies in
Zimbabwe.
It is our hope that you will find this work informative and
that it will
assist you to locate your correct wards to enable you to cast
your vote on
29 March 2008.
Your vote, your voice!
Zimbabwe Solidarity Forum Press Statement
swradioafrica.com
A
week from today, on 29th March 2008, Zimbabwe goes for yet another
election
which promises little hope of alleviating the even intensifying
social,
political and economic crisis. The unbalanced electoral playing
field, the
violently repressive electoral context and worrying signs of the
voting
system itself being rigged are stark reminders of previous flawed
elections.
There is no question that this election will contravene the SADC
guidelines
for free and fair elections.
Nevertheless Zimbabwean parties have chosen
to contest the poll and many
civil society organisations have called on
citizens to use the opportunity
of the election to force open what little
democratic space exists and assert
that all aspects of a democratic process
should be contested and protected.
While the election offers only a little
hope that change will come, in a
country with a deficit of hope at least
this is something.
In the context of the Zimbabwe March polls, the
African Union-AU has
requested the South African government, as driver of
the SADC intervention
process in Zimbabwe, to remain engaged with the
mediation process. This
indicates its acknowledgement of the extent of the
crisis in Zimbabwe, and
the fact that the mediation thus far has not yet
resolved the crisis.
Concerns raised over the breach of agreements
reached during this process
need to be closely scrutinised by SADC during
the election period. Further
concerns over the violation of the SADC
Principles and Guidelines will
require comment by the SADC election
monitoring delegation.
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, the National
Constitutional Assembly, and a
coalition of South African organisations
under the umbrella body of Zimbabwe
Solidarity Forum, recognise that the
South African government and its
representatives will have a highly
influential role in the deliberations
that will lead up to an official
statement by the SADC on the election and
its outcome. This also means that
the South African public including
Diaspora Zimbabweans will be influential
in their reaction to the role that
South Africa and SADC play in the
Zimbabwean Crisis.
ZSF, Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition and NCA are aware
that the electoral
context is dominated by well documented evidence of a
long history of
violence, including threats, intimidation, torture, and
murder. The levels
of violent repression increased markedly in 2007, with
over 6 000 documented
cases of Human Rights abuse. Security personnel and
militias have been
deployed to all constituencies. The state is highly
militarized and has been
captured by undemocratic elites who use the states
resources to retain
power.
We will strive to expose this, raise
awareness of the violence and condemn
this violent and repressive abuse of
state power. SADC and other policy
makers have a principled obligation to do
the same.
The electoral playing field is unacceptably and
undemocratically skewed to
the advantage of the ruling partner. This
includes issues around the biased
electoral commission, the voters roll, the
delimitation of constituencies,
media coverage, voter education, vote
buying, politicised food aid and so
on. These issues are well documented in
reports released by the Zimbabwe
Electoral Support Network, the Zimbabwe
Human Rights NGO Forum and the
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition.
While
some would argue that the election itself has not yet been rigged
there are
concerns that need to be followed up regarding postal votes, the
number of
ballot papers printed, ghost voters on the roll and a worrying new
development that allows for security forces deployed across the country to
enter polling booths and 'assist' voters. These provide opportunities for
rigging that need to be exposed and acted against now.
It is
therefore crucial for us to locate avenues that will enable the voices
of
civil society election observers to be heard during this process. In
particular those at grassroots level and in rural communities need to be
listened to. The ZSF will be working with its Zimbabwean partners in the
days ahead to provide a platform that will enable us to share information
and provide up to the minute details of the election related events and
information as they unfold in Zimbabwe
Every caution needs to be
taken to ensure that those ballots that are cast
are counted, and that the
results of this count are transparent. This is a
key part of the principles
of a democracy. It asserts that all aspects of
the democratic process are
important. And it occupies democratic space and
sets precedents that will
need to be equally respected in the future.
However, regardless of the
outcomes of this counting process, whoever comes
to power must immediately
commit himself to creating the conditions for a
free and fair election that
will uphold and promote the SADC principles and
guidelines governing
elections.
Regardless of the outcomes of the election, Zimbabwe will
still be in a deep
social economic and political crisis. The National
Constitutional Assembly,
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition in solidarity with the
Zimbabwe Solidarity
Forum, Congress of South Africa Trade Unions and South
Africa Communist
Party hereby present the following demands to anyone who
will be declared
winner after 29 March polls.
* Establish an
interim government of national unity and make arrangements
for a fresh
election that will properly reflect the principles of freeness
and
fairness
* Facilitate round table discussions with all stakeholders about a
new
constitution,
* The new government should pay reparations to victims
of Operation
Murambatsvina that left 800 000 families homeless.
* All
political prisoners should be released immediately to make sure sanity
and a
culture of tolerance returns to Zimbabwe.
* An independent commission of
enquiry should be set up to investigate
atrocities that have been committed
in the past and bring perpetrators to
book
* An acknowledgement should be
publicly made about the crimes committed
against the people of Zimbabwe by
the state.
* The criminal justice system must be completely overhauled. The
Central
Intelligence Organisation, Zimbabwe Republic Police and Zimbabwe
National
Army should be reconstituted by citizens who will be apolitical in
discharging their duties, unlike what we have seen in the past.
* The
incoming government should heavily invest in improving service
delivery such
as sewage system, education (primary and tertiary) and food
supplements as
the country is already facing a drought, rather than in
ammunition.
* The
exiled Zimbabweans, soon after confidence has been restored, should be
lured
back to Zimbabwe to participate in the reconstruction process.
* SADC
countries should also relax regulations on travel for cross border
traders
as a way of providing an immediate solution to suffering Zimbabweans
until
the economy starts functioning normally and basic goods are found at
affordable prices on our shelves.
These demands should be taken up by
the South African government, the
African Union and its implementing arm the
Southern African Development
Community as part of the ongoing mediation
process.
The recent comments by the African National Congress castigating
the
interference of Zimbabwe's top army and police chiefs in determining who
should be elected were noted with interest by civil society. Organisations
represented here would want to make an honest acknowledgement of the
importance of such statements by the ANC. The first step has been taken; the
journey that must follow has already started. Now is the time to hold the
leadership in Zimbabwe accountable and demand that a process of
transformation begins.
London
Rally Draws Many of the UK’s Struggling Zimbabwean Exiles
Women's International Perspective
by Sandra Nyaira
- UK -
• Zimbabweans living in exile rally together
in support of their loved ones back home. Photograph courtesy of the
author.
• On a chilly Saturday afternoon as rain drizzles
continually from the grey London skies, Trafalgar Square slowly fills with women
from all walks of life, braving the winds and cold. Exiled Zimbabwean men and
women now living in the United Kingdom descend on the Square from all directions
to support the fight for democracy in Zimbabwe, to restore dignity to its
long-suffering women and to highlight their vital role in the country’s struggle
for freedom.
The rally was organized by Action for
Southern Africa (ACTSA), a London-based non-governmental organization
fighting for Zimbabwean women’s rights. Black and white have come to support
ACTSA; the biggest number attending are exiled Zimbabwean women, but Zimbabwean
men also come to support their wives, mothers, sisters and aunts, though in
smaller numbers.
They have deserted the care homes and the hospitals where they work to
attend. They are fervent about supporting their compatriots back in Zimbabwe
who, on a daily basis, go without basics like three meals a day, sanitary wear,
medication and other necessities.
Some of the speakers suffered torture at the hands of Robert Mugabe’s
handlers, among them the deputy leader of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions
(ZCTU) and aspiring Member of Parliament representing the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC), Lucia Matibenga. Student activist Maureen
Kademaunga and Takavarasha Zhou, the president of the Zimbabwe Progressive
Teachers Association, also attended.
A Zimbabwean band belts away on tunes, attracting even casual passers-by. A
huge television screen lights up the historical Square with images of struggling
Zimbabwean women serving as the backdrop for speakers like Maureen and her
colleagues.
• Maureen Kademaunga endured torture for
being politically active in Zimbabwe. Photograph courtesy of the author.
• Twenty-two year old Maureen Kademaunga speaks first. She was
tortured by the Zanu PF government for openly advocating for change within
institutions of higher learning in Zimbabwe. She was suspended from the
University of Zimbabwe three times and had to go to the High Court to force the
authorities to allow her to sit her examinations and eventually graduate.
Maureen is now the Gender and Human Rights Officer for the Zimbabwe National
Students' Union, and intends to return to the UK sometime later this year to
complete her Masters.
“The socio-economic hardships in Zimbabwe have eroded our dignity as women so
much. Instead of agitating for deeper involvement in political processes and
policy formulation, we are actually fundraising for things that are supposed to
be basic commodities that we [should] not need to fight for.”
Maureen says the situation is so bad in the country that ordinary women have
no choice but to use newspapers and rags during their monthly periods. As a
result many have acquired diseases which eventually lead to divorce or even
abuse from partners and spouses. “It is painful and difficult to say that
instead of us coming here to England and actually joining hands with our sisters
and fighting for meaningful involvement in political processes, we stand here
today in shame looking for something that should be an inalienable basic human
right – something like sanitary wear.”
“[It also] pains me that the young women of Zimbabwe are being left without
education, which has become a privilege for the elite and not a basic human
right,” she continues. Maureen says that many college students resort to
prostitution to help pay their way through school and to help their struggling
families, thus spreading HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted illnesses,
In parting, young Maureen says to her compatriots and other Londoners, “What
we hope and pray for is that one day we will stand with our sisters from all
over the world and be proud to be Zimbabwean.” She and her colleagues will soon
go on to Brussels to lobby authorities there on the situation in Zimbabwe.
Twenty-nine year old Chipo Matanga, an ordinary Zimbabwean woman who works as
a caregiver in London, is at the rally.
“I stand in shame here today because of the things that I have heard are
going on in my country. Britain and many other countries, including some in
Africa, are counting their achievements where women are concerned and their
success in furthering the girl child, but we have gone back to the [stone]
age.”
A mother of one who used to work in a bank back home, Matanga says it’s tough
for her and many other Zimbabweans living in the Diaspora.
“We work so hard day and night, not to supplement what is in Harare, but to
buy basic goods to send home and luxuries like cell phones, clothes, etc, so
that people can survive.”
• Speaker Lucia Matibenga, aspiring MDC
politician. Photograph courtesy of the author.
• Then
short, dark and unassuming Lucia Matibenga, the aspiring Member of Parliament
for the opposition party speaks to the crowd. Her two grown children live in the
United Kingdom; her son is on hand to support her as she takes the stage. She
says life for the ordinary woman in Zimbabwe gets worse by the day as prices
continue to rise.
“Today women all over the world are busy plotting their future strategies,
but we are where we were 28 years ago, if not worse. We are busy talking about
basic commodities such as food for our children. We are at a standstill. Instead
of waging women’s struggle for decision-making positions and general progression
in life – we are fighting for survival.”
Cameras from many UK newsrooms flash as the atmosphere begins to turn into a
carnival. Anti-Mugabe songs and slogans ring out urging those fighting against
his iron-fisted rule to continue their resistance. News crews from the BBC,
Channel 4, Reuters, AFP, ITN and other networks conduct interviews both with
Zimbabweans living in the UK and the speakers who flew in all the way from
Harare.
Events like this bring the Zimbabwean community in the UK together, the
majority of whom live and work underground, due to the British government’s
refusal to grant them legal status. Less than 1,000 are said to have been given
political asylum by the British government, a position criticized by many as
hypocritical since the British government seizes every opportunity to attack the
Zimbabwe government for abusing and starving its own people. Failed asylum
seekers and those in the UK illegally are not allowed to work. Therefore many
squat on friends’ floors, working underground in order to send money back home
to support their families.
Such events also give these Zimbabweans a chance to talk about the way their
host country is treating them, to speak of the people back home, to share their
hopes and anxieties and fears. Most importantly, they exchange telephone
numbers, not only their own, but those of the people and services they use to
send money, groceries and fuel coupons back home.
Loveness Piki came to the rally with two friends from Cambridge -- all of
them failed asylum seekers still here in the UK. She says meetings like the
rally help her keep in touch with events in Zimbabwe, her beloved country
thousands of miles away.
Thirty-nine year old Piki, a mother of four children who all live back in
Harare with their father, works day and night at three jobs to pay the bills
both here and at home. She also manages to pay the school fees for her children
– three of whom are in a private boarding school in Chegutu in Zimbabwe; her
eldest attends university in South Africa.
Piki often sends money and groceries home to her parents, to her husband, to
her three siblings and even her extended family. She also helps pay school fees
for three nieces and a nephew orphaned by HIV/AIDS, the scourge that continues
to hound so many families in Zimbabwe. Piki is a classic example of the
thousands of Zimbabwean women who work hard in the UK in low-paying jobs, living
in squalid conditions just to cut costs and pay bills back home.
Piki says, "I attend these meetings because I get to share my frustrations
about the British system and its hypocrisy with my countrymen and women. But
most importantly, it gives me the opportunity to campaign against human rights
abuses. As Zimbabwean women we are going backwards instead of progressing along
with the rest of the world. We work here day and night to feed people back home,
to send them groceries from such far places as England and the United States.
But in the process, we are helping keep Mugabe in power because we are feeding
people who would be rioting against him if they were continually hungry.”
• Many of the Zimbabweans living in the UK
struggle to find work and long to return home. Photograph courtesy of the
author.
• There are also hundreds of professional
Zimbabweans at the rally: nurses, doctors, social workers, pharmacists,
engineers and journeymen. This Zimbabwean community has a good relationship with
the British authorities who keep in touch with them through their professional
organizations. But there are also other professionals, especially bankers and
journalists, who have failed, despite years of trying, to break into British
society as professionals. These people resort to working low-paying odd jobs
wherever they can find them.
Alois Bunu, a middle-aged Zimbabwean man who came all the way from Birmingham
to attend the rally says he too believes that Zimbabweans in the Diaspora have
inadvertently helped Mugabe and his Zanu PF party maintain a stranglehold on
power.
"It is a catch 22 situation – like a cigarette burning on one end and on the
other, the smoker is biting the butt. You suffer from both ends. We are here to
protest and call for the restoration of our dignity as Zimbabweans but in an
indirect way we are propping up the autocratic government we want to remove from
office. We have to send the money, medicine, food and basics to help keep our
families and friends alive!”
Barbara Nguwani, a 40-year old single Zimbabwean nurse working in Surrey is
afraid to be interviewed or photographed for fear the picture may land her in
trouble back home. She makes a different point about the situation in
Zimbabwe.
“We need to start thinking about what we will do if the [upcoming] elections
once again are not free and fair. I am tired of living in this country, but I
cannot go back because it means if I go, the many people I support will die. I
have no boyfriend, no husband, nothing, not because I do not want to, but
because I am away from home because of Robert Mugabe’s policies.
Think of the many broken families -- mothers leaving home to come and work
here or fathers doing the same because of the crisis and failing in the end to
reunite with their families in their chosen countries. It is sad.”
Hope, she says, is all that Zimbabweans can cling to at the moment,
especially those suffering in foreign lands to feed their families back home.
Many cannot wait for a stable environment to prevail so they can finally get
back to their beloved homeland.
After the rally, most of the Zimbabweans rush to catch trains back to their
work shifts. They all live hectic non-stop lives with very little time left for
the social interaction that builds the healthy, vibrant community they so need
and wish they had. Life in the Diaspora is hard and more often than not,
lonely.
About the
Author
Sandra Nyaira is a Zimbabwean
journalist currently based in the United Kingdom. A former Political Editor with
the banned Daily News in Zimbabwe, in 2002 Sandra was one of the three winners
of the International Women's Media Foundation (IWMF) Courage in Journalism Award
for her work in Zimbabwe. Sandra holds an MA in International Journalism from
the City University in London and has written for newspapers in several
countries, including the Sunday Times, The Guardian, the British Journalism
Review, The Institute for War and Peace Reporting, Africawoman and many others.
She enjoys both reading and researching.