I knew Marondera as a flourishing little town, once serving the needs of a large farming community to the East of Harare. People living there did not need to travel the 50 kilometres into Harare when everything they needed was on their doorstep. It is not like that now. It is depressed, becoming derelict as one by one the little businesses close down. Right now it is the scene of a political battle between Zanu (PF)’s Sydney Sekeremayi and MDC’s Ian Kay.

Sydney Sekeremayi returned to Zimbabwe in 1980, passing up the chance of an easy life practising medicine in Sweden. He wanted to help build the new Zimbabwe. He had served his people bravely in the last days of the liberation struggle. He had witnessed terrible things. Twenty five years on, he has become fat. Party loyalties, high positions and power have banished the serene look of a man who once told me “…beautiful as Sweden was, the thought of staying was revolting to me – a betrayal of all I stood for – the help I had received in my education … the material benefits …I would always despise myself for running away.”

Now to the hustings in Marondera East he has brought his reputation for ruthlessness. He came within an inch of losing his seat in the last election. With his party’s unremitting violence in the run up to the polls, his narrow lead was not altogether convincing. It was clear that he was no longer the people’s hero. This is not the same man who was once so eager to bring peace to his newly liberated country.

Fear now rules in the constituency and the peace is kept only because of that fear. Former guerrilla fighters were turned, after years of official neglect, into storm troopers laying waste in the countryside. They mistakenly believed they would inherit the rich living of the region’s farming community. The pattern was repeated throughout the country’s profitable farming regions.

Sekeramayi’s party, now descended from brave liberation fighters to acts that can only be described as official thuggery has been responsible for the slow death of the town. The people are not fools. That need for a re-count in the close-run elections of 2000 indicated that the voters still had a little courage then, but it availed them nothing. Now they must again face the man who has held powerful positions in Robert Mugabe’s cabinet. These have included National Security and also Defence, giving him access to extraordinary, often unfair campaigning advantages and he has developed the ruthlessness to use them.

Ian Kay, four years older than Sekeremayi, was brought up on a farm in the area. He was a good citizen and a successful farmer, growing the tobacco crop that earned a hard-won comfortable living for himself and many Zimbabweans, not least Dr Sekeramayi. Tobacco has always been a vital part of Zimbabwe’s agro-based economy.

Ian Kay has also witnessed terrible things. He has seen his farm trashed, taken from him by force by so-called war veterans. He has been beaten to a pulp. Nobody was held accountable, neither for the murderous attack, nor for the death of the young black policeman who went to the farm to investigate. No wonder the people are full of fear.

But Ian Kay is not afraid. The people have asked him to fight. Ian himself is not bitter. He is defiant. I call that brave. It was clear to all who saw him paying his last respects to the late Professor Masipula Sithole at the funeral service in the University chapel that he had recovered well from his terrible experiences. The scars about his face and head were almost invisible. A man who has come through such fire, so bloodied and unbowed cannot fail to be an inspiration to us

Continuing the Zimbabwe Institute report on human rights abuses experienced by opposition MPs and election candidates.

In reviewing the accounts that make up the substance of this report, it is striking to note that 100% of MPs from whom information was obtained - a figure that accounts for 85% of all opposition MPs - report having experienced human rights abuses in the past four years. It is clear that the primary motive for the attacks was political in nature (Chart 1).

More than 90% of MPs report violations against themselves. 50% have had their property vandalised or destroyed, including homes, businesses and motor vehicles. What is of further grave concern is the very high number, in excess of 60%, who report attacks on their immediate family or staff, resulting death in 4 instances. Family members mentioned as immediately targeted or caught up in household attacks, include elderly women, young children and even babies of a few months old.

60% of MPs report arrest and detention, while 48% report being formally charged. Whether finally charged or not, MPs were kept in custody in appalling conditions often for periods of time that are in excess of the 48 hours allowed by law. In 4 out of 5 cases, such detentions result in charges being laid, yet in the vast majority of cases, courts do not uphold State attempts to prosecute, but dismiss them before plea.

Dismissal usually happens after MPs are remanded month after month while the State fails to produce a case against them. In other instances, court cases result in vindication of the accused MPs. At the ¬time of finalisation of this report on 8 March 2004, only once has an MP been found guilty of a crime and fined US$ 5.

This particular MP, Job Sikhala, reports being arrested 17 times. He also reports being severely tortured in police custody, including receiving electro shocks to his genitals. No prosecutions have been made in connection with his torture – just as no prosecutions have been made in any instance of any violation involving an MDC MP.

A further finding of interest is that over the past four years, MPs are more likely to have been subjected to serious attacks or crimes involving themselves personally than candidates. Only 45% of candidates were interviewed, compared with information on 86% of MPs. These patterns might shift with more information on candidates.

Candidates were more likely to report campaign violations and property loss than MPs, and less likely to report assaults or torture. One might suspect violence before an election affecting those wanting to stand, and this violence easing off after an election outcome.

However, that is clearly not the case in Zimbabwe: attacks intensified on individuals once they were in office, with no concern for their status or role in government. Perhaps the attacks intensified because they held high office and to attack an MP is to send a strong warning signal to ordinary MDC supporters.

MPs are nearly twice as likely as candidates to report assaults or torture (58% compared with 32%). Eight MPs reported torture, whereas no candidate did so. However, some assaults against candidates were very severe, and one candidate from 2000 was beaten to death in 2002.

Perpetrators

50% of violations are attributed by MPs to the police, CIO and army combined (Chart 2). This is an alarming statistic: what is apparent is that it is not simply the case that the authorities turn a blind eye to violations involving MPs, they are themselves the ones responsible in half the instances. In the other half of instances, war veterans, ZANU (PF) supporters and youth militia are the perpetrators – while the police look the other way and refuse to arrest or prosecute.

MPs are also more than three times more likely to report a state agency (ZRP/CIO/ZNA) as perpetrator than candidates are (50% compared with 14%). Candidates are more likely to report war veterans or ZANU (PF) supporters as the perpetrators. No candidate reported the army as perpetrator, whereas 6% of MPs did so. MPs (60%) are 9 times more likely to have been arrested and detained than candidates (7%). Only 2 candidates reported being charged with a crime, whereas 24 MPs (48%) reported being charged.

More or less equal percentages of MPs (24%) and candidates (22%) report surviving murder attempts. Candidates (14%) were twice as likely as MPs (6%) to have had their houses entirely burnt to the ground.

Next week – the report investigates the trends in these human rights violations over time.