http://www.fingaz.co.zw/
27 March 2009
Harare -
FINANCE Minister Tendai Biti has directed the Zimbabwe Revenue
Authority
(ZIMRA) to enforce tax laws and ad hoc tax remittance measures,
including
seizing the assets of tax evaders and auctioning them to recover
lost
revenue and forestall future defaults.
In his budget review speech on
Wednesday last week, which slashed the
revenue and expenditure estimates for
the year by approximately half, the
Finance Minister revised the Finance
Bill and added a clause providing for
the seizure and auctioning of the
assets of tax offenders.
This applies to all tax laws such as the VAT
Act, the Income Tax Act, the
Customs Duty Act and many others, including the
quarterly presumptive tax
law covering informal-sector business entities
such as hair salons, driving
schools, commuter transport operators, haulage
truckers and taxi operators.
Tax expert, Tendai Mavhima, warned that the
directive could actually result
in asset seizures, prosecutions and
imprisonment of offenders given the
tightening of remittance periods for
various tax heads, especially Value
Added Tax (VAT).
"There are many
tax laws that were not being implemented," Mavhima said.
"All tax laws in
Zimbabwe have a section dealing with offenses and penalties
regarding tax
evasion. If one is convicted of a level 12 offense, he/she
could actually be
fined heavily or imprisoned for a period of up to two
years or be fined and
imprisoned at the same time.
"If the penalties are implemented fully, we
may actually see property being
seized and tax offenders being imprisoned.
Remember our Finance Minister has
a legal background."
Chapter 23:12
of the VAT Act defines a tax evasion as inaccurately
completing tax returns;
giving false answers either in writing of verbally
when asked by the
Commissioner General; maintain or preparing false books of
accounts; fraud
involving false claims to avoid paying tax; issuing false
tax invoices for
the purpose of claiming high input tax; issuing tax
invoices; debit or
credit notes knowing fully well that the information is
inaccurate, and many
others.
The VAT Act categorises all these offenses as level 12 offenses
that attract
a fine of US$2,000 or imprisonment for a period of up to two
years or "both
such fine or such imprisonment." Level 14 offences attract a
fine as high as
US$5,000.
Mavhima cautioned that the accelerated tax
reporting period has put
companies at the risk of prosecution as the chance
of inaccuracy has also
increased. Government introduced accelerated
remittance periods for VAT, Pay
as You Earn (PAYE) and Capital Gains
Withholding Tax on January 30, but
backdated them to January 1.
The
remittance period for PAYE and Capital Gains Withholding Tax was
collapsed
to the third of the following month effectively cutting the
remittance
periods from within 15 days of paying a salary and from within 30
days of
receipting the proceeds from the sale of immovable property,
respectively.
VAT remittance period has been changed more than once
this year, from the
traditional 30-90 days to the fifteenth for mid-month
tax returns and to the
third of the following month for tax returns covering
the whole month.
The revised Finance Bill last week moved the VAT
reporting period from the
third of the following month to the fifth but did
not alter the provisional
remittance date of the fifteenth of every
month.
Effectively, says Mavhima, companies are now obliged to pay VAT
twice in one
month, on the fifteenth for total invoice sales from the first
up to the
fourteenth and on the fifth of the ensuing month for total invoice
sales for
the whole month.
This has not only undermined voluntary
compliance with tax laws, but also
inverted the role of businesses from
being agents of state to financiers of
the state since VAT returns are based
on invoices, not actual receipts.
The government claims that it has
reviewed the tax remittance periods only
as an ad hoc measure with the aim
of minimizing the "loss of value of
revenue remitted to the fiscus" in the
wake of hyperinflation, implying that
it was not legislating in foreign
currency.
But, legally, the measure has had a blanket effect as it does
not exempt
other currencies in which tax is exacted.
Harare companies
interviewed by this paper said the new measure has created
administrative
problems as the provisional mid-month payment date, which
obliges them to
remit VAT a day after invoicing or receipting it,
effectively reduced
businesses to government tax clerks. They also confirmed
that ZIMRA has
already started doing spot checks - sometimes lasting a
week - whereby
officials from the revenue collecting agency call on every
company listed in
their database to peruse through invoices, receipts and
other accounting
records checking if tax records are up to date.
"They don't show any
hurry at all," Sally Makurumidze, a Harare
businesswoman said.
"They
will patiently go through the invoices and receipts with you checking
every
transaction to check if the value of VAT you paid is what you actually
collected from every 'VATABLE' sale.
"If your business was licensed
as a foreign currency licensed warehouses and
shops (FOLIWAS), they will
also check to see if you were remitting all the
taxes, from VAT, PAYE to
Corporate Tax, in foreign currency."
Earlier this year, ZIMRA ordered the
closure of some businesses, which it
accused of prejudicing the government
of millions of United States dollars
in unremitted taxes after they failed
to pay arrears and a penalty of 80
percent. Both the arrears and the fine
must be paid on the spot after a
conviction is effected.
"In terms of
Zimbabwe's laws, it is lawful for ZIMRA to lock up a shop if it
has
defaulted," Mavhima said.
Except for corporate tax and capital gains
withholding tax, technically, all
other taxes do not constitute a cost to a
company. For instance, VAT,
charged on goods and services at every stage
across the value chain is a tax
on consumers, which business enterprises
collect on behalf of the
government.
PAYE is also deducted from an
employee's income by an employer acting on
behalf of the government.
Legally, non-remittance of both taxes constitutes
fraud.
http://www.apanews.net/
APA-Harare (Zimbabwe)
The World Bank and the African Development Bank have
donated about US$15
million to assist Zimbabwe refurbish water and sewer
systems in the capital
Harare, the state media reports here Saturday.
The state-run Herald daily
said the World Bank gave US$10 million to the
Harare City Council to help
the local authority rebuild the capital's
dilapidated water purification and
sewer treatment plants.
"The African Development Bank has also pledged 2
million euros (about US$2.7
million)," the newspaper said.
Denmark
has committed a further US$8.7 million to Harare City Council for
the same
purpose, according to the Herald.
Danish Development Minister, Ulla
Tornaes ended a three-day visit to
Zimbabwe this week and pledged to
immediately give US$4.7 million to revamp
Harare's main water treatment
works, with another US$4 million being
released after she returned to her
country.
The assistance follows an announcement early this month by Prime
Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai that Zimbabwe's new unity government was
prioritising the
refurbishment of water treatment works and sewer systems to
avert another
cholera outbreak.
Poor water and sewer reticulation
systems are blamed for a deadly cholera
outbreak that claimed more than
4,000 lives since August 2008 and affected
nearly 100,000 others.
JN/daj/APA 2009-03-28
JOHANNESBURG
(AFP) - Southern African countries have been hit by the worst
floods in
years, killing more than 100 people and displacing thousands, as a
tropical
storm threatened to bring more pain on Saturday.
As Mozambique braced for
the arrival of a strengthening tropical storm
Izilda, record river levels
across the region threatened to exacerbate
floods which have already
affected hundreds of thousands of people.
Namibia's government declared a
state of emergency last week in areas where
floods have affected over
350,000 people, 13,000 of whom were displaced,
according to numbers released
by the United Nations on Friday.
Another 160,000 people have been
affected in Angola.
The Zambezi river, along Namibia's northeastern
Caprivi Region, rose to 7.82
metres (25 feet) this week, its highest level
in 40 years, before slightly
dropping, Caprivi Governor Leonard Mwilima
said.
"We have large areas submerged by water and access to several
villages is
cut off," he said.
Namibia's flood coordinator Erastus
Negonga said the death toll stood at
112. Nearly 200 schools have closed,
while one hospital and 19 clinics
remain cut off due to floods.
In
Zambia, 21 districts have been affected by flooding and the army has been
called in to assist the worst affected region of Shang'ombo, where they are
also helping reconstruct a bridge connecting it to the rest of the
country.
"The Zambia air force has been engaged to transport food and
fuel to the
affected districts," said Davies Sampa, permanent secretary in
the vice
president's office.
In northern Botswana, rain has caused
the Okavango, Zambezi and Chobe rivers
to swell, leaving 430 people
displaced and submerging eight villages.
The Okavango river which
originates in the rain-drenched highlands of Angola
empties into the desert
north of Botswana, forming the Okavango Delta.
The villages of Satau and
Parakarungu, with a combined population of more
than 1,000, could be swept
away by the rising rivers within a matter of
days, said district official
Orapeleng Modimoopelo.
"Water engineers are telling us these are the
worst floods here since 1965,"
he told AFP.
"The last time a similar
flood swept past this place those two villages were
sunk, so we expect the
same thing to happen, looking at the weight and the
speed with which the
flood is going."
He said the Kazangula, a crossing point between
Botswana, Zambia, Namibia
and Zimbabwe, has been impassable for two
days.
In Mozambique, where about 4,000 people have been cut off by rising
waters,
emergency officials monitored Izilda, which was gaining strength
Friday in
the Mozambique Channel and was likely to strike on
Saturday.
Last year, heavy rains in Zambia, Zimbabwe and Malawi caused
flash flooding
in Mozambique that displaced tens of thousands of people and
destroyed
almost 100,000 hectares of crops.
Mozambique is no stranger
to weather-related disasters. In 2000 and 2001
about 700 people were killed
in one of the country's worst floods when
torrential rains hit the
southeastern African country.
Some are blaming climate change for the
floods.
"We must seriously consider the present floods and those of a
year ago as
having to do with climate change," Guido van Langenhove, a
Namibian
government hydrologist, told AFP.
http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com
27th
Mar 2009 21:14 GMT
By Chenjerai Chitsaru
IN two African countries recently,
the soldiers have flexed their muscles in
a manner suggesting, for Africa ,
at least, the barrel of the gun still
wields more clout than the gift for
the gab, or all the diplomatic
razzmatazz you can think of.
In Guinea
, independent from the French in 1960, there was bloodshed on a
huge scale
before the soldiers took over control of the country. The details
are
probably important but unless you are doing an in-depth analysis of why
African soldiers are so trigger-happy, let's not bother ourselves with
that.
Then in Madagascar , another former French colony granted
independence
around the same time, a young civilian took over the troubled
country with
the aid of the army. Marc Ravalomanana was replaced as
president by the
youthful Andry Rajoelina.
The African Union, as
usual, was high on rhetoric but rather slow on action.
Fortunately for the
new leaders, most of the citizens had little they could
recall which the
former leader had done to improve their lives. In fact, the
general
accusation was that he had presided over a sharp rise in poverty
among the
people - while he himself ran businesses there, there and
everywhere.
All this must be bewildering to Zimbabweans who, while
they may have not
great things to say about the men and women in uniform,
cannot pin down why
their role in the running of the country is so patently
unhelpful. For
instance, take the events after the death of the Prime
Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai's wife, Susan, in a road accident in which her
husband was also
injured.
According to reports, not one of the chiefs
of the uniformed forces attended
the burial. Some said it was not
necessarily a required protocol for them to
be present; others thought, as a
mark of decency and respect to the prime
minister, they ought to have made
an appearance
Unuttered by both sides was the suspicion that the men
didn't particularly
like to be too closely associated with Tsvangirai,
politically. After all,
for them, he represents what they must believe is
the unacceptable face of
The Zimbabwe They Don't Want.
For them,
being mostly heroes of the liberation struggle, the only
acceptable face is
that of Robert Mugabe, their commander-in-chief then and
now.
There could therefore the merit in the theory that the
snail's pace movement
of the talks to implement the September GNU accords
can be justifiably
ascribed to these key armed men's reluctance to concede
any more leverage to
Tsvangirai.
If the Sadc leaders are serious
about moving the process of change speedily
and materially, then they must
consider the co-option of their heads of the
unformed forces to palaver with
the Zimbabwean counterparts.
Of course, there will be protests about this
being an infringement of the
country/s much-vaunted sovereignty, but since
Mugabe agreed to have
Tsvangirai as his prime minister - admittedly, after
much wailing and
gnashing of teeth - that argument must be a little feeble
and pointless
now.
What may bamboozle negotiators is precisely what
the uniformed men would
call their quid pro quo. In return for allowing the
talks to run their full
course - to have Tsvangirai and his Cabinet in
effective control of the
government and not to be hamstrung by constant
sniping from the army, the
air force and police and prison services -= what
would they demand?
These are men of action, some of it quite
unpredictable. At one time or
another, they have declared publicly that they
would not salute a leader
with no liberation war credentials - to wit,
Tsvangirai. But even they must
now acknowledge that the veteran unionist has
the solid backing of the
people of Zimbabwe - perhaps much more than Mugabe
has. Surely, to continue
to deny him the sacred duty to lead the people
would be a scandalous case of
treason.
There can be no going back to
the days before the GNU. It seems that Mugabe
himself and his lieutenants
have been at great pains recently to emphasise
that the new arrangement is
not permanent, that there will be elections in
two years' time, where he old
tried and tested formula of "the winners takes
it all" will apply.
If
Zanu PF is counting on its usual "Mafia" tactics to deal with MDC
election
machinery newly-oiled by victories in the 2008 elections, they
could still
be in for a huge surprise. To most cynics, Zanu PF has won
rigged elections
since 1980. Having clearly lost the 2008 presidential
election in March, the
party rigged the June event and, quite shamelessly,
claimed Mugabe had won
it hands down.
For many Zimbabweans, this was the lowest point of
Mugabe's political
career, worse even than his party's defeat in the
constitutional referendum
which he seemed to graciously accept - and
proceeded to upend through the
violence he allowed to be unleashed by the
war veterans, led by the late
Chenjerai Hunzvi.
If you think
seriously of the number of people killed during this madness,
you begin to
truly wonder if Mugabe and Zanu PF are aware of the number of
needless
deaths their stubbornness entailed.
He initially spoke of the massacre
during Gukurahundi as "part pf the
struggle", until the facts persuaded him
to alter his stance: it was a
moment of madness, he admitted, at last. But
there are innocent Zimbabweans
who, to this day, can't understand why so
many of their relatives were
killed, after others had already been killed
during the war of liberation.
Certainly, if anybody in Zanu PF, including
the men in charge of the
uniformed forces, believe that having signed a
protocol to implement a
unified government structure, Zanu PF should still
campaign to win on the
basis which it has employed throughout the years -
killing and more
killing - they must be stark raving bonkers.
So far,
the Sadc leaders, from being initially tentative and weak in
tackling Mugabe
and Zanu PF, have acted with courage. The meeting scheduled
for Monday,
intended to hammer out a programme of economic aid to the
beleaguered
country, should be used to remind Zanu PF that they cannot bank
on their old
tamba wakachera strategy to hoodwink their assumed partners.
There is
absolutely no doubt that Zanu PF will hope to be back on the top of
the
heap, after all is said and done.
But so far, neither Tsvangirai nor
Mutambara have shirked their
responsibility of representing the advocates of
change who won in 2008.
While the watchword for all leaders, including the
men in uniform, must be
"no more killings", it should never be forgotten
that only people with fire
in their bellies will last the long
haul.
In any struggle against Zanu PF, all must be prepared for the
unexpected,
especially from men in uniform who believe that any change at
all must be on
their own peculiar, unprincipled terms.
http://www.boston.com/
Say power-sharing government hasn't eased
repression
By James F. Smith
Globe Staff / March 28, 2009
Two
Zimbabwean women's rights campaigners say the formation of a
power-sharing
government has done nothing to ease the humanitarian crisis
and political
repression ordinary people face in the southern African
nation.
Jenni
Williams and Magodonga Mahlangu, who are visiting Boston this weekend
to
address the annual conference of Amnesty International USA, said the
world
needs to keep pressure on President Robert Mugabe to force meaningful
change. They said that lifting economic sanctions now would merely entrench
Mugabe's loyalists in power and prolong economic chaos and starvation in
Zimbabwe.
After nearly a year of wrangling, opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai joined
Mugabe in a power-sharing government last month, taking
office as prime
minister. Tsvangirai's party has since asked that
international sanctions be
eased.
But Williams said in an interview
that lifting sanctions would enable Mugabe
and his inner circle to retain
power and leave Tsvangirai and members of the
opposition Movement for
Democratic Change as figureheads without any real
authority. Tsvangirai is
widely believed to have defeated Mugabe in the
March 2008 presidential
election, but Mugabe clung to power.
Williams noted that even as
Tsvangirai took office, his deputy agriculture
minister was jailed by
Mugabe's police for nearly a month.
"How does Morgan Tsvangirai allow his
right-hand-man, Roy Bennett, to be
arrested on his way to being sworn in,
and then as prime minister can't get
him released?" she asked. "When you
have a dictator in place, and he puts
his pillars of support in place and
keeps them there with patronage, then
power has not shifted in
Zimbabwe."
Williams and Mahlangu are cofounders of Women of Zimbabwe
Arise, or WOZA,
which claims 70,000 members. Williams said she has been
arrested 23 times
since 2002, and Mahlangu counts 29. They were jailed for
nine weeks last
year after leading protests for civil rights, and are facing
a trial in
April on charges of breach of peace.
Williams said it was
noteworthy that Mugabe is pushing Tsvangirai to appeal
publicly for
sanctions to be lifted and for fresh development aid because
Mugabe himself
is too discredited to make such an appeal.
Williams added: "We need the
international community to help us with
leverage because we are hostages in
our own country. Zimbabwe might as well
be a big jail cell, with the way
life is, with the repression by these
ruling elites."
South Africa's
finance minister, Trevor Manuel, was quoted Sunday as saying
that the
sanctions should be lifted to let the power-sharing government
start to
repair the shattered economy. Manuel told the Observer newspaper of
London
that donor countries should inject cash directly to the government,
rather
than limit their support to humanitarian organizations, as they are
doing
now.
The United States and Britain have indicated they will not ease
sanctions
until there is clear evidence that rights abuses have
ended.
Mahlangu said the world should demand specific benchmarks of the
Zimbabwean
government in return for easing sanctions, including respecting
the right of
free expression, and should also demand the right to deliver
the aid
directly to those in need.
Williams said Western countries
should work with progressive Cabinet members
in the power-sharing government
to help strengthen their hand.
The West "must find an alternative way to
get the aid to the people who need
it, to get school chairs, to get exercise
books, to put chalk into teachers'
hands," Williams said. "It's a good test
of the prodemocracy [Cabinet]
ministers to see how they will force that -
and it will give them some
power."
James F. Smith can be reached at
jsmith@globe.com
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=14136
March 27, 2009
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - Zimbabwe's partisan police force has emerged as
the biggest
violators of the September 15, 2008 unity pact by Zanu-PF and
the two
formations of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
The
Global Political Agreement, a product of a painstaking negotiation
process
by the two parties, called for impartiality by state organs when
dealing
with citizens.
But a recent report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum
has revealed that
police were responsible for the majority of the 513
recorded cases of rights
abuses between January and February this
year.
The violations were in the form of wanton and often selective
arrests, and
unlawful detention of MDC supporters, commercial farmers,
university
students and protesting civic society groups.
The ppolice
have also been accused of assaults on supporters of the MDC who
would
already have been victimised by Zanu-PF supporters.
The report says there
was an increase in violations against freedom of
expression, association and
movement between January in which two violations
were recorded, and February
which had 94.
A total of 110 instances of political discrimination,
intimidation and
victimisation were also recorded in February compared to 26
in January.
Unlawful arrests and unlawful detentions were likewise on the
increase in
February.
This was largely due to more civic activity as
compared to the month of
January. January recorded 21 of these violations
and February 105.
While the arrest on February 13 of the MDC's national
treasurer Roy Bennett
was enough violation of the unity agreement, police
went a step further to
fire bullets in the air, set dogs and arrest MDC
supporters who were
protesting against the arrest of the former
legislator.
Bennett is facing charges of attempted sabotage, banditry and
terrorism.
Another blight on the unity agreement is the failure by the
police to act on
fresh farm invasions and forced evictions on commercial
farmers by Zanu-PF
supporters.
Farmers and their workers have been
arrested for violating Zimbabwe's
stringent land laws by refusing to vacate
farms that government had
designated for redistribution.
Among those
arrested were some farmers who won a ruling by the SADC Tribunal
in Namibia
last November.
The ruling declared Zimbabwe's land distribution as
discriminatory and a
violation of the principles of the SADC
treaty.
Police have also been accused of executing arbitrary arrests on
the MDC
supporters who last month tried to reclaim property lost to known
Zama-PF
supporters just before the violent presidential run off election
last June.
The report highlights the arrests, detentions and assaults in
February of
Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) and Men of Zimbabwe Arise (MOZA)
during three
occasions of street protests staged in Harare and
Bulawayo.
They were protesting against the collapse of the education
system while
delivering a petition to the education minister, David
Coltart.
Also documented in the report is the arrest and detention of
students from
the University of Zimbabwe (UZ) as well as Midlands State
University (MSU)
following protests against the dollarisation of tuition
fees in state
universities.
The rights watchdog, a coalition of 16
leading organisations in the
protection of human rights in Zimbabwe,
condemned the high-handed reaction
by police.
"The Human Rights Forum
strongly condemns the violent manner in which the
police reacted to the
protests," says the report.
"It calls upon the Zimbabwe Republic Police
(ZRP) to exercise restraint when
dealing with peaceful and unarmed
protestors.
"The Ministry of Home Affairs is also called upon at this
time when the GPA
is starting to be implemented, to institute reforms that
will ensure respect
for civic liberties and all human rights as well as the
implementation of
internationally accepted policing standards by members of
the ZRP."
http://www.telegraph.co.uk
Britain has opened a new £21 million embassy in
Harare that will offer much
needed relief to diplomats who worked without
running water in the old
mission.
By Damien McElroy in Harare
Last
Updated: 11:28PM GMT 27 Mar 2009
The building comes with its own water
pump, which was sunk to an artesian
well after Zimbabwe's government turned
off the taps to the embassy's
premises on top floors in a central Harare
tower block in December.
That brought the hardships experienced by
ordinary Zimbabweans uncomfortably
within the confines of the diplomatic
mission.
"I do still find it helpful for flushing toilets and miss it
now it's gone,"
wrote embassy official Philip Barclay on a Foreign Office
blog. "So my
toiletry routine has taken on a semi-African form. I fill a
bucket from a
butt and carry it down the corridor, spilling a little to
present a
banana-skin-type walkway to my colleagues."
Diplomats also had
to run the gauntlet of a road made treacherous by the
breakdown of the
traffic lights system
The embassy, which has been built on its own site
in the leafy Mount
Pleasant suburb, is split into five two storey modern
office blocks,
complete with reinforced concrete safe rooms.
Tall
strands of wild grass on the patios shade the walkways from the harsh
African sun.
Completion of the building was delayed by 13-months as
the effects of
Zimbabwe's political and economic collapse affected the site.
However the
opening could not be better timed with the Foreign Office
expressing hope
for a new beginning in the troubled relationship with
Zimbabwe after last
month's historic reconciliation agreement between Robert
Mugabe, the
president and rival Morgan Tsvangirai, the new prime
minister.
Dozens of British builders that were flown to Harare on
short-term contracts
to complete the project got to experience history's
second worst bout of
hyperinflation, a peril never depicted in Auf
Wiedersehen Pet.
Jonathan Manser, the architect, experienced the
hostility of Robert Mugabe's
regime towards the former colonial power. He
told Global Building magazine:
"On my first visit, I was picked up by the
police for showing too much
interest in the president's State House, and I
was locked up for a few
hours."
With a nod to Labour's dictates, the
building meets Whitehall ecological
standards. Bicycle racks have been
installed and the sanitation system is
powered by solar panels.
http://www.zimtelegraph.com/
By LEVI MHAKA
Published: Saturday, March 28,
2009
By announcing the immediate encashment of civil servants government
forex
vouchers, the new Minister of Finance Tendai Biti, may have foiled the
takeover of NetOne through Innscor Africa Limited and the "printing" of
forex by Gideon Gono, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) Governor.
When
the 3 political parties where battling to have an agreement, there were
some
offices in which some people were working day and night to ensure it
does
not happen. One of these offices is that of Gono.
His hands with clasped
in anticipation that the 3 protagonists do not agree
on anything or that the
coalition government should not function well.
Fast forward to the time
the Cabinet was sworn in, the new Minister of
Finance, Tendai Biti,
announced on 18th February 2009 that 130,000
Zimbabwean civil servants will
receive US$100 in allowances per month.
He was quoted saying, "With
immediate effect all vouchers issued to civil
servants as allowances would
be redeemable as cash at designated banks.
With effect from March 2009
payment to civil servants will be done directly
into their bank accounts and
therefore the voucher payment scheme will
cease.
We want to promote a
savings culture again that is why we have included the
bank ."
This
was a great improvement if we are to compare with the US$600 per month
teachers earn in South Africa. Other professionals in South Africa earn
US$2,000 (professional or rated engineers); and US$1,500-2,200 (university
lecturers with MSc/PhD degrees).
Biti told reporters that he and not
the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Governor
Gideon Gono was in charge of the
public purse (Treasury) after he was asked
as to who was in charge of
government coffers. "
It is a constitutional provision that the
Consolidated Revenue Fund is run
by the Minister of Finance and only kept at
the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe. It
is run by the Finance Minister, " he
said.
So when Finance Minister took this decision of encashment of
vouchers, he
destroyed a grand scheme that had been hatched by Gono, which
was literally
the "printing" of forex.
In the fuel industry, a lot of
companies are printing and selling fuel
vouchers twice more than the
capacity of what they can import.
For example, where the company is to
import 10,000 litres of fuel, it sells
15-20,000 litres worth of fuel
vouchers. It is thus effectively printing
forex and the fuel coupons are a
mode of exchange just like money.
From a financing point of view, the
government forex vouchers were printed
and issued by the RBZ. Thus Gono was
to be the forex "printer" after
destroying the Zimbabwean
currency!
The vouchers were redeemable as cash and one was to buy only
from only
designated shops and he had reached an agreement with publicly
listed
Innscor Africa Limited, where he is alleged to be a shareholder or
has an
alleged incestous relationship with the major shareholders who also
form
part of the executive management.
Earlier on from September
2008, the forex licensing was fast tracked for the
trading entities in this
group.
Since these government forex vouchers were not going to be
redeemed, Innscor
was to be stuck with the vouchers without Gono settling
them. The heavy debt
was to be unsettled for some time until such a time
that Innscor was to
threaten litigation over the heavy debt.
The
grand scheme was then to "sell" NetOne to Innscor to pay off the debt.
The
ultimate beneficiary of the "sale" of NetOne was Gono.
There was
unconfirmed talk in Harare of NetOne having been sold to a foreign
buyer to
raise government salaries in forex. This could explain why Finance
Minister
Biti was quick to ensure that Innscor is not the sole beneficiary
of
government 'forex'.
Unbeknown to Minister Biti, parastatals,
universities, the RBZ, ZANU PF and
a number government-related entities paid
their staffers using the same
government forex vouchers.
If this
scheming by Gono is known to the Finance Ministry, it is expected
that the
Finance Ministry will do a forensic audit of all the forex vouchers
printed
and issued since the Finance Ministry is in NOW charge of the public
purse.
This scheming by Gono can easily be linked as to why Webster
Shamu has been
making attempts to encroach into a State-owned Enterprise,
NetOne, that lies
within the Ministry of Information Technology and
Communication, headed by
Nelson Chamisa.
Shamu's interest goes beyond
the interception concerns. Shamu has always
been a protégé of Gono and
George Charamba. He lacks his own pedigree.
He is no different from the
late Tony Gara, a praise singer and hero
worshipper!
Following the
turn of events, Gono is alleged to have met President Mugabe
to explain
himself and is claimed that he advised him that the wolves (Prime
Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai, Deputy Prime MinisterArthur Mutambara and
Finance
Minister Tendai Biti) are not after "Your Governor" but wish to
destroy
"Your Excellency" through Gono.
"Your Governor" is alleged to have made
sure that the President felt very
vulnerable if Gono is asked to step down
because he will be having very
hostile people around him since there is a
good chance that his replacement
at the RBZ will not be a patronizing
one.
If its true, Gono may have "transfered" all his insecurities and
worries to
make them President's. This claim could be linked to President
Mugabe's
remarks he made during the birthday interview with ZBC.
He
said the creation of the unity government would not nullify the statutory
appointments he made before the inauguration of the new regime.
He
was adamant that the appointments had been made legally and that the
individuals occupying the various offices were suitable for their respective
jobs. "I do not see any reason why those people should go and they will not
go."
Listen President Mugabe very carefully when he speaks anything
finance and
economical. He has a noticeable Gono-speak.
Mutumwa
Mawere said it well on his blog, "President Mugabe took the
criticism of
Gono by Biti and Mutambara personally and his expectation is
that such
criticisms must not be ventilated in public." Interesting times!!!
March 27, 2009
With Conrad Nyamutata
Gwanyanya, Paurina Mpariwa (MDC) - Minister of Labour and Social Welfare
A SINGLE parent with one child, Gwanyanya was one of the founder members of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in September 1999.
She holds a Diploma in Industrial Relations (IPMZ), Diploma in Computer Programming (IDPM), Diploma in Public Relations (LCCI), National Certificate in Training and Extension and a Train the Trainer Certificate.
Gwanyanya also holds Office Practice (Pitman) qualifications. She says she is currently studying for a Masters in Business Administration (MBA).
She worked for Delta Corporation in Harare. She served as chairperson of the Women’s Advisory Council of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) from 1992 to 1999.
Gwanyanya is a former member of the national executive of the Zimbabwe Commercial Workers Union (ZCWU).
In June 2000 she was elected Member of Parliament for Mufakose Constituency in Harare. She has been the MP for the constituency since then.
Gwanyanya has held several senior party portfolios since the formation of the MDC. She has been chairperson of the MDC’s women’s wing as well as secretary and shadow minister for labour.
Currently she is the secretary for transport, logistics and welfare. She is the MDC’s deputy Chief Whip in Parliament. Gwanyanya was a member of the Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare Committee in the Fifth Parliament. In October 2003, she was elected to the Pan African Parliament.
She served in the Portfolio Committees on Foreign Affairs, Industry and International Trade and of Public Accounts.
She was appointed Minister of Labour and Social Welfare in the new coalition government after winning the Mufakose seat again in March 2008.
Mohadi, Kembo Dugish Campbell (Zanu-PF) - Co-Minister of Home Affairs
For a Minister of Home Affairs Kembo Mohadi is a man with an interesting background. He was born on November 15, 1949 in Beitbridge.
He is married. In 2005 his wife Tambudzani Mohadi was elected to the Senate, representing the same Beit Bridge constituency that her spouse represented in the House of Assembly.
Mohadi was one of the suspects in the 1999 murder of Strover Mutonhori, a former work-mate alleged to have had an extra-marital affair with Tambudzani Mohadi. Mutonhori disappeared in mysterious circumstances from Omadu Hotel in Maphisa, Kezi. His remains were later found at a remote spot in Mzingwane District, outside Bulawayo. Mohadi was interviewed by the police in connection with the murder.
Before the case was closed Mohadi was appointed Minister of Home Affairs.
The family of the deceased Mutonhori complained that Mohadi’s appointment would thwart investigations into the killing.
Mohadi attended primary school in Beitbridge up 1965. He went to Manama and then to Goromonzi High School for his ‘O’ level studies. He says he completed his secondary school education in 1972 at Commercial Careers College.
Mohadi joined the teaching profession for a short period. He holds a Certificate in Intelligence Studies (USSR), Diploma in Political Science (USSR) and a Diploma in Accountancy (London).
He says he is also the holder of a Diploma in Salesmanship and is a Fellow of the Institute of Certified Bookkeepers (South Africa).
Mohadi left for Zambia in 1972 to join the liberation struggle. He received military training in Moscow, Russia. He says he was deployed to Botswana “to open the western front as an entry point for the freedom fighters”. Mohadi was arrested in 1976 and sentenced to 15 years in prison. He was detained at Khami maximum prison.
He was released in 1980 when Zimbabwe attained independence. Between 1981 and 1985 he was the education officer for the Beitbridge District.
In 1984 he was elected into the Central Committee of PF-Zapu. He was elected to Parliament in 1985 representing Beitbridge constituency for PF-Zapu.
After the unity agreement between Zanu –PF and PF-Zapu in 1987, Mohadi rose to become a member of the Zanu-PF Central Committee.
In December 1989, he was elected national secretary for finance for the Youth League in the Zanu-PF Central Committee.
The following year, Mohadi was again elected Member of Parliament for Beitbridge. He was re-elected in the March 1995 elections and was appointed Deputy Minister of Sport Recreation and Culture.
He retained the Beitbridge seat in 2000. He was subsequently appointed Minister of Home Affairs. Mohadi represented Zanu-PF as candidate for the new Beitbridge East Constituency in the March 2008 parliamentary elections.
He won the seat. Mohadi shares the Home Affairs portfolio with Giles Mutsekwa of the mainstream MDC led by Tsvangirai.
Monday: Henry Madzorera (MDC), Obert Moses Mpofu (Zanu-PF)
dated 26 March
2009
Email: jag@mango.zw : justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw
JAG
Hotlines: +263 (011) 610 073, +263 (04) 799410. If you are in
trouble or
need advice, please don't hesitate to contact us - we're here
to
help!
To subscribe/unsubscribe to the JAG mailing list, please
email:
jag@mango.zw with subject line
"subscribe"
or
"unsubscribe".
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Lowveld
News 24th March 2009
Farm violence
After being away for some time
Digby and Jess Nesbitt returned home to
find that their house had been looted
by Deputy Police Commissioner
Veterai, they spent the day trying to put the
house back in order and
removed Veterai's possessions.
That evening
Veterai returned and he got his hired thugs to beat up the
Nesbitt's
remaining staff with knobkerries shouting that Veterai
was the owner of the
house now and that everybody had to leave, at the
same time he Veterai
removed the Nesbitt's furniture again.
He Veterai, always confronts Digby
or Jess whilst carrying an AK assault
rife and a pistol on his hip, this no
doubt to intimidate them.
They have reported these criminal acts to the
police in Chiredzi, but it
is unlikely that they will act against the Deputy
Police Commissioner of
Zimbabwe.
It has also come to light that
Veterai is the one who is driving the
police actions against the farmers in
the Lowveld.
Gerry Whitehead
http://www.mg.co.za/
JASON MOYO - Mar 28 2009 06:00
Life
is terribly boring in Harare since people havedecided to start being so
nice
to one another.
Ask Daves Guzha, theatre producer. On Tuesday evening he
gathered a group of
about 50 theatre lovers to his newly reopened Theatre in
the Park in central
Harare to watch the premiere of the first play to open
in the capital this
year.
The audience seemed as excited about being
at the theatre as they were by
renowned local playwright Steven Chifunyise's
new work, Dependence -- a
drama with a dash of comedy about a dysfunctional
Zimbabwean family. The
curtain came down to loud cheers.
Years of
deepening national crisis provided work for many, including
assorted rights
groups, journalists and lawyers. For the arts, it yielded
the fruit of
biting political satire that led to bans and arrests. But now,
in this new
era of national unity, hugs and kisses, we're all a bit
stranded.
Guzha said Zimbabwean artists have been "love"stuck like
this before; at
independence in 1980 and again after the fall of
apartheid.
"We're at a crossroads in terms of new material. All material
written before
the unity government no longer has relevance.
"This is
why we've had no new plays. We just couldn't respond to the fast
pace at
which the political environment moved," Guzha said.
The crisis is far
from over, but Zimbabwe is taking small, shaky steps out
of a decade of
beatings, killings, hatred and eye-popping inflation. We had
become safe in
that misery, living off it. It had become our norm. This new
era is just not
"normal".
The nation is still trying to get over images of Grace Mugabe
weeping over
Morgan Tsvangirai as he lay injured in hospital earlier this
month. Days
later, Robert Mugabe himself gave a touching eulogy at Susan
Tsvangirai's
funeral. His long-time foe -- bludgeoned to near death at one
point and
tried for treason -- was "one of our own".
Mugabe's words
had "changed my understanding of him", said Tsvangirai's own
son in front of
thousands of shocked MDC supporters.
Then came the sight of Zimbabwe's
two most powerful women, Tsvangirai's
deputy, Thokozani Khupe, and Mugabe's
number two, Joice Mujuru, exchanging
party regalia at a sports arena last
Friday.
Compare this with last year; a pulsating campaign leading to the
March
election, five weeks of guessing who actually won, the June one-man
election, mind-boggling inflation, the opposition leader camping out in a
foreign embassy and the seemingly endless talks that finally thrust this
unfamiliar new spirit of peace and love upon us.
There is still a lot
to point and jeer at, such as the size of the new
government and its
penchant for luxury SUVs and shiny Italian suits.
But despite the
frustration over the failure to win financial aid and
continuing farm
violence there just isn't enough animosity to lift the
boredom. Last
Saturday, at the Mannenberg club, "Cde Fatso" went on stage to
complain that
there just wasn't enough violent crime around.
Currency reforms have
killed off Harare's roaring dealer culture. The
hundreds of currency dealers
who owned the streets are out of work and the
many street chases between the
police and dealers -- and the adrenalin rush
we got when changing money in
some seedy alley -- are gone.
Harare's nightlife has lost some of its
buzz since the diamond dealers went
bust. They now spend their days at car
lots desperately trying to flog their
luxury vehicles and other bling,
contemplating the horror of being forced to
find regular jobs.
With
the supermarkets choking with goods and the garages competing for
customers,
we miss the excitement of negotiating with back-street dealers
for anything
from bread to petrol.
The multimillion-dollar anti-Mugabe industry is in
recession, and often
lashes out against Tsvangirai's betrayal.
At one
press conference, Tsvangirai chastised a reporter who asked why he
"trusts
Mugabe". The prime minister snapped. "It is President Mugabe," he
shot back,
emphasisingthe "president" part.
State media are lost in a grey area. The
ZBC no longer comes up with its
comical conspiracy theories. The Herald has
had to tone down its rhetoric,
even banning its most acerbic columnist,
"Nathaniel Manheru", who heaped
vulgar insults on opponents every Saturday
in Chaucerian English. Many hated
him, but everybody read him.
Now,
The Herald runs lengthy odes to "unity of purpose". It even called the
MDC
leader "Cde Tsvangirai"!
ENVISION
Zimbabwe Women’s Trust
PRESS
RELEASE: 27.03.09
ENVISION
Zimbabwe Women’s Trust conducted its momentous launch on
ENVISION
Zimbabwe Women’s Trust comprises women and men from different sectors and
political affiliations who are engaged in discussions on Zimbabwean
developmental challenges. ENVISION’s purpose is to create various mediums and
forums for women from all walks of life to engage with our male counterparts in
research, discussion, policy and strategy development to address Zimbabwe’s
reconstruction challenges. ENVISION strives to promote this engagement through
debate, Conflict
Resolution and
Transformation workshops, and advocacy.
Dr. Amy
Tsanga, who is the
deputy director of the Women's Law Center at the University of Zimbabwe and also
the chairperson of the Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association Board, gave the
Keynote Address. Dr. Tsanga, who holds a Ph.D. in Law from the University of
Zimbabwe, a certificate in Law and Development from the University of Warwick
(UK), and a diploma in Women's Law from the University of Oslo, focuses on human
rights and law and gender.
Dr. Fay
Chung introduced ENVISION’s framework, “The Reconstruction of
ENVISION
Zimbabwe Women’s Trust Trustees:
Fay
Chung: Fay is
a Zimbabwean educator. During the Liberation Struggle she was head of Research
and Teacher Education for Zimbabwean refugee schools in Mozambique (1977 –
1980). She served in various capacities in the Zimbabwe Ministry of Education,
eventually as Minister of Education. She left Government in 1993 to join
UNICEF, New York as Chief of Education. She is profoundly interested in the
renewal of Zimbabwean institutions. Fay
is also a member of the National Education Advisory Board.
Tsitsi
Dangarembga is a novelist,
playwright, filmmaker and activist. Her works have won numerous awards all over
the world. She was a founding force behind many Zimbabwean arts and women's
initiatives, including Zimbabwe Association of Community Theatre, the
Women's
Action Group, Zimbabwe Women Writers and the International Images Film
Festival for Women, where she is currently director. She received the Arts
Personality of the Year Award and the Arts Service Award from the National Arts
Council of Zimbabwe in 2006 and 2007 respectively, and is interested in the use
of culture as a tool for progress and development.
Rudo
Gaidzanwa: Associate Professor of
Sociology at the University of Zimbabwe. Ran as an independent candidate in the
March 2008 election. She served as a Constitution Commissioner (1999-2000), and
is on various boards and committees, including being a founder and trustee of
the Women’s University in Africa. She teaches Social Policy and is a feminist
human rights activist and mother.
Chiyedza
Nyahuye
is
a woman of many trades, with her academic qualifications of Bachelors of
International Development Studies from Macalester College in St. Paul, USA and
Masters of Public Policy, Public Health from the University of Minnesota in
Minneapolis, USA. She is also a gender mainstreaming, gender based violence and
policy analysis consultant; workshop facilitator; drama teacher; professional
massage and reikhi therapist; counsellor; playwright, actress, singer, dancer
and musician. Having lived in China and the United States for nine years, she is
determined to stay home and invest her energy, skills and talents in
entrepreneurial pursuits.
Diana
Patel is
Deputy Director of a public health NGO focusing on the prevention of mother to
child transmission of HIV and former senior lecturer in the Department of
Sociology at the University of Zimbabwe, where she still teaches Social Policy
and Social Planning in the masters programme. She has worked as a consultant in
various areas of social policy for the UN, USAID, World Bank, DANIDA and the
Government of Zimbabwe. Presently, much of her works focuses on community
engagement and psycho-social support.
Trudy
Stevenson:
Former MDC
MP for Harare North Constituency 2000-2008. A human and women's rights
activist, she is past president of the Zimbabwe Association of University Women
and a founder member of the Women's Coalition, founder and former legal
committee chairperson of the Combined Harare Residents Association, National
Task Force member of the National Constitutional Assembly and former trustee of
the Zimbabwe Institute. A linguist and teacher by profession, she administered
the French Research Centre (CREDU-IFRA-CIRAD) in
ENVISION
members include Heeten Bhagat, Caroline Makoni and Leo
Wamwanduka
For
further information contact nehanda69@yahoo.com tel 0912 733 098
or trudys@zol.co.zw tel
0912 247 141
Some of the insightful comments left on the post ‘Irked by the Merc perk!‘ have succeeded in spurring my grumpiness over this issue to even greater heights.
Euan Nisbet advised us that when Gordon Brown (Prime Minister of the UK) was Finance Minister, he drove a four year old Vauxhall Omega - pictured above.
So the scenario we have is one where a Mercedes driving Finance Minister of a bankrupt, unstable, undemocractic, country goes to his Vauxhall driving equivalent in a much larger more successful democratic wealthy country - to ask for money.
Come on! How can this be right?
In my view, it is probably no coincidence that politicians who prize status over substance just happen to be representatives of failed states. Is there a lesson about democracy somewhere in all this for our politicians and for us?
I would really love to know what cars MPs in other country’s drive. If you know, please leave the info in the comments below.
George left a comment that raised the valid point about the necessity of safety for Ministers in Zimbabwe (you know all those mysterious road accidents that have taken place in the past..!). At least, I thought it was a valid point, until my colleague got into super-cyber-sleuth mode and dug up more information.
He explored alternative options to an E-Class Merc via this website - the Euro NCAP website (New Car Assessment Programme), an independent website designed to give a “realistic and independent assessment of the safety performance of some of the most popular cars sold in Europe”. Here’s a summary of his findings:
Model | Occupancy Safety Rating |
Pedestrian Safety Rating |
Approx. Price New ($ USD) |
Fuel Efficiency (mpg)* |
CO2
emissions (g/km)* |
Mercedes Benz E-Class 280 | 34 | 6 | 50,000 |
30 |
224 |
Fiat 500 | 35 | 14 | 15,000 | 67 | 110 |
Kia Cee’d | 33 | 11 | 18,500 | 62 | 119 |
Toyota Corolla | 34 | 23 | 19,000 | 49 | 152 |
Hyundai i30 | 34 | 14 | 23,000 | 57 | 128 |
Citroen C4 Picasso | 35 | 16 | 27,000 | 53 | 140 |
Honda Accord | 35 | 19 | 30,000 | 49 | 150 |
Toyota RAV4 (4×4) | 32 | 21 | 33,000 | 42 | 173 |
Others | |||||
Mitsubishi Pajero (4×4) | 24 | 1 | 50,000 | 30 | 246 |
Opel/Vauxell Omega | 22 | 16 | 35,000 | 31 | 209 |
* based on best available options
It turns out that the E-Class Mercedes has a safety rating of ‘34′ for occupants, and a pedestrian safety rating of ‘6′. By comparison, a Honda Accord (a similar sized car) has an occupancy safety rating of ‘35′, and a pedestrian rating of ‘19′, and it costs US$20,000 less than an E-Class Mercedes Benz. So the Honda Accord is safer for occupants, it is cheaper, and it is much safer for those people who accidentally get in the way of oncoming traffic. (The abysmal pedestrian rating makes me understand the appeal of the merc for Mugabe in his cavalcade!)
Another consideration, for a fuel starved nation, is the vehicle’s fuel efficiency: the Mercedes is terribly fuel inefficient, a real guzzler. And if we give a damn about the environment, why are our Ministers driving a vehicle that is one of the worst environmental offenders and pumps out CO2?
And what happened to the much-lauded ‘Look East’ policy? Why choose a European vehicle over the South Korean Kia Cee’d (US$31,500 cheaper than a Merc). It’s so obviously all about status, isn’t it?
Our tongue-in-cheek car of choice for all our Ministers is the Fiat 500. This is a car that ticks most of the boxes for constituents who care.
This modest looking car is, believe it or not, safer to drive than E-Class Mercedes with an occupancy rating of ‘35′. It is good to pedestrians (score of ‘14′) and it comes in at US$35,000 less than an E-Class Merc. It is the most fuel efficient out of all the cars we looked at and it is the kindest to the environment. And it looks like it has a sense of humour. What a good-spirited way to embark on a new beginning!
There are two drawbacks that I think Ministers who care about status will squeal about. The first problem with the Fiat 500 is that it doesn’t pander to inflated egos and shout out ‘I’m a seriously important person, respect me, respect me!!‘. Nor is it a very big car - so those with inflated egos who want to accommodate entourages and all the people who suck-up to them, may have a problem with limited space.
But neither of these things are issues that were top of my mind when we voted for our Ministers; for me, their egos are their private business, but what they drive, if its bought with public money, is public business.
So there is another drawback for the Fiat 500 that does concern me - and that is that I can’t see where to fit the bags of maize, information pamphlets, and other paraphernalia that Ministers may need to carry when they visit their constituents? You see, silly me, that’s why I thought we voted for them - to WORK for us - not swan around in luxury vehicles like big-wigs.
The car issue and the debate it has provoked may seem like a minor issue, but it really isn’t.
It is very important that Zimbabweans send a clear signal to all our MPs that the days of automatic entitlement are over. That reckless spending and corruption will not go unnoticed, that stupid justifications for poor decisions will be pounced on and made public. Those who put themselves forward for elections because they want to be important and are motivated by wealth and status, must be aware that, come election time, we will be pointing out a track record of greed and poor performance. Every decision they make must be filtered through the realisation that they will be held to account for what they do and what they say.
This new government isn’t just about new Ministers and MPs finding their way in power, its also about Zimbabweans discovering their voices and gaining a new sense of freedom and democratic power and learning that we have the right to demand a better standard of leadership. We do not have to passively sit by and watch greed roll out before our eyes. This is a new experience for Zimbabweans, but we must grasp it with both hands and shout out or we will end up, yet again, with leaders who make us wince with embaressment.
As a Zimbabwean, I am very unimpressed by the Mercedes Benz issue, especially by the fact that only justification for spending such a lot of money is status. Our leaders do not have the right to ‘treat themselves’ at the poverty-stricken tax-payers’ expense. We voted for you because we thought that you would ensure that citizens could reap the benefits of our own hard work. Please don’t forget that; if you do, be aware that we’ll remind you, loudly and publically!
http://www.american.com/archive/2009/march-2009/stimulus-for-zimbabwe
Friday, March 27, 2009
Zimbabwe can take a page out of Liberia’s
playbook.
Zimbabwe’s Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) celebrates ten years of survival this month. But time is short. As prime minister in the new power-sharing government, MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai must quickly win the confidence of regional and Western donors to rally financial support and get a struggling country back on its feet. He faces an uphill battle; earlier this month, the EU foreign policy chief announced that the European Union had no plans to lift sanctions and the Obama administration followed suit two days later. Tsvangirai might consider borrowing a page from the Liberian post-conflict reconstruction playbook to create a Zimbabwean Economic Management Assistance Program (ZEMAP). There is no question that the people of Zimbabwe need immediate relief. Of the country’s 12 million people, at least 4 million have fled; a majority of those who remain require emergency food assistance. All schools and hospitals remain shuttered. Donors are leery of sending money to government coffers for fear it will simply buttress the corrupt rule of autocratic President Robert Mugabe. While some donors may opt instead to direct aid through nongovernmental organizations, bypassing the government entirely, this is a short term, band-aid solution that does little to reinforce accountable rule. Speculative investment, in a destroyed economy, run partly by an authoritarian dictator, during a global economic downturn, is a tough sell at best. Liberia faced a similar challenge in 2005. Strong bipartisan and international support for assistance existed, but the transition government had its hand in the proverbial cookie jar. The United States pushed for the creation of a Liberian Governance and Economic and Management Assistance Program (GEMAP), which controlled diamond, timber, and other revenues coming into the government’s coffers so that funds were fully accounted for and could not be embezzled to Swiss banks or allocated to corrupt activities. The program also included strict transparency and oversight of expenditures. Internationally recruited advisers were placed in key ministries and required to cosign with Liberian officials for major transactions. GEMAP faced protests about usurped national sovereignty, especially from politicians or businessmen who had been cut off from their corrupt schemes. But in the end, it helped restore sovereignty where it belonged: to a government required to answer to the needs of its people. In April 2008, Antoinette Sayeh, then Minister of Finance for Liberia, praised GEMAP for helping to improve transparency and performance of state-run enterprises. Since 2003, GEMAP and the reforms it helped engender have enabled the United States to provide more than $750 million for Liberia’s reconstruction. While Zimbabwe has been spared the grinding, violent conflict that almost destroyed Liberia, its economic collapse has created a similar crisis. Basic infrastructure such as electricity, roads, reliable potable water, and communication networks no longer exists. And while some officials may look to the private sector for salvation, the odds are not in Zimbabwe’s favor. Speculative investment, in a destroyed economy, run partly by an authoritarian dictator, during a global economic downturn, is a tough sell at best. Any investor venturing back into Zimbabwe will favor quick returns and a speedy exit strategy, which is not likely to improve the life of the average Zimbabwean. By championing transparency for money raised and spent, ZEMAP would help restore confidence and perhaps enable the return of long-term private capital. By guarding against corruption and cronyism, ZEMAP represents an important first step towards long-term regulatory reform. A bloated retinue of ministers and deputy ministers—now numbering 71, the largest since the country gained independence from Britain in 1980—will certainly be tempted to use their new roles for personal gain; ZEMAP safeguards could help ensure that they do not. Championing transparency for money raised and spent would help restore confidence and perhaps enable the return of long-term private capital. Encouraging the engagement of Western donors, including the European Union and the United States, would diversify Zimbabwe’s sources for aid and advice. This is important because the MDC must remain wary of help from South Africa, which has at every step of the way sided with President Mugabe. Mugabe-era concessions for the country’s rich mineral deposits to China, Russia, and South African companies need to be reevaluated, and international advisers (independent of these countries) could help. Zimbabwe’s power-sharing arrangement should be viewed as an imperfect and temporary solution to a profoundly unstable political and humanitarian situation. Transparent and internationally monitored elections should be pursued in the shortest timeframe possible and should be linked to any foreign assistance. The ZEMAP concept would be a temporary measure aimed at helping donors meaningfully engage with ministries such as education, finance, and health controlled by Tsvangirai’s MDC. Day-to-day life is desperate for average Zimbabweans, but circumstances could get worse: the state could fail and violent conflict could ensue. To ensure that does not happen, the coalition government must engage with the donor community to create transparency and accountability in the funding it receives and spends. Most importantly, violators of power sharing must be exposed and punished. GEMAP worked in Liberia, where wait-and-see approaches to assistance were not an option. And ZEMAP, we urge Tsvangirai, just might work in Zimbabwe. Tom Woods is a senior associate fellow in African affairs at the Heritage Foundation. He helped create Liberia’s GEMAP while deputy assistant secretary of State for African affairs. Roger Bate is the Legatum Fellow in Global Prosperity at the American Enterprise Institute. |