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Zimbabwe’s prisons are death-traps

http://www.sokwanele.com/thisiszimbabwe/archives/3882
 

Two prisoners - undercover still

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Zimbabwe’s prisoners are suffering untold horrors in Zimbabwe’s jails. The State is locking them up in hell-holes, condemning them to slow starvation and possible death from nutrition-related illnesses or the vast array of other diseases they are exposed to through unhygienic conditions. Despite terrible desperation, their position as ‘prisoners’ means they are denied the most basic human instinct and that is to fight for survival: inmates can’t beg for food from passers-by, they can’t forage for wild berries in the bush, and they can’t rummage through dustbins for waste food. Because of this, Zimbabwe’s prisons constitute a unique and especially cruel form of torture that has both physical and psychological impacts on the people affected.

In October last year, the Zimbabwe Association for Crime Prevention and Rehabilitation of the Offender (ZACRO) released a report noting that there are 55 prisons in Zimbabwe (including satellites), with the capacity to hold 17 000 inmates. But in October 2008 it was estimated that more than 35 000 people were in jail. Extreme hunger, inhumane squalid conditions, exposure to a variety of diseases and stripping people of their dignity are standard practices in Zimbabwe’s jails, resulting in shameful misery hidden away from the public gaze behind high walls and razor wire.

This article will show that conditions in the prisons have been steadily deteriorating for years. Those in charge of the prisons - Prisons Commissioner, Paradzai Zimondi, and Patrick Chinamasa, the Minister of Justice - are directly responsible for hundreds of lives lost as a direct result of inhumane neglect.

The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court defines ‘crimes against humanity’ as:

particularly odious offences in that they constitute a serious attack on human dignity or grave humiliation or a degradation of one or more human beings. They are not isolated or sporadic events, but are part either of a government policy (although the perpetrators need not identify themselves with this policy) or of a wide practice of atrocities tolerated or condoned by a government or a de facto authority.

The failure of the State to feed Zimbabwe’s prisoners

Prisoner  - undercover stillTwo weeks ago we were told that rations at two Harare prisons had been cut to a quarter of what inmates should receive; a couple of days later there was no food left at all. Food has officially run out at Harare Central and Remand Prison and unless immediate help is provided, the inmates will starve. This is an inevitable conclusion and it is one which is set to repeat itself in all the prisons throughout our nation.

A prison officer working in one of the Harare prisons described their struggle for food throughout 2008; he said, “We’ve gone the whole year in which-for prisoners and prison officers-the food is hand to mouth… [Prisoners] will be lucky to get one meal. Sometimes they’ll sleep without. We have moving skeletons, moving graves. They’re dying.”

Prisons have struggled for food supplies for several years now. A policeman told reporters in 2006: “We give [prisoners] sadza and matemba (dried fish) boiled in water once every day in the afternoon, when resources are available“. In June 2006, MP Claudius Makova told parliament that simagesome inmates at Highlands police station were going for two days without food.

In 2008, things were much worse: a confidential report written for Paradzayi Zimondi advised him that prisoners at Chikurubi Prison went for days without a meal and were occasionally supplied with food “only meant to keep a person alive” such as sadza and salted, unclean water.

Roy Bennett was detained at Mutare Prison for four weeks after being unlawfully arrested in February, and he has spoken out about his experiences there. If it wasn’t for the efforts of friends and supporters who brought him food while he was imprisoned, Bennett - like most inmates - would have been deprived of sustenance. In fact, Bennett specifically asked that his supporters kept the food simple so he could share with other inmates in his cell who were starving to death.

Prisoner  - undercover stillA few very lucky inmates, like Bennett, survive because their relatives bring them food. But what of those prisoners whose relatives are not informed that they were in jail, or whose relatives cannot afford to travel to provide them with food? ZACRO point out that information about arrests and imprisonment of inmates is often not communicated to relatives resulting in some inmates having no people visit them at all: it is these people who are destined for death.

Stephen Bevan, a journalist jailed in 2008, was very direct in his assessment of prison conditions; he said, “If [your relatives] don’t know you are in jail, or don’t care, you starve”. Bennett agrees :

“… it’s definitely a genocide because anybody that is going into prison for any sustained length of time and does not have family who have the means to support them and come and visit them in prison and bring them food those people are going to die - because the diet that is there nobody can live on”.

Prisoners are dying in their thousands, their deaths preceded by unimaginable suffering

Mpilo mortuary - 2004Towards the end of last year, a senior prison official told a journalist that “An ordinary jail sentence in Zimbabwe today is as good as a death sentence”. He said that at least 20 prisoners are dying every day of hunger and disease in Zimbabwe’s over-crowded jails.

In 2004 it was reported that deaths from natural diseases had surged by more than 400% since 1999, with most of the deaths attributable to AIDS related illnesses, many of which are opportunistic diseases that take advantage of rapidly weakening immune systems and filthy conditions. When Roy Bennett left Chikurubi in 2005, he said he had seen “at least three bodies a day being taken out”. In 2007, a medical orderly working for the prisons services said, “every day, dead bodies are recovered, especially at Chikurubi Maximum Prison, where as many as 10 deaths can be recorded in one day”.

Despite his horrific experiences at Chikurubi, Bennett described his recent incarceration at Mutare Prison as his “worst prison experience ever” and said prison conditions are far worse now than 2005: “There are people there who look worse than the photographs of prisoners in Dachau and Auschwitz”. He described the inmates he shared a cell with as “walking skeletons”:

“Whilst I was there five people died in the most emaciated conditions you could ever wish for, where they had become unconscious, defecating in their blankets and eventually died from the state of the food they were receiving in prison.”

Some of the images included with this mailing were taken secretly inside Chikurubi earlier this year; others are stills from the Special Assignment documentary due to be aired on SADC TV3 tomorrow: and they bear testimony to Bennett’s account of skeletal starving inmates.

Last year, in a confidential report written for Paradzayi Zimondi, senior prisonmay 2004 officials noted that at least 900 inmates had died in the Mashonaland Region alone, pointing out that more people had died in Zimbabwean prisons in 2008 than any other year. This massive death toll is directly attributable to neglect and gross mismanagement; their terrible human suffering derives from an unacceptable tolerance within the prison services (traced right up to those in senior positions) for the criminal and inhumane treatment of human beings.

In fact, the death toll was so high in 2008 that a special cemetery had to be opened at Chikurubi Prison Farm to cope with the corpses. Up until then bodies had been piled up in one room at the prison, because the Harare Central Prison mortuary couldn’t cope with them. This occurrence correlates with Bennett’s account of Mutare prison where he said the bodies of people who died lay uncollected in the prison laundry for up to four or five days - enough time for them to start to putrefy.

The terrible truth is that prison conditions have been resulting in an unacceptably high number of deaths for many years. In May 2004, Sokwanele wrote about the mortuary at Mpilo hospital, describing how it was filled to capacity with corpses mostly coming from the prisons:

Those unfortunate enough to have cause to visit the place report that bodies are piled up like so much firewood. The refrigeration system having failed some time ago there is no alternative, and the resulting stench is appalling. A recent visitor to the mortuary counted in excess of fifteen bodies piled up on the floor. Judging by the identical grey blankets in which they were wrapped they were all from the prisons. A few bodies were not in fact covered at all. They lay stark naked, without a shred of dignity or decency in death. A small boy, a green bomber graduate, now working as a mortuary attendant, explained that the prisons were giving them a real problem in the number of bodies delivered which were unclaimed.

Five years on, the problem persists: a mass burial was held in Bulawayo in February this year in an effort to empty Mpilo’s mortuary, which is still unrefrigerated and still struggling to cope with the large number of dead bodies. Prior to the mass burial it was storing 250 corpses (it is designed to hold 30); significantly, “Many of those interred in the mass burial were prisoners”.

“We just gather dead bodies”: Disease, overcrowding and unsanitary conditions

Critically ill prisoner - undercover stillFood shortages result in death by starvation, and to diseases resulting from nutrition deficiencies, which can also lead to death. In August last year, seven people died at Mutimurefu prison in Masvingo in one week from Kwashiorkor, a disease that is commonly believed to be caused by insufficient protein consumption, and usually affects very young children. The word Kwashiorkor conveys a bitter hidden message for Zimbabwe’s prisoners; it derives from a Ghanaian word that means “rejected one”.

Pellagra is another disease plaguing those in the prisons: it results from a deficiency of vitamin B3 and trypophan, an essential amino acid found in meat, poultry, fish and eggs. In May 2007, 23 inmates died in Chikurubi from an outbreak of pellagra, and many more were ill from the disease.

In 2004, when we first wrote about the conditions in Zimbabwe’s prisons, a prison officer told us that tuberculosis (TB), an opportunistic disease, spread like wildfire through the cells with an average of 15 prisoners dying each week from the disease. In March 2004, 130 people died from TB at Khami Prison in a single month. Those who are HIV positive and have compromised immune systems are particularly susceptible to getting TB.

Contagious diseases require infectious people to be kept apart from areas where there are large populations of people closely housed together, but massive overcrowding in the prisons means prison officers can do very little to control the spread of disease.

Edison Chiota, ZACRO’s national director said, “I can tell you that a cell designed to carry 10 prisoners is usually packed with 40 people”. Solidarity Peace Trust reported on the way “political arrestees are routinely and deliberately overcrowded, with 30 or more people being kept at times in cells intended for six”. In 2004, a former prisoner gave a clear idea of how severe the overcrowding was when he described how prisoners slept in the close confines: “We slept fitting into each other like spoons… Once you have taken a sleeping position you cannot turn and change sides the entire night due to overcrowding. Alternatively, prisoners take turns to sleep.”

This level of extreme close proximity is especially dangerous during a health epidemic, and Zimbabwe is currently experiencing one of the worst cholera crises that Africa has seen in fifteen years. In November last year, the then Health Minister, David Parirenyatwa imparted advice to the nation on how to avoid cholera, saying “Good personal hygiene like washing hands after visiting the toilet and before taking any food is very important”. He also said that people should stop shaking hands: “Although it’s part of our tradition to shake hands, it’s high time people stopped shaking hands”.

Cholera is a disease that thrives in unsanitary conditions, passed on through bacteria found in human faeces; and it is contagious: one gram of faeces can contain 10 million viruses, one million bacteria, one million parasite cysts and a hundred worm eggs. One of the first things that most people comment on when they describe Zimbabwe’s prison cells is the overwhelming stench of human urine and excrement.

A political prisoner held at Bulawayo Central prison in 2001 said he could smell the cells from 20m away as he was taken towards them: “The toilet in the corner (a hole in the concrete floor) was overflowing with a mound of excrement over a foot high with rivulets of fluid spreading across the floor as urine dissolved the solids.” In 2003, protestors arrested at a cricket match in Bulawayo said that the walls of the cells where they were held were smeared with human faeces. Morgan Tsvangirai’s bodyguards, who were beaten and tortured last year at Harare Central, described how the floors of the cell where they were held were so totally covered with human excrement that, “If you wanted to go to the toilet, they gave you plastic bags to put on your feet”.

Stephen Bevan said the water supply in his cell was a broken tap: “Prisoners are not expected to wash”. David Parirenyatwa’s advice on how to avoid cholera would be laughable if the situation risks facing prisoners were not so horrific.

Inmates with weakened immune systems are especially vulnerable to catching the variety of diseases in the cells, with their immunity further compromised by poor nutrition, unsanitary conditions and by being kept in close proximity to other sick people. In 2004 it was reported that more than 51% of Zimbabwe’s prisoners were infected with the HIV virus - an increase of over 500% since 1999. The increase is a tragedy that could easily have been minimised: in 1993, a suggestion that prisoners should be supplied with condoms, which would prevent the spread of the virus, was rebuffed because the authorities feared it would be tantamount to legalising homosexuality, which is a crime in Zimbabwe.

It is disgraceful that the State’s prioritises concerns related to private human behaviour over the need to save lives. In fact, extreme hunger and food shortages means that the HIV virus is likely to spread more fiercely through the prison population as desperate prisoners fight for survival by selling the only thing they have - their bodies - and trading sex for food. This is already happening. Despite this reality, condoms are still not being made available to inmates in Zimbabwe’s prisons.

And then there are the bugs… Those lucky enough to be provided with either a uniform or a blanket will find that both are heavily encrusted with lice. A former prisoner at Chikurubi reported that “prisoners were permitted to wash their fraying uniforms only twice a month, while they were able to clean their lice-infested blankets even more rarely”. That was three years ago in 2006: now soap and detergents are an unseen luxury in the prisons. Mosquitoes are rife, with no repellents or nets available and parasitic insects are prevalent. The Telegraph journalist jailed in Harare last year described how his cell was crawling with insects:

As I lay on the concrete shelf, a tiny creature with a flat grey body fell onto my leg and I flicked it off into the darkness below. But another was making its way downwards and more were emerging from the cracks between the bunks and the wall… Gradually, I realised the entire cell was crawling with bugs. I pulled my hoodie tight over my head and tried to ignore them. The sensation of insects crawling and biting every inch of my body, together with the hard concrete bed made trying to sleep torture.

When he was released after a couple of weeks in the cells (a relatively short period of time compared to others), Bevan found he had contracted scabies, a skin disease caused by tiny mites that lay their eggs under the skin.

In November 2008, a weary prison guard summed up the overwhelming scale of the human tragedy when he said, “Diseases are so widespread in the prisons that it no longer matters for us to determine which is the most rampant. We just gather dead bodies”.

Prisoners deprived of dignity and subjected to dehumanising conditions

Prisoners are sometimes not supplied with clothingWhen Roy Bennett was incarcerated at Chikurubi in 2005 he was provided with a uniform that had excrement on it and a gaping hole in the crotch area, affording him no privacy or personal dignity at all. His experience is not unusual.

In 2006 a prison official anonymously talked about the severe shortage of uniforms, saying that inmates had to share clothes: “Priority for uniforms is being given to suspects in remand prison who would be attending court. Some of the prisoners have to stay naked, but it’s kind of rotational.”

A prisoner released from Chikurubi in 2006 confirms that this is true: “We were told to remove our uniforms and hand them over so that the guys going to court appearances could wear them. We would stay naked or sometimes we would wrap those torn prison blankets, but then again they are not enough.”

Officially, each prisoner is entitled to four blankets, but owing to the huge pressure on resources brought about by overcrowding, a prisoner is typically allocated just one - if they are lucky.

It is those who are on death row who are subjected to some of the most cruel and inhumane treatment out of all prisoners: Kevin Woods, jailed for murder, spent 19 years in prison and 5 of those were in solitary confinement on Chikurubi’s death row. He was given clemency in 2006 and survived to describe a hell that most civilised people would not subject rabid dogs to. He spent 2 out of his 5 years on death row stark naked and without blankets - and he was lucky:

“There’s one man who’s been on death row in Chikurubi for 17 years. He’s completely mad now. And of course we had to go around naked. But the worst was that, on death row, you never breathe fresh air or see the sky. Never.”

Forgotten, abandoned or ignored - even the innocent

Prisoners are sometimes not supplied with clothingPeople, who are possibly completely innocent of crime, or guilty only of petty theft, have nevertheless spent years locked up in Zimbabwe’s death-traps. Roy Bennett called attention to the case of one man who was ‘lost in the system’ when he alerted the world to the plight of Elvis Nodangala, a South African who was arrested on 3 October 2008 and had yet to be charged or appear in court. Nearly six months in jail, without any legal representation, is a thought that would fill most with horror - but Elvis was ‘lucky’ for two reasons: first, because Roy Bennett was there to raise his profile, and second, because he was only in jail for a few months.

In 2003, chief magistrate Samuel Kudya raised the issue of those on remand saying that some of them were “spending up to four years awaiting trial”. In 2006, Justice Rita Makarau described Zimbabwe’s prison conditions as “embarrassing and disturbing” because she had visited Harare Central Prison and met ten people who had been incarcerated for up to ten years without trial. She quite rightly said, “We have no excuse for this delay - it is imperative prisoners who deserve to be released should not stay here.”

ZACRO point out that the majority of Zimbabwean prisoners are very poor and cannot afford legal representation, which means - regardless of whether they are innocent or guilty - they have to wait their turn for legal help. Waiting your turn for legal representation can mean upwards of two years in jail before they get their day in court. Like many in the civil service, magistrates have resigned in large numbers to find better jobs; building longer delays into the system and exacerbating an already severe problem, with tragic consequences for those on remand. Beatrice Mtweta has said that “[Magistrates] are paid so little they can barely afford to buy a Coca-Cola.”

It’s worth remembering that the State has yet to account for seven missing abducted MDC activists: Gwenzi Kahiya, Ephraim Mabeka, Lovemore Machokoto, Charles Muza, Edmore Vangirayi, Peter Munyanyi and Graham Matehwa. Where are they? Are they still lost somewhere in one of Zimbabwe’s prisons alongside other forgotten souls like Elvis Nodangala?

Children are not spared the horror of Zimbabwe’s prison cells

Nigel MutemagauThe most grotesque examples of indifference to the plight of the innocent involve our nation’s children.

In recent years the Zanu PF led-government indiscriminately launched crackdowns against peacefully protesting political activists and human rights activists, and if children and babies were present, they simply got locked up too. In April 2008, the police raided the MDC headquarters in Harare and arrested over 60 people, most of whom were seeking refuge from political violence, and most of whom were women and children. Because the arrest took place on a Friday, as many as 24 babies and 40 children - vulnerable young people already traumatised by political violence - were crammed into the filthy unhygienic Southerton police cells over the weekend.

In 2006, Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) marched in protest against school fee hikes, and 73 children, aged between 7 and 18 and wearing their school uniforms, were briefly detained in Bulawayo along with their mothers. Children have also been forced to witness gross violence before being detained in unacceptable conditions: in 2005 WOZA gathered for a prayer vigil which was violently broken up by the police before 250 women and children were arrested. One of those arrested described images that must have terrified the young: “Many of the women have blood all over their clothes”.

Last year saw a case that horrified the world: Nigel Mutemagau, the two year old boy pictured above was abducted (not arrested) along with his political activist parents in October 2008. Nigel was beaten in front of his mother as part of the State’s attempt to force confessions from her. The small boy spent 124 days in a filthy disease-prone cell before he was released into the care of MDC officials. His mother was bailed much later.

In 2006, the Prison Fellowship of Zimbabwe (PFZ) estimated that over 200 toddlers were in Zimbabwe’s jails with their mothers. The harsh economic climate means the prison system makes no special arrangements or concessions for children: baby clothes are not supplied and in winter they share their mother’s blanket for warmth. In the past, mothers with toddlers in prison were provided with extra rations to feed their children, but not anymore: the extra rations of soap, peanut butter and milk are long-forgotten luxuries, and children now face the same extreme shortages of food as their mothers do. An IRIN article describes how one 12 month old toddler was clothed through the kindness of prison guards who clubbed together to buy her a dress.

Apart from the obvious risk to the child’s health and development, posed by disease and unsanitary conditions, there is an additional risk to their security because they are sharing space with criminals, some of them guilty of violent crimes. In 2008, an activist visiting the psychiatric section of Khami prison described how he saw toddlers sharing living facilities with mentally ill patients. Some of the inmates in the psychiatric unit were jailed for murder - most alarmingly, he said that some of the women were in the psychiatric section because they had murdered their own children.

Why should ordinary Zimbabweans care about the plight of prisoners when they are suffering too?

Prisoner - undercover stillZimbabwe is struggling towards freedom and democracy, and trying to move away from a culture of violence and hate and retribution. The principle that every human has rights exists to ensure that every one of us - without exception - is protected, and this value is sacrosanct in a civilised society. One of the definitive marks of a civilised society is one where everyone - even the least civilised - is treated in a civilised way.

We need to remind ourselves that many of the criminals dying in Zimbabwe’s jails may have been driven there through desperation, turning to petty theft and crime as a means to survive hyperinflation and extreme hardship: a journalist jailed last year said charges against many of the people he shared a cell with were “almost arbitrary”, noting that many people were never charged, just detained and then released.

This article does not seek to absolve those who are guilty of crime from being held accountable for their criminal behaviour; rather, it argues that stripping people of their dignity and their basic human rights, then condemning them to hellish experiences that set them on a path towards painful death, is State-sanctioned behaviour that can never ever be dressed up as ‘fair punishment’. We ask that our readers see these things for what they are: at best, a gross violation of basic human rights and at worst, a crime against humanity.

We also need to recall that those who are innocent of crime are not exempted from cruel treatment - there but for the grace of God go many of us! In recent years, Zimbabwe’s prisons have been used as a tool for political control - the conditions within them constituting a particular form of psychological torture at the hands of the State that seeks to destroy spirits. The list of those who have been arrested include political activists, journalists, human rights activists, election officials (jailed last year after the March 29th elections) and business people for so-called price-control violations - and children.

For the very unlucky, sometimes all it takes to be jailed is to be an ordinary human being in the wrong place at the wrong time: in 2004 a businessman was locked up for telling someone that Robert Mugabe “printed useless money”. History has proven him right, and everyone would have agreed with him even in 2004; but he was still charged with denigrating the President, a crime that carries a sentence of one year in jail.

That businessman’s experience gives real weight to the adage ‘it could be you’.

An documentary on Zimbabwe’s prisons, including secret undercover footage filmed within the prisons, will be screened on 31 March 2009 (Tuesday) at 9.30pm on Special Assignment, an investigative programme on SABC TV3. Some of the images in this article are still from that documentary. More here.

Please Note: References to the sources of information in this article are available on our main website here.


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Mutsekwa says working well with Mohadi

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=14290

March 30, 2009

TRANSCRIPT of interview between Violet Gonda of SW Radio Africa and Giles
Mutsekwa, co-Minister of Home Affairs on Gonda's programme, Hot Seat.

Broadcast: 20 March 2009

Violet Gonda: Giles Mutsekwa the MDC Minister of Home Affairs is my guest on
the programme Hot Seat. How are you Mr Mutsekwa?

Giles Mutsekwa: I am well Violet thank you very much.

Gonda: You have inherited one of the most controversial ministries in the
country. Can you first of all tell us what the function of your ministry is,
beyond its role in the police force?

Mutsekwa: The Ministry of Home Affairs in Zimbabwe encompasses departments
apart from the police - also the Registrar General's Office whose functions
are to ensure that Zimbabweans have documents right from birth until they
die.  Also under the Ministry of Home Affairs is the Department of
Immigration which ensures that people come into Zimbabwe correctly and also
makes sure that those who do not come in correctly are then checked and
eventually deported. The ministry is also in charge of National Monuments as
well. So those are the departments that come under the Ministry of Home
Affairs.

Gonda: Having held this office for over a month now what is your opinion of
the current state of the ministry and what are the challenges of this
portfolio?

Mutsekwa: Firstly as you correctly said I have been in the ministry for
about a month now. There are a lot of challenges involving the ministry. The
first one which in my opinion is major is that of trying to finance the
operations of the ministry itself. We need some budgetary assistance to be
able to operate efficiently in the ministry. The second challenge that I see
and face is that of trying to transform the thinking, the behaviour and
indeed the face of the entire workers of the ministry and that includes the
police force itself. I know that is going to take a little bit of some time
but as you know we are now under this inclusive government and people who
are watching us from afar - both regionally and internationally - would want
to judge the success or failure of the inclusive government through my
ministry because we are in charge of insuring that there is law and there is
also order in the country.

Gonda: I would like to talk to you some more about the issue of the police
force and law and order but if I can ask you before that - you are
co-sharing  this ministry with Zanu-PF's Kembo Mohadi. How feasible has it
been so far for you?

Mutsekwa: Surprisingly Violet we have had no problems at all in co-sharing
this ministry with my colleague Kembo Mohadi. While we belong to two
political parties we have pleasantly found out that we can co-exist without
any problems at all. In actual fact I think the major issue at stake there
was the fact that both of us were ready to cooperate because we knew what
our mandates were and what we must achieve in terms of trying to ensure that
the inclusive government works and survives.

Gonda: What are your responsibilities and what are his?

Mutsekwa: Well the two of us are responsible for running the ministry so
there is no division of responsibilities between us. It would be the worst
way of managing the ministry if we were to share responsibilities between
the two of us. Because you can imagine if you gave one some kind of
responsibility which does not apply to the other what it would mean is that
the next turn when you are responsible for the other department, that you
were not before, you'd simply want to change policies and we would continue
to go in circles. So what we are doing is we are managing that ministry
together and ensuring that every policy formulation is agreed between the
two of us.

Gonda: And you talked about the challenges in the police force and issues to
do with law and order. Can you elaborate on this and give us your
perspective of the current security situation?

Mutsekwa: Well the history of the police force has been that for the past 12
to 30 years the police force of Zimbabwe has unfortunately been tainted
because of the Zanu-PF government that has tended to mistaken the police
force for a political instrument. And through no fault of the police they
have tended to behave as Zanu-PF direct. So it was a very unfortunate
development and I must emphasise here that it was not the fault of the
police at all but just one political party which tended to use State
apparatus for its own benefits. So that is one challenge but that is where
the emphasis is where we have to transform the behaviour. I am pleased to
tell you that I am getting enough cooperation and I am happy about that
process.

Gonda: How exactly are you dealing with this because the reports we are
getting on the ground - it appears not much has changed in terms of how the
police force has been conducting its business. Corruption is still rife
especially along roadblocks in parts of the country and also in terms of
just obeying court orders the police have not been doing this. So what can
you say about this?

Mutsekwa: Well yes you are right there have been instances, especially
before I joined the ministry, where the police were accused of disobeying
court orders and, yes, there are clearly examples to that effect. But as I
said the attitude has changed because I have had occasions to speak to the
commanders of the police force and the response that I am getting from them
is quite positive.

It's not their fault Violet, these people have been forced to behave like
this in the past and it was purely because of the administration that
existed then - who mistook the police, the state apparatus for being
something that belonged to the party.

Transformation naturally takes quite some time but what is pleasing is the
cooperation that I am getting from them.

Gonda: So why is there still violence in areas like Buhera in Manicaland
province - your home area - where several MDC activists have been arrested?
What is triggering this?

Mutsekwa: What really triggered violence in that area was that there was a
lot of misbehaviour from supporters of Zanu-PF in the first place. In
Buhera, for instance, what actually triggered it was that one Zanu-PF
supporter went around and burnt down villages belonging to MDC supporters
and when that got to the ears of MDC supporters naturally they wanted to
revenge and this is what happened. So that is what triggered it.

And how I am going around that particular area is that we have said we are
aware that there are grievances emanating from the June 2008 run-off
presidential elections. A lot of wrongs were done during that time and
indeed people were tortured during that time.

We are saying to the community that firstly they should not take the law
into their own hands. Secondly, that they must use the traditional
leadership in their locality who will then help in ensuring that there is
peace and order. The traditional leadership is important in this instance
because they know who wronged who. And as you are aware, Violet, our
traditional leaders in Zimbabwe have got the authority and respect of the
communities that they lead. And we have discouraged the police from going in
and trying to interfere with those issues.

However as you are aware in the police force there is also a department that
deals with public relationships. I have directed that particular department
to get involved with together with the traditional leadership to ensure that
people come together and talk to each other.

Gonda: But Mr Mutsekwa if I can go back to the example you have given
calling on traditional leaders to resolve disputes using traditional means -
if I can give a current example; in Buhera 13 MDC supporters were actually
arrested and appeared in court and although they were granted bail they are
facing extortion charges which were based on the allegations that they tried
to reclaim their properties and livestock stolen by Zanu-PF supporters
during the elections as you have mentioned. But the alleged Zanu-PF culprits
were not arrested at that time and it has emerged that the two groups had
agreed with the help of village headmen to settle the disputes. But I was
talking to one of the lawyers for the defence team - Trust Maanda - and he
said even the two headmen in Buhera who had actually tried to settle this
dispute were also arrested and this is something that is happening right
now. So when you say you have resolved this how realistic is that when this
problem is continuing?

Mutsekwa: Violet it is going to be a long process I admit. Some of these
things are developments that take place on the ground which I may not know.
I am aware that because of distance we might not be exactly briefed about
what exactly is happening on the ground, and I am responding to the issue
where you have said that the lawyers who are representing the accused are
complaining about the one-sidedness of handling these issues. That was an
issue I was not aware of but I will investigate and I will ensure that
everyone who was involved - be it Zanu-PF or MDC - must face the wrath of
the law.

Gonda: What about the issue of the farm invasions?

Mutsekwa: That is another twist Violet but the issue of farm invasions in
Zimbabwe comes from different dimensions. The first one is the authority of
land resettlement does not come under my ministry - that would be the
Minister of Lands, Lands Resettlement who is Dr Herbert Murerwa. He would be
the person who would know who is settled where and under which authority.
The second thing is that I am briefed correctly that there are certain
papers or letters that are flying around Zimbabwe purporting that they are
originating from the Ministry of Lands and people who are in possession of
these offer letters are the actual people who are causing mayhem in terms of
the farming community.

We had a meeting between my ministry and the Ministry of Lands so that we
clarify the origin of these letters, under whose authority and the
authenticity of these letters. So I am hoping that this meeting between the
ministries will take place soon. After that when we have established what
exactly is taking place then we will be able to instruct the police to
maintain law and order in the farming community.

Gonda: What about reports we are receiving from the Commercial Farmers Union
saying they are being terrorised on the farms and that even some of the
people who are invading the farms illegally are senior Zanu-PF officials
like the President of the Senate, Edna Madzongwe. So surely it's your
ministry that looks at these issues of law and order?

Mutsekwa: I want to inform you that I personally met in my office the
President of the Commercial Farmers Union yesterday. We had very long
discussions in terms of what is happening in the farming community and I am
very satisfied that he also appreciated my position after my meeting with
him.

We are not certain who owns what in Zimbabwe at the moment and this is the
reason why I told you that what we have heard and collected is that there
are offer letters that are circulating in the farming community purporting
to be letters of authority for people to take over land and certain
commercial farms.

We are not so sure whether these offer letters are sincere or authentic. So
what we are doing is we are holding meetings between my ministry and the
Ministry of Lands and Resettlement. So that we establish once and for all
who is supposed to be where and what is the cut off date etc, etc. Once that
has been established is that anybody carrying a piece of paper and asks a
farmer to leave the land because he's got some kind of authority will
naturally be disciplined by the police. But at the moment the trouble is we
do not know whose letter or whose authority is authorising these letters.
And this is where our problem is as Home Affairs.

Gonda: But why is it the police have not been arresting the people who are
actually going ahead and invading these farms - while the ministry looks
into this situation. Shouldn't there be a call to say stop all the
invasions, stop the illegal activities and actually threaten to arrest the
perpetrators of violence if this continues? We have been talking to several
farmers who are saying they are being harassed and most of them are
terrified and have gone into hiding?

Mutsekwa: Violet you can only (instruct) the police to arrest people if you
have established that what they are terming as certificates of occupation is
either true or false. Right now as I said, there is this debate that is
going on and it would be honestly unfair for the police just to jump in and
arrest people when they are not certain as to what is going on.

You see there are two angles to this thing. The first thing is it could be
true - and I am not saying that is a fact - that these people are carrying
letters that they have authority to occupy those farms and in that case it
means the police have no right to be arresting those people. But also what
we know for sure is that these letters also could be false documents and
this is what we want to establish. We can only establish that from the
ministry that is concerned. Once that is established that means now we have
a story not only from the commercial farmer who is on the land but also from
the ministry and thereafter I can assure you we will take action.

Gonda: If I can just go back to the other issue we were talking about -
about MDC members reclaiming their properties, the property stolen during
the election period - we have seen this happen in Buhera, we have seen this
happening in Nyanga and even in places like Mbare. So the question is how do
you make peace with people who actually stole your property, who murdered
your relatives during that period? And are there any calls being made to
actually arrest the perpetrators.

Mutsekwa: The first thing you've got to understand, Violet, in regards to
this inclusive government is that our ultimate aim is to ensure that there
is peace and stability in the country. So that is one priority area for this
inclusive government. It is not just a question of picking up people and
arresting them. The thing is that we do understand that there has been past
injustices but it cannot be free for all. The other issue you need to also
understand is that yes we in the Home Affairs Ministry do appreciate that
these injustices did take place but it is naturally going to take us some
time once we have investigated to find out what is taking place.

You must also remember Violet that apart from ourselves as a ministry that
is in charge of law and order in the country the inclusive government has
also appointed three Ministers of State and the purpose of appointing these
people is so that they help my ministry to establish what is going on before
we go out and arrest people.

So, yes, those that are committing crime I can assure you they will be
arrested. But we want to establish first and establish with a view of
ensuring that there is peace and stability in the country - it obviously is
going to be a complicated issue. There are people who have been wronged,
there are people who have been maimed, murdered, there are people whose
livestock has been taken from them and they can see their livestock with a
next door villager. I know that is the situation at the moment but what we
are saying is the law will catch up with the offenders. All we want to do is
to ensure that the process does not bring mayhem in the country.

Gonda: It was actually reported that Police Commissioner Augustine Chihuri
ordered that murder investigations emanating from last year's elections be
stopped. If this is true what is your opinion of that?

Mutsekwa:  Look Violet the Police Commissioner General is a civil servant
and is subservient to the government of this country and I am in government
and the Ministry of Home Affairs is part of the government arm.

Our responsibility as a government is to give instructions to civil servants
so whether he said that or not, I am telling you as a policymaker is that we
will institute investigations for anybody who did anything wrong and we will
make sure that the law takes it's course.  But as I said we want to do it in
a manner where we maintain peace and stability. That's all I am telling you.
But whatever statements were made during 2008 - some of which were political
that will be history.

Gonda: What about reports claiming that army generals have refused to salute
the Prime Minister Mr. Tsvangirai, what are your thoughts on this especially
as a former army person yourself?

Mutsekwa: These statements were made during the period leading to elections
and yes you are very correct that statements of that nature were made by
army generals in Zimbabwe. But the situation has changed, the environment
has changed and I have met army generals myself in person since I was
appointed Minister of Home Affairs. I have met the police chiefs, the police
commissioner and I have not had problems with them saluting or respecting
me. As I say certain statements were made and the statements were made
during that time made purely because that was the environment then and it
has since chanced. We have got an inclusive government in place and generals
in the army do not salute a person, they salute the office that person
holds. So there is no choice.

Gonda: So can you help our listeners and our readers understand why they
failed to attend the swearing in ceremony of the Prime Minister and also why
they failed to salute the Prime Minister, recently, at the burial of general
Vitalise Zvinavashe at the heroes' acre. There was a lot of speculation that
the army generals had done it again and snubbed Morgan Tsvangirai. Was that
the case?

Mutsekwa: Some of it is mere, mere speculation Violet I can tell you that.
Firstly I attended the burial of the late General Zvinavashe myself and you
would have observed that if you watched the news and I did not see anything
to that effect at all. But the question that you asked me earlier on about
why the generals did not attend - did you say the installation or the burial
of Mrs Tsvangirai?

Gonda: The installation, when he was sworn in as Prime Minister. There were
reports saying the army generals had refused to attend the swearing in
ceremony.

Mutsekwa: Yes, we also received those reports and it is true that they were
not there but you must look at it this way, Violet, that there is no
constitutional obligation that binds the generals to be there when the Prime
Minister is being sworn in. Therefore, because it is like that you cannot
legally actually ask them why they were not there. But whatever reasons they
might have those are their own personal reasons and have nothing to do with
the functions and the duties of the State.

Gonda: You know if I may go back to the issues of the police force - does
the police force need reform on issues to do with constitutional awareness
and human rights? And what steps are you going to take to depoliticise the
security apparatus?

Mutsekwa: Violet, the security forces need training and retraining because
of the changes of the circumstances in Zimbabwe where we have got an
inclusive government. This inclusive government in Zimbabwe is a new
phenomenon and nobody has had experiences of how this inclusive government
ever worked anywhere. So yes because there are changes in the circumstances
everybody, not only the police, not only the security forces - even the
civil service needs training and retraining because they have to be
reoriented to the new political order. So this does not only apply to the
police, to the army etc, etc. It applies to all the civil servants in
Zimbabwe. They must be realigned and obviously get used to the fact that we
have a new political dispensation in Zimbabwe.

Gonda: So how do you plan to realistically deal with this issue because you
were talking about financial constraints. So in terms of training them how
are you going to do that?

Mutsekwa: You see what we have got to do first as Zimbabwe is to do the
first thing that is within our capabilities to do and that is we must change
the attitude of the entire civil service first. The fact of the matter is
there is nothing we can do without outside assistance. We need to be aided
financially; we need to be aided in all corners of our administration. So
yes our economy alone won't be able to effect those changes so we have to
have some outside aid, there is no doubt about that.

Gonda: But on the issue of aid the Americans and the British have said they
will only start pumping in money when they see some sort of meaningful
change. But with what has been happening on the ground especially to do with
human rights, do you see things changing any time soon.

Mutsekwa: Look the British and the Americans who probably made those
statements are correct. But the fact of the matter is that they also know
that some of these changes are a process, not an event. So naturally yes
they are watching at what the inclusive government is doing and I know for
sure that my ministry would be the face of this inclusive government.
Everybody else who wants to come in and help this government would have to
look at how we discharge or manage our justice system and the police, for
example, are very crucial. And this is why I have told you in the first
instance that the first thing that we need to do is to change attitudes and
once attitudes have been changed they will see that there are people in
Zimbabwe who are ready to embrace each other and indeed take the nation
forward.

So that is the first thing and the British and Americans as you stated
naturally would want to watch in that regard and once they are convinced
that we are doing the correct thing they will come to our aid. I have no
doubt about that.

Gonda: Now let's talk a bit about the issue of political detainees. Now I
understand that there are three political detainees left in Harare and that's
Ghandi Mudzingwa, Chris Dhlamini and the photo journalist Shadreck Manyere.
Now there are reports that you were actually summoned by JOMIC together with
Minister Kembo Mohadi that you were told to help resolve this issue. What
were you tasked to do by JOMIC and what powers do you have in terms of
ensuring that the remaining political detainees are freed?

Mutsekwa: The detainees that were in question were detained before this
inclusive government was formed. Minister Mohadi and myself were summoned to
appear before JOMIC and they asked us if we knew anything about these
detainees, and I want to be honest with you at that time we did not know
that there were detainees who were under police custody, unfortunately we
did not know at all and we said so to the JOMIC.

However the two of us gave clear instructions to the police to release them
and I want to tell you that those three now have since been released and are
free.

Gonda: Yes you are talking about the detainees who were missing and the
three were released recently but what about the detainees who were actually
in police custody - Chris Dhlamini, Ghandi Mudzingwa and Shadreck Manyere,
they are still in custody?

Mutsekwa: Violet, once people have been arrested by the police and they've
appeared in court my ministry has got no role to play thereafter because
everything now depends on the delivery of the justice system and Honourable
Chinamasa is responsible for that. We are only responsible when the person
has been arrested and is under the custody of the police, that's when we get
involved. But you are talking about characters like Chris Dhlamini and
Ghandi Mudzingwa - yes I am aware about them but as I said they are already
in the process of the justice system and the minister responsible should be
able to answer that question.

Gonda: What would you say are the priorities of the new government right
now?

Mutsekwa: The priorities are to ensure that we are able to feed our people
in Zimbabwe, that we are able to resuscitate the economy and therefore are
able to support the activities of this government, that we must also have a
new people driven constitution that will lead this nation to free and fair
election. And obviously to ensure that the infrastructure in the country is
repaired and get to the stage where it will be able to service the majority
of the people in Zimbabwe. Most importantly, to ensure that there is freedom
and democracy in Zimbabwe.

Gonda: You talked a bit about the Registrar General's Office, that it is one
of the departments in your ministry. But what are the challenges associated
with this office which your party has said has been the vote rigging
mechanism for Zanu-PF?

Mutsekwa: Well, the first challenge is it's a department that has been
ill-funded and therefore it's constrained in terms of its operations. So
that's the most outstanding issue. Also the Registrar General's Office was
the department that was responsible for compiling and publishing the voter's
roll in Zimbabwe. That area has been a sticky area especially for the
Movement for Democratic Change because we have always been convinced that
this is were the rigging first took place, so that is another challenge.

But since several amendments of the constitution the issue of conducting
elections now in Zimbabwe has since been transferred to a new body and I
think that is one of the things that we recommended to be done. But the
other issue also is that the Registrar General's Office at the moment
produces documents that are relevant and demanded by the citizens of
Zimbabwe. Those documents at the moment are too high in terms of cost and we
want to try and revise so that Zimbabweans can access them.

Gonda: What will happen to the controversial Registrar General Tobaiwa
Mudede? The MDC has been complaining about his conduct from the very
beginning, is he going to remain in this position?

Mutsekwa: Look Violet, we in the MDC have been complaining not necessary
about specific characters but about the specific offices. We have no problem
at all with a person like Tobaiwa Mudede. We have no problem with particular
people but we had a problem with the system. So we have made modifications
and changes in these departments. So whoever occupies those offices is
immaterial to us. We were not against a particular personality and ours was
not about personalities but was about the functions of that particular
office. So the issue of whether Tobaiwa Mudede remains Registrar General or
not is neither here nor there. I am happy to see him continue. I have no
problem with him as a person for as long as obviously he abides by the new
political environment.

Gonda: So if the MDC had no problem with the actual people in these offices,
why then is the MDC concerned about the Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono
and the Attorney General Johannes Tomana, because the MDC has specifically
named these two officials and said they are not happy with those
appointments, so what's the difference here?

Mutsekwa: The MDC is worried about the re-appointment of the Reserve Bank
Governor of Zimbabwe not the person himself. The MDC is also concerned about
the appointment of the Attorney General not the person himself; it is the
process that the MDC is complaining about. As you are aware those two - and
I am talking about the Attorney General and the Reserve Bank Governor - are
according to the GPA supposed to be appointed after consultation and
agreement with the Prime Minister. That did not happen. So our complain is
not necessarily about a particular person, it's about the manner in which
they were allowed to assume or re-assume their offices

Gonda: I am afraid I am running out of time, so a final word Mr Mutsekwa.

Mutsekwa: Yes, I do,Violet. Firstly I think it is necessary for me to
re-emphasise the fact that the failure or success of the inclusive
government of Zimbabwe depends on the support that we get regionally and
internationally, so that's the first one. The second thing is that the
nation and the international community must be assured that will do
everything in Zimbabwe to transform the civil servants, including the police
and military, to ensure that they abide by the new political order. And
lastly, it is incumbent upon the civil servants in Zimbabwe to cooperate
with the government because everybody will benefit once this inclusive
government succeeds.

Gonda: Mr Mutsekwa I have to end here but I hope we'll be able to get you
back at a later stage to find out the progress in the Ministry of Home
Affairs.

Mutsekwa: OK fine, thank you, Violet.


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'Clean water provides lasting solution to cholera'

http://www.zimonline.co.za/

by Simplicious Chirinda Tuesday 31 March 2009

HARARE - Zimbabwe's Minister of Health and Child Welfare Henry Madzorera on
Monday said a lasting solution to a devastating cholera epidemic that has
left more than 4 000 people dead in the country lies in local authorities
providing clean water to households.

"Water and sewerage failures are the cause of this sustained onslaught on
our people," Madzorera told ZimOnline in an interview from Rio De Janeiro,
Brazil, where he is attending the Third Stop TB Partners Forum.

"We are working hard to encourage local government to deal with the problem.
Prevention is the only answer with cholera."

The Health Minister acknowledged the various information campaigns meant to
educate the nation on the disease that the World Health Organisation (WHO)
says has infected 91 164 people and killed 4 037 others since August 2008
but stressed the importance of ensuring that citizens get clean water.

"Yes, we have educational campaigns going on, but without ready access to
clean water and sanitation, this education is of limited value. Zimbabweans
must start learning how to demand what is rightfully theirs."

Madzorera said despite a marked reduction in cases of the easily preventable
and treatable disease in the country, the epidemic continues to pose
challenges and a lot still needs to be done to stop the epidemic.

"From the Ministry of Health's perspective, we are doing fine on the
curative side. Case fatality rates have dropped to under one percent in some
instances, and that's acceptable by global standards. But cholera continues
to be a source of sickness and death in many towns and villages," he said.

The cholera epidemic that the WHO says is the worst outbreak of the disease
in Africa in 15 years has highlighted the collapse of Zimbabwe's once
brilliant economy and infrastructure over the past decade and also seen in
food shortages, deepening poverty and rising joblessness.

The recent success in curbing the number of deaths caused by cholera has
been attributed to efforts of the numerous international aid organisations
which have mounted an integrated response since October last year.

The Geneva-based WHO that has led efforts to combat the water-borne
diarrhoeal disease that spreads through contaminated food and water last
week said Zimbabwe's cholera epidemic appears to have passed its worst stage
as figures of both new infections and fatalities have declined.

Madzorera said Zimbabwe would have to continue relying on external support
until the country's economy improves.

"We are relying on our international partners for funding till Zimbabwe is
back on its feet economically," he said.

Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, who last month formed a power-sharing
government with President Robert Mugabe, said it would be possible to revive
Zimbabwe's health sector to its former glory as one of the best in Africa
only if the unity government implemented necessary reforms to stabilise the
economy and the political environment.

Tsvangirai said massive resources were required to rehabilitate the country's
collapsed health infrastructure and to woo back skilled workers who left the
country for better paying jobs abroad.

But rich Western nations with the financial resources to bankroll
reconstruction of Zimbabwe's health sector have said they will withhold
support until they are convinced Mugabe is committed to genuinely share
power with Tsvangirai. - ZimOnline


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SA authorities to move refugees to Soweto

http://www.zimonline.co.za/

by Tendai Hungwe Tuesday 31 March 2009

JOHANNESBURG - Some of the nearly 4 000 refugees crowded at the Johannesburg
Central Methodist church will be moved to alternative accommodation in the
city and in Soweto township, the church's Bishop Paul Verryn told ZimOnline.

Verryn said a building in the Johannesburg central business district and two
sites in Diepkloof in Soweto could accommodate only 700 people and the
bishop called on the South African authorities, the United Nations High
Commission for Refugees and civic groups to assist in finding accommodation
for the remainder of the refugees.

"Accommodation has been found in Soweto, and we are still hoping to move to
the new place soon. But the problem is that the two buildings which are
readily available to the refugees can only cater for 700 people," said
Verryn.

"I am also worried that it would be difficult for the refugees and asylum
seekers to gain entry into the city centre due to prohibitive transport
costs. They do not have money for transport from Soweto into the city centre
where they will be looking for employment opportunities and markets," he
added.

Most of the refugees are Zimbabweans who fled their country because of
political violence and economic hardships.

They have stayed at the church for years but are facing eviction after a
private law firm housed near the church sought a court order for their
removal.

The firm wants the refugees, who include women and children, evicted
allegedly because they were committing crime, creating a health hazard and
making the firm lose business because of the filth at the church premises
adjacent to their building

An estimated three million Zimbabweans or a quarter of the country's 12
million people live outside the country, the majority in South Africa where
chances of getting a job are higher and the standards of living better.

A unity government formed by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and President
Robert Mugabe in February has raised hopes Zimbabwe could finally end years
of decline to regain its former status as a regional breadbasket.

Some reports suggest that hundreds of Zimbabwean teachers and other
professionals have already started returning from neighbouring countries to
take up their old jobs in the civil service where workers are earning US$100
per month - a reasonable sum for many of the professionals who had failed to
secure proper jobs abroad. - ZimOnline


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Hong Kong defers on Mugabe immunity

http://www.iol.co.za/

     

          March 30 2009 at 07:54PM

By Min Lee

Hong Kong - Hong Kong must defer to China's decision to grant immunity to
Zimbabwean First Lady Grace Mugabe over her alleged attack on a British
photographer because Beijing is in charge of foreign affairs, the
territory's justice secretary said on Monday.

Legislators in this former British colony expressed frustration at Hong
Kong's lack of recourse against the alleged assault in January by the wife
of Zimbabwe's authoritarian leader.

Britain returned Hong Kong to China in 1997. The territory retains separate
political, legal and economic systems from the mainland, but its
constitution states that Beijing handles its foreign relations.

Photographer Richard Jones alleges that Mugabe punched him in the face
repeatedly when he was taking pictures of her near a luxury hotel on Jan. 15
for London's The Sunday Times, inflicting at least 10 cuts with the
diamond-encrusted rings she was wearing. Mugabe was reportedly vacationing
in the Chinese-ruled territory.

The Chinese foreign ministry's Hong Kong office told the local government
that Mugabe enjoys immunity in the territory as the wife of a foreign head
of state, Hong Kong Secretary for Justice Wong Yan-lung told a legislative
hearing on Monday.

"The issue of privileges and immunities is a matter of foreign affairs,
which is the sole responsibility of the Central People's Government," Wong
said.

Wong added that he had relayed outrage in Hong Kong about the attack to the
Chinese government. But lawmakers questioned if that was enough.

"You say the consequence is that you relayed Hong Kong's concerns about this
matter to the Chinese government. Is that it? Even if someone dies, do you
just report it to the teacher like a good student? Is that it?" legislator
Miriam Lau asked.

"The crux of the problem is what Hong Kong can do. If the answer is the only
thing Hong Kong can do is express its concerns to the central government,
Hong Kong citizens will think that's insufficient," pro-democracy lawmaker
Margaret Ng said.

Legislators earlier had urged the local government to ban Mugabe from
visiting Hong Kong again, but Wong said Monday that the territory doesn't
have the right to impose a ban without China's approval.

Asked by The Associated Press after the meeting, Wong also declined to say
if the government had enough evidence to prosecute Mugabe if it were
permitted to do so.

Calls to the Chinese foreign ministry's Hong Kong office late on Monday went
unanswered.

Mugabe's 85-year-old husband, Robert Mugabe, has been accused of overseeing
his country's economic collapse, trampling democratic rights and killing
opposition supporters.

The United States, the European Union and Britain have imposed sanctions on
Mugabe's ruling clique, including asset freezes and travel bans.

China has been criticised for supporting corrupt African regimes, including
those in Sudan and Zimbabwe, amid its growing presence there. In July,
Beijing, along with Russia, vetoed a US-sponsored resolution in the UN
Security Council that proposed worldwide sanctions against Mugabe and 13
officials. - Sapa-AP


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UK freezes Mugabe's ally's holding in Edmonds firm

http://www.dailymail.co.uk

By Ben Laurance
Last updated at 10:28 PM on 30th March 2009

A tycoon blacklisted by Britain for his links to Zimbabwean despot Robert
Mugabe has been revealed as a major investor in Camec, the mining company
headed by former England cricketer Phil Edmonds.

The British government named Billy Rautenbach two months ago as having links
to the Mugabe regime.

Rautenbach was described as a 'businessman with strong ties to the
government of Zimbabwe' and an order was issued making him the target of UK
sanctions against the southern African state.

Now, Rautenbach's holding in Edmonds' Camec mining group - thought to be
around 6 per cent - has been frozen.

He cannot sell his shares in the company nor receive dividends from his
investment.

His holdings are thought to be through two companies, Harvest View and
Meryweather.

Camec insisted yesterday that it took action to freeze Rautenbach's
shareholding in early February, just a few days after the Treasury issued
its list of Mugabe-linked targets.

The company said: 'As soon as the sanctions were announced Camec took
appropriate legal advice and subsequently, in early February, made a
notification to the Treasury.

'Camec is in full compliance with its requirements under the sanctions.'

The British action was part of a Europe-wide attempt to isolate individuals
involved with the Mugabe regime.

It froze assets and imposed travel bans on 203 people.

Rautenbach, 49, was born in South Africa, but fled the country in 1999 while
he faced theft and fraud charges - all of which he denies.

He is now thought to live on a farm outside the Zimbabwean capital, Harare.
Rautenbach has also been the target of action by the Democratic Republic of
Congo.

The country declared Rautenbach persona non grata in 2007.

And last month, it emerged that the DRC has contacted the Financial Services
Authority, voicing concerns about Rautenbach's involvement with Camec.

Edmonds, who runs Camec with his longstanding ally Andrew Groves, has
himself come under attack for his company's links to Zimbabwe.

Last year, the company made a £120million investment in the country.

Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change accused Edmonds of
providing the Mugabe regime with economic support just as the international
community was calling for tougher sanctions against Mugabe's brutal regime.

Rautenbach is more than just a shareholder in Camec. His company Harvest
View supplied 'services and assets' to Camec worth £19.22million, according
to accounts for 2007.


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Econet faces lawsuit

http://www.herald.co.zw

Tuesday, March 31, 2009

By Martin Kadzere

ECONET and its directors may be sued for their attempt to disenfranchise Old
Mutual at the extra ordinary general meeting on Friday where it has become
apparent voting irregularities took place, it has been learnt.

It emerged Econet directors and its auditors Deloittes had inflated the
voting ballots, disregarded Old Mutual proxies, boosted voting numbers in
favour of resolution and reduced those voting against.

Econet chairman Mr Tawanda Nyambirai suspended the vote pending verification
after heated several discussions followed the initial announcement of the
result.

Some analysts said there was now a real chance Econet may be suspended from
trading pending a full investigation.

At 7.30 pm, more than seven hours after the poll had taken place, Mr
Nyambirai announced that the resolutions to enter into a US$93,9 million
installment sale agreement with Econet Wireless Global - a Strive Masiiwa
investment vehicle had been passed by a vote of 40 million in favour, 10
million against while 5 million had abstained.

However, it was noted the register recorded 49 215 192 shares as being
eligible to participate in the vote at the start of the meeting.

After the announcement of the result, Old Mutual, Eco Austin, Eco Pavillion
and New Vision immediately waived their right to confidentially and
confirmed that they had all voted against the resolutions and consequently,
they held between them 27 million shares which had voted against.

This would therefore been more than half of the eligible votes cast and they
demanded immediate inspection of the ballot boxes.

Shareholders further asked Mr Tawanda Gumbo, a senior partner at Deloittes
whether he had qualified any proxies to which he replied "no".

Observers noted that Deloittes were involved in another disputed poll with a
marginal outcome -the merger of Kingdom and Meikles Africa - to which
questions still remain unanswered as to how Mr Nigel Chanakira, the founder
of Kingdom Financial Holdings and also KMAL CEO suddenly came to be in
possession of Meikles Africa shares held in Valleyfresh.

It was further put to Mr Gumbo and Mr Nyambirai that the result could not be
right given the indication of voting.

Shareholders demanded the vote to be suspended, which Nyambirai refused to
do and adjourned the meeting saying members were free to take "whatever
steps they felt necessary."

Shareholders then followed Gumbo to Deloittes offices where they demanded to
see the voting material.

This was given up after much reluctance and it became apparent 27 million
shares had voted against the resolution.

Shareholders also questioned the 200 proxies that were alleged to be in the
chairman's favour and requested that this file made available for
inspection.

The summary of this file was photographed and it became apparent that a lot
of these shares were in the hundreds of thousands.

The only significant share on the list was the Fed Nominees Share of 1,9
million, which in any event had abstained.

Mr Gumbo alleged 17 million shares voted by Old Mutual did not belong to
them but belonged to other funds, which had voted differently.

Deloittes were then asked to explain why the Old Mutual proxy had not been
voided.

They were also asked how they apportioned the votes for and against in light
of the fact that they were alleging that part of 17 million votes actually
had been voted by other people. No explanation was given.

The only reference they made was to the Barclays Nominees, approximately 4
million shares which they claimed they had received the proxy in favour of
the chairman where the votes had been favoured part abstentions and part in
favour. This proxy was asked to be produced which happened and it was also
photographed.

Mr Gumbo then confessed "we had a big mistake" and took the Econet executive
into a room for a closed door meeting that lasted around 20 minutes.

After the meeting, they asked shareholders to allow the verification
exercise that would take up to seven days.

Shareholders suggested the chairman suspend or revoke his announcement at
the meeting pending verification. Mr Nyambirai said he was not sure whether
he was legally allowed to set aside a decision that had already been made
and debate took place on the legalities and no final decision on that point
was taken.

Earlier at the EGM, shareholders pointed out that notices and resolutions
were different in the 3 documents that went out and management was vague
when it came to providing answers and explanations.

Mr Nyambirai had earlier announced he would be retiring at the next AGM
because shareholders were unhappy with the perceived conflict of interest
where in addition to being chairman, his company TN was a legal and
financial advisor to the company, a dealer and service provider, manager of
the Pension Fund and Medical Aid while Econet held investments with TN
Financial Services.

Shareholders also wanted to know how the figure representing technical
services was made up and what portion would go to head office or the parent
company and what portion would be utilised by third parties.

Further, shareholders also wanted a distinction made out in the sum of
US$93,9 million as to the amount that would end up in Econet Wireless Global
coffers as opposed to the vendor of equipment or third party providers of
services.

They also questioned the pricing of the equipment and the fact that previous
network upgrades had cost significantly less.

Management was unable to give clear answers and merely suggested that the
documents were available to members for inspection, should this be required.

Questions were also raised in relation to internal cash flow and borrowings.
The management confirmed later in the question and answer session that the
company still has borrowings of US$27 million.

Management said the current turnover was US$12 million but did not indicate
whether this was per day, week or month on the grounds that they were in the
closed period.

Other shareholders asked why the management had not answered letters
requesting information during the period prior to the EGM.

Mr Nyambirai indicated this information would be provided in due course.

Mr Nyambirai also could not explain who provided engineering and technical
services, although more than US$18 million has been budgeted for.

Under the deal EWG will supply the Econet Wireless with telecommunication
equipment worth US$93,9 million. The local mobile phone operator would pay a
deposit of US$21 million.


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Know Your Ministers: Mangoma, Mudenge

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=14282
 

March 30, 2009

With Conrad Nyamutata

mangoma-elton-21Mangoma, Elton Steers (MDC) Minister of Economic Planning and Investment Promotion

One of the mainstream MDC’s representatives during the long-drawn out negotiations leading to the power-sharing deal signed in September, 2008, was Elton Mangoma, a chartered accountant by profession.

He is married with three sons.

Mangoma holds a Bachelor of Accountancy Honours degree as well as a Master of Business Leadership (MBL) degree.

Mangoma was one of the founder members of the MDC in 1999.

He has supported the MDC financially and currently is the deputy treasurer- general and acting treasurer-general. He was the MDC vice-chairman for Makoni North and secretary general for Manicaland Province.

Before he entered the world of politics, Mangoma had established himself as an accomplished charted accountant. He has held senior executive positions at several large companies.

He was managing director for Corporate Excellence since January 2000.

From 1995 to 1999 Mangoma worked for Kudenga & Co, a leading firm of chartered accountants in Harare. Previously he was a management consultant at Hunyani Holdings Ltd (1992 to 1994) and group finance director for Delta Corporation between 1987 and 1992.

Before he joined Delta Mangoma was financial manager at Colgate Palmolive and at the Agricultural Finance Corporation. His first senior position was at Deloitte & Touche where he was deputy general manager (finance) between 1978 and 1982.

Mangoma is the past president of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Zimbabwe (1990) and was chairman of the Eastern, Central and Southern African Federation of Accountants (1993 – 1995).

He was a member of the council of the National University of Science and Technology (NUST) from 1994 to 1996.

In 2005, he stood as parliamentary candidate for Makoni North. He lost and challenged the results in the courts.

Justice Rita Makarau ruled that the wishes of the people of Makoni North had been denied but she could not declare the seat vacant.

Mangoma won the Makoni Central seat in March 2008 and was appointed to his ministerial position a year later in February.

mudenge-stan-21Mudenge, Stanislaus Izaak Gorerazvo (Zanu-PF) - Minister of Higher and Tertiary Education

Stan Mudenge was born on December 17, 1941 in Zimuto, Masvingo. Following the death of his wife Eunice in 2004, Mudenge remarried.

One of Zanu-PF’s most respected academics he is a professional historian, focusing on African history. He has several books published on pre-colonial Zimbabwean history.

He holds a Doctor of Philosophy degree (London University) and Bachelor of Arts (Hons) degree (York University, UK).

In 1951, Mudenge attended Gaths Mine Lower Primary School. In 1954, he went to Gokomere Mission Upper Primary School. In 1964 he completed his ‘A’ Level studies at Goromonzi High School and enrolled at the University of Rhodesia in 1965.

Mudenge became actively involved in politics and was detained at Gonakudzingwa between 1966 and 1967.

In 1968 he left the country and went to the University of York in the United Kingdom. Mudenge says while in the UK he became the secretary for information of the Zanu Students Union in 1969.

Between 1971 and 1980, Mudenge was a senior lecturer and Associate Professor at Fourah Bay College in Sierra Leone. He later held the same post at the National University of Lesotho.

In 1977, Mudenge became the secretary for external affairs of the ZANU branch in Lesotho a position he held until 1980.

From 1980 to 1985, he was the permanent secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Between 1985 and1990 he was Zimbabwe’s Permanent Representative at the United Nations.

Mudenge became a member of the Central Committee of Zanu-PF in 1991.

From 1991 to 1993 he held the post of Senior Permanent Secretary of Political Affairs. At the same time he was the Zanu-PF deputy secretary for the commissariat and culture, Masvingo Province.

Mudenge was elected to Parliament in March 1990 to represent Masvingo North Constituency.

Between 1992 and 1995 he was Minister of Higher Education.

He was re-elected in the 1995 elections and was appointed the Minister of Foreign Affairs. He retained the seat in the March 2000 elections and continued to serve as Minister of Foreign Affairs.

He was re-elected in the March 2005 elections representing the same constituency. In a cabinet reshuffle the following month Mudenge was re-assigned to the portfolio of Minister of Higher and Tertiary Education. This was in fact, a demotion following his involvement in the so-called Tsholotsho conspiracy with Jonathan Moyo and Emmerson Mnangagwa in seeking to scuttle Joyce Mujuru’s elevation to the position of Vice President.

Mudenge stood as Zanu-PF candidate in Masvingo North in the controversial March 2008 parliamentary election. He defeated the MDC candidate by a narrow margin of 349 votes.

In February 2009 he was appointed Minister of Higher and Tertiary Education.

Wednesday: Eric Matinenga (MDC); Simbarashe Mumbengegwi (Zanu-PF)


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Mangoma appeals for S African investment

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=14239

March 30, 2009

By Mxolisi Ncube

JOHANNESBURG - Zimbabwe's Minister of Economic Planning and Investment
Promotion, Elton Mangoma, says that Zimbabwe's government of national unity
will formulate policies that will ensure a socio-political environment that
is conducive for economic growth, as it bids to revive the country's
battered political and economic image.

Mangoma, who made a presentation at KPMG South Africa, in Johannesburg
Monday, said that the new government would revisit the land reform, which
has been blamed for the country's economic downturn, and the quasi-fiscal
operations of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, which he said were responsible
for causing hyper-inflation.

"There will be no money printing which has been the major source of money
supply growth resulting in high inflation levels," said Mangoma.

"The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe will desist from funding quasi-fiscal
operations and hence will now concentrate on its major mandate of ensuring
the stability of prices and the financial sector."

Mangoma, who is from Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's mainstream Movement
for Democratic Change, added that the all-inclusive government would
institute a land audit in an bid to restore the country's agricultural
sector, which was destroyed by Mugabe's land reform program of 2000.

"..the issue of farm invasions is also under consideration to ensure that
this is stopped forthwith as it sends wrong signals to investors," said
Mangoma.

"The issue of security of tenure will also be pursued to enable farmers to
freely make investments on their farms. Zimbabwe will be a law abiding
country and will respect property rights as well as the rule of law."

The Minister also promised that Zimbabwe's inclusive government would embark
on the drafting of a new "people-driven Constitution as a matter of urgency",
while also restoring media freedom.

"The Inclusive Government will liberalise the air waves, free the media, and
ensure that plural voices are heard through both electronic and print media.

".undertaking legislative reforms intended to strengthen good governance,
accountability and promoting the rule of law as well as equality and
fairness, including gender equality."

He added that Zimbabwe was also working on strengthening relations and
diplomatic ties with the international community, in a bid to garner
international support.

"We are now re-engaging the international community to mobilise support for
the resuscitation of social services, utilities, and infrastructure," he
said.

"A multi-pronged approach to engage the international community is focusing
on restoration on normal diplomatic relations, unlocking critically needed
balance of payments financing, foreign debt rescheduling and renegotiation
as well as clearance of outstanding external payment arrears."

Mangoma appealed to South African companies to boost his country's economic
recovery efforts by recapitalising their Zimbabwean subsidiaries, and
opening lines of credit to Zimbabwean companies.

"The South African private sector can play a significant role in the
economic recovery through recapitalisation of South African companies in
Zimbabwe which are currently operating at low capacity levels.  These
companies need injection of resources to enable them to increase their
production," he said.

"South Africa can also benefit through advancing lines of credit to
Zimbabwean companies which are operating at low capacity levels.

"South Africa will tend to benefit both as companies as well as a country if
credit lines are extended to Zimbabwe.

"These benefits include optimal capacity utilization by South African
companies, preservation of jobs and consequently keeping the current global
recession out of South Africa as well as re-establishing the Zimbabwe market
which dwindled.

"The total requirements by Zimbabwean companies are in excess of US$1
billion, for an initial ten-month period, to facilitate the same to raise
capacity utilisation from 10 percent to about 60 percent. Therefore, we are
requesting the South African private sector to support these companies with
lines of credit."

He said that Zimbabwe would be able to repay these loans with proceeds from
exports of cotton, tobacco, horticulture, gold, platinum, remittances and
receipts from tourism.

"Zimbabwe is also making concerted efforts to attract foreign direct
investment and it is anticipated that such efforts will bear fruit and hence
generate foreign currency that will also assist in repayment of these lines
of credit."

Mangoma said that Zimbabwe's recovery would bring significant benefits to
the South African economy, through increased employment, export earnings as
well as remittances from profits earned by Zimbabwean subsidiaries of South
African companies.

"Therefore, the assistance advanced to Zimbabwe by the South Africans will
result in a win-win situation for both countries."


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Zim investment promotion


MINISTRY OF ECONOMIC PLANNING AND
INVESTMENT PROMOTION (MoEPIP)

INVESTMENT OPPORTUNITIES IN ZIMBABWE

PRESENTED BY

HON. E. MANGOMA

MINISTER OF ECONOMIC PLANNING
AND INVESTMENT PROMOTION

30th MARCH 2009

1. INTRODUCTION
The Zimbabwean economy experienced an economic decline starting from the
year 2000 to 2008. The economic decline was partly caused by international
isolation which emanated mainly from disagreements concerning how the land
reform programme was implemented. Resultantly following the establishment of
the inclusive Government, stimulating investment was adopted as one of the
strategies towards the restoration of economic stability and growth. The
objective is to increase investment from the current level of 4% of GDP to
about 25% of GDP.

Zimbabwe's overall investment environment offers a market driven economy
with the following attributes:
. Abundant natural resources;
. Well developed infrastructure which only needs some maintenance;
. Access to world and regional markets;
. Educated, easily trainable labour force with at least four years of
secondary education, and
. Liberal labour regulations based on collective bargaining.

2. STABILISATION PROGRAMME
. In early 2009 the Inclusive Government was put in place and part of its
objectives is to stabilise the socio-economic and political environment. The
inclusive Government immediately put together a Short Term Emergency
Recovery Plan (STERP) whose priorities are ensuring political stability and
good governance, social protection and promoting macroeconomic
stabilisation. The specific measures adopted in order to promote
macroeconomic stability as well as improve the business environment include
the following:

Political and Governance Issues
. The Inclusive Government will embark on the drafting of a new people
driven Constitution as a matter of urgency;
. The Inclusive Government will liberalise the air waves, free the media,
and ensure that plural voices are heard through both electronic and print
media, and
. Undertaking legislative reforms intended to strengthen good governance,
accountability and promoting the rule of law as well as equality and
fairness, including gender equality.

Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement
. In order to ensure security of investment, access to markets and provide
dispute resolution mechanisms and credit worthiness, Government is a
signatory to Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency, Overseas Private
Investment Co-operation, International Convention of the Settlement of
Investment Dispute, United Nations Commission of International Trade and
Arbitration Law and Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreements
(BIPPA).
.
. The Inclusive Government is committed to adherence to Bilateral Investment
Promotion and Protection Agreements. The BIPPA between South Africa and
Zimbabwe was negotiated and initialled and is now awaiting signing by the
two parties. The preparedness of Zimbabwe to quickly sign this BIPPA is an
indication of its readiness to welcome South African investors into
Zimbabwe. We hope this will boost confidence to all South African investors
who were sceptical about whether this is the right time for coming to do
business in Zimbabwe

Multi- currency and Rand Reference Currency
. Legalizing the use of multiple foreign currencies such as the South
African Rand, United States Dollar, Botswana Pula, Euro, Pound Sterling,
among others, for investment purposes and business transactions including
stock exchange trading, sale of agricultural commodities and payment of
salaries. No licences will be required to trade in foreign currencies.
. Furthermore, Government has decided that the reference currency should be
the Rand.
Cash Budgeting
. The National Budget will be a cash budget, that is to say the amount the
Nation spends will be determined by tax revenues plus grants from donors.
There will be no money printing which has been the major source of money
supply growth resulting in high inflation levels.

. The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe will desist from funding quasi-fiscal
operations and hence will now concentrate on its major mandate of ensuring
the stability of prices and the financial sector.

Taxation
. All taxes including corporate tax and personal income tax will be payable
in convertible foreign currencies.

Interest Rates
. The foreign exchange lending will be at interest rates that take into
account the bank's risk assessments, as well as the cost of capital in
international financial markets.
. The local banking system can now issue foreign exchange loans in support
of productive sectors at rates which take into account risk assessments by
the banks and the cost of capital in international financial markets.
Exchange Controls
. In order to remove restrictions on business transactions, Government
deregulated restrictive Exchange Controls, and delegated export
administration and payment authority to banks.
. Individuals and companies are now free to pay for goods and services
offshore as well as service external debts without prior Exchange Control
approval.
. In order to remove bureaucratic hurdles associated with the processing of
loan applications for both domestic and foreign investors, Government
simplified the approval process for external loans, with authority delegated
to banks to process loans of up to US$5 million without prior Treasury and
Reserve Bank External Loans Coordinating Committee (ELCC) approval.

Remittances
. Similarly, all applications on income related transactions such as
dividends, profits and capital appreciation proceeds no longer require prior
Exchange Control approval.

Liquidation of FCAs
. In order to build confidence in the country's foreign exchange market, all
holders of FCAs including exporters can hold foreign exchange in their FCA s
indefinitely.
. There are no longer any surrender requirements by exporters they can now
retain 100 percent of their export proceeds.

Land Acquisition
. The question of land acquisition is being addressed through instituting a
land audit and the issue of farm invasions is also under consideration to
ensure that this is stopped forthwith as it sends wrong signals to
investors.
. The issue of security of tenure will also be pursued to enable farmers to
freely make investments on their farms. Zimbabwe will be a law abiding
country and will respect property rights as well as the rule of law.

International Support
. We are now reengaging the international community to mobilise support for
the resuscitation of social services, utilities, and infrastructure. A
multi-pronged approach to engage the international community is focusing on
restoration on normal diplomatic relations, unlocking critically needed
balance of payments financing, foreign debt rescheduling and renegotiation
as well as clearance of outstanding external payment arrears.

3. INVESTMENT OPPORTUNITIES
The Government recognises the need to stimulate investment. Therefore, it is
the intended objective of increasing investment capacity from 4% of GDP to
over 25% of GDP. Increased investment is meant to underpin sustainable
economic growth and development.

The Strategy is to develop to the maximum extent the potential of the main
sectors of the economy namely agriculture, manufacturing, mining and
tourism. Increasing investment in these sectors is critical for achieving
sustained economic growth and for creating more employment opportunities in
the country.

Government recognizes the important developmental contribution that the
private sector, both domestic and foreign can make by increasing investment
in Zimbabwe. Therefore, it is promoting both domestic and foreign
investment.

The specific opportunities that exist in the various sectors are as follows:
Manufacturing
. Industrial intermediate and capital goods, consumer goods and further
processing of cotton and manufacturing of cigarettes among others;
. This sector is currently operating under 10% capacity utilization and the
aim is to increase this to above 60%, and
. Beneficiation of raw materials especially those from agricultural and
mining sectors.
Energy
. Energy opportunities include methane gas drilling, thermal power projects;
hydro and mini-hydro power generation projects and bio-diesel production
among others.
Tourism
. Tourism infrastructure such as hotels, refurbishment of airport
infrastructure in resort towns such as Victoria Falls and Kariba in
readiness for the 2010 World Cup. In order to promote investment in
preparation of 2010 World Cup, duty exemption will be granted on capital
goods as well as equipment for expansion, modernisation and renovation of
hotels and restaurants.
Mining
. Over 40 various minerals exist and the thrust is to resuscitate existing
mines especially gold mines and establishing new mines for exploiting
minerals such as diamonds, and
. Promote mineral exploration.
Agro-industries
. Manufacturing of agricultural implements and machinery, canning of fruits,
vegetables, meat products and fruit juices among others.

Infrastructure
. Dualisation of the Chirundu -Beitbridge and Harare to Bulawayo roads,
upgrading of Kariba and Victoria Falls airports, construction of Kunzwi Dam,
completion of Tokwe Mukorsi, Gwayi-Shangani Dam, construction of Mtshabezi
water pipeline, Zambezi-Bulawayo pipeline and Harare Chitungwiza railway
line are some of the significant infrastructural projects where investment
is called for.

5. THE ROLE OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN PRIVATE SECTOR
Capitalisation of South African Companies in Zimbabwe
The South African private sector can play a significant role in the economic
recovery through recapitalisation of South African companies in Zimbabwe
which are currently operating at low capacity levels. These companies need
injection of resources to enable them to increase their production.

Lines of Credit
South Africa can also benefit through advancing lines of credit to
Zimbabwean companies which are operating at low capacity levels. South
Africa will tend to benefit both as companies as well as a country if credit
lines are extended to Zimbabwe. These benefits include optimal capacity
utilization by South African companies, preservation of jobs and
consequently keeping the current global recession out of South Africa as
well as re-establishing the Zimbabwe market which dwindled.

The total requirements by Zimbabwean companies are in excess of US$1
billion, for an initial ten-month period, to facilitate the same to raise
capacity utilisation from 10% to about 60%. Therefore, we are requesting the
South African private sector to support these companies with lines of
credit.

Zimbabwe will be able to repay these loans with proceeds from exports of
cotton, tobacco, horticulture, gold, platinum, remittances and receipts from
tourism. Zimbabwe is also making concerted efforts to attract foreign direct
investment and it is anticipated that such efforts will bear fruit and hence
generate foreign currency that will also assist in repayment of these lines
of credit.

In future the recovery of Zimbabwe will also bring significant benefits to
the South African economy through increased employment, export earnings as
well as remittances from profits earned by subsidiaries situated in
Zimbabwe. Therefore, the assistance advanced to Zimbabwe by the South
Africans will result in a win win situation for both countries.

6. CONCLUSION
Zimbabwe is ready to accept investors and is working tirelessly to create a
conducive investment climate and we encourage South African investors to
take advantage of the existing investment opportunities in Zimbabwe. South
Africans should also extend credit lines to Zimbabwe since this will benefit
both individual private companies as well as the South African Government.


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Responsibility without power as thugs reign

http://www.businessday.co.za/

31 March 2009

HAVING been given little choice by the Southern African Development
Community (Sadc) but to join Robert Mugabe and his corrupt Zanu (PF) cronies
in a unity government under less than ideal circumstances, the Movement for
Democratic Change's (MDC's) worst fears are in danger of being realised.

The party has assumed token responsibility for critical aspects of the
country's governance such as the running of the economy, but does not have
the political power or access to resources to turn things around. Meanwhile,
an unrepentant Mugabe has been given a new lease on life and
Zanu (PF) thugs continue to run rampant, grabbing land from the few
remaining white farmers and preventing free political activity.

It is clear that Mugabe never had any intention of living up to his side of
the unity deal, which included promises of
wide-ranging political and social reforms, and the Sadc's "guarantee" has
proved worthless. Meanwhile, MDC Finance Minister Tendai Biti has started
the process of reviving the economy, including scrapping price controls and
legalising the use of foreign currencies, but has been reduced to holding
out the begging bowl for the financing foreign donors are reluctant to give
for fear that it will disappear into Zanu (PF) pockets.

The Sadc meets in Swaziland this week, and will undoubtedly pat itself on
the back for a job well done in Zimbabwe while pointing accusing fingers at
the west for failing to throw money at Mugabe. But it will all be hot air;
without billions of dollars in foreign aid the Zimbabwean economy is going
nowhere, and Biti's best intentions will come to nought. The goods may be
back in the shops, but few can afford to buy them without access to far more
hard currency than Zimbabwe's crippled export sector can generate or the
Sadc countries can hope to donate without bankrupting their own economies.

This is the stalemate analysts feared would be the outcome of the Sadc's
insistence on a unity government on Mugabe's terms. The implications could
be dire, not only for ordinary Zimbabweans but also for the MDC, which is
now part of government and will carry the can if people's lives do not start
to improve.

What is needed to break the impasse without playing into Mugabe's hands is
for the west to set out clear and detailed conditions that must be met
before funding can begin, starting with the concessions Zanu (PF) made in
the original unity agreement but has failed to fulfil.

If and when that modest hurdle is cleared to everyone's satisfaction, funds
could be provided in tranches, with monitoring systems in place to ensure
the money is used wisely and the Zanu (PF) securocrats do not revert to
their bad old ways. Getting the economy producing again is the immediate
goal, but full recovery demands a legitimate government, which will not be
the case in Zimbabwe until properly supervised elections have been held.


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"Spread the Word" - Zimbabwean protest poets rock America!

http://www.prlog.org

      Two of Zimbabwe's hottest hip hop protest bands will tour the US.

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
PRLog (Press Release) - Mar 30, 2009 - Two of Zimbabwe's hottest young bands
will hit the US in just one week.
These two powerhouse groups, "Comrade Fatso and Chabvondoka,"-Zimbabwe's
leading protest band-and "Outspoken and the Essence"-one of the country's
most cutting-edge hip-hop groups- will launch their joint "Spread the Word"
tour with a performance in Boston on April 2nd.  Coming from a country of
extreme human rights violations and rampant poverty, these young African
cultural activists will bring their message of hope and activism through
music, poetry, and spoken-word hip hop at a time when American audiences are
becoming more aware than ever of the plight of their African brothers and
sisters.

Although the government of Zimbabwe has banned Comrade Fatso and
Chabvondoka's album, House of Hunger, this recording has nevertheless
received global recognition and praise.  Canada's major newspaper, Mail and
Globe, labeled House of Hunger "undeniably alluring" and Agence France Press
calls the album "revolutionary."  Fatso and his band have toured
extensively, and their poetry and music have appeared in print and broadcast
media in over 50 countries.  Fatso's poetry is required reading in
universities in the UK and South Africa.  He also blogs about politics and
conditions in Zimbabwe for CNN.com
(www.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/05/14/zimbabwe.blog/index.html).

Outspoken and the Essence are a fresh, radical sound in Harare, combining
soul-stirring, politically infused lyrics with an Afrosoul hip-hop sound.
The Essence fuses classical and African instrumentation with hop hop beats.
And Outspoken performs regularly in southern Africa and is often featured at
poetry festivals in Zimbabwe, Botswana, and South Africa.

Outspoken and Fatso also co-founded Magamba!, a youth cultural activist
network that relies on arts and culture in the non-violent struggle for
justice in Zimbabwe.

Besides the bands' first performance in Boston, the "Spread the Word" tour
includes stops in New York City, New Jersey, Washington, DC and Connecticut,
and features performances at Harvard University, Princeton University,
Berklee College of Music, Wellesley College, Howard University and Tufts
University.  The two bands will also give public concerts at WHAT (Wellfleet
Harbor Actors Theatre) and Chief Ikes, nightclub in Washington DC; shows at
local public, private, and charter schools; a performance at Trinity College
International Hip Hop Festival; workshops at the Plugged In annual
song-writing workshop in Needham, Massachusetts

The "Spread the Word" tour will also include poetry and spoken word
workshops, lectures on music and human rights in Africa, and the role of
protest poetry in modern African society.  The bands will also participate
in public debates on the current political and economic crises in Zimbabwe.

Poets:
Samm Monro (Comrade Fatso)
Tongai Makawa (Outspoken)

Band members:
Tendai Manatsa   Acoustic Guitar
Josh Meck      Bass guitar and back-up vocals
Freedom Manatsa    Drums
Themba Mawoko   Marimbas
Verity Norman   Violin, tour manager

Tour Regional Dates
Boston, MA:    April 2; 5-13; 24-26
Hartford. CT:    April 3, 4
New York, NY:   April 14, 15
Princeton, NJ:   April 16
Washington DC:   April 17-23

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