Sokwanele
- Enough is Enough - Zimbabwe
With Issue 1 of Zimbabwe Referendum
Watch (ZRW), Sokwanele continues its tradition of monitoring Zimbabwe
elections against the 'SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic
Elections'. These were adopted by SADC leaders on 17th August 2004 in
Mauritius, and Zimbabwe is a signatory to the benchmark principles. Zimbabwe
Referendum Watch measures the parties' performance in relation to the
forthcoming elections against this standard. This is our first issue, and we
started monitoring political compliance on 13 February 2013, the day the
referendum date was announced. The long awaited Final Draft Constitution from COPAC, the Constitution Select
Committee, was released on 1 February 2013. In stark contrast to the very
lengthy process of drafting the document, the surprisingly short time has been
allocated for voter education: Zimbabweans will be asked to decide whether they
accept the COPAC Draft as their future constitution on 16 March 2013. The
polling stations will be open for twelve hours. There has been widespread condemnation of the amount of time Zimbabweans have
been allowed to familiarise themselves with the draft constitution. The National
Constitutional Assembly (NCA), who successfully campaigned for a 'No vote' in
the constitution referendum held in 2000, have been amongst the most vocal in
voicing their objections. They immediately launched legal efforts to extend the
date, but their efforts were thwarted on 28 February when Judge President George
Chiweshe dismissed the case saying the case was not subject to rule by a court,
affirming President Robert Mugabe's right to set election dates on his own
judgement. However, the SADC guidelines require 'Timeous announcement of the election
date' (4.1.5), 'Voter education' (2.1.8) and 'Full participation of the citizens
in the political process' (2.1.1). We have accordingly recorded the date chosen
as a breach of SADC guidelines in line with criticisms voiced by many: the draft
document is complex and very long (172 pages); common sense dictates that
Zimbabweans will need more than a month to first obtain a copy, and then peruse
it, and then discuss it. Furthermore, it is expected that voter turnout will be
high on polling day making the twelve hours allocated potentially unfeasible to
allow everyone the opportunity to vote. The most leniently critical assumption for the date chosen is that it is
because the three main political parties are united in campaigning for a 'Yes
vote'. Telling Zimbabweans to vote Yes, and then swiftly frog-marching them to
the polls, has reduced the referendum to little more than a rubber-stamping
exercise. Those who want to campaign for a 'No vote' are more strident in their
anger, believing that the limited time is an effort to make it difficult for
those opposed to the draft to campaign for a 'No vote'. Either way, a few extra
weeks seems little to ask for given the fact that Zimbabweans are already
cynical about the heavy political involvement in the drafting of the document,
with further efforts to undermine their right to be fully informed possibly
leading to an overall lack of national commitment to this most important
law. Despite the rare occurrence of having all three main political parties in
agreement before an election, ZRW has already recorded an array of breaches
levelled primarily against the ZANU-PF party. On the same day the referendum date was announced, media reports conveyed the
news that the chairperson of the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission (ZEC), Justice Simpson Mutambanengwe, was forced to resign
his post, apparently "for his outspokenness and independent views". This
breaches SADC guidelines to protect the impartiality of electoral institutions
(2.1.7). There were also reports on that day of a senior army official's
involvement in issuing fake proof of residence to soldiers to help them register
as voters, a violation of guideline 7.5 which requires SADC signatories to take
all necessary measure to prevent the perpetration of fraud and illegal
practices. Freedom of expression and the ability of citizens to access balanced
information has also been threatened, most noteably when the police suddenly
announced a ban on certain radios: "Police have announced a ban on 'specially designed radios' that are 'not
compatible with state owned stations', claiming the devices would be used to
communicate hate speech ahead of polls scheduled for this
year." Given that radios are absolutely critical to rural communities to access
information, this act is a clear breach of the SADC guideline that requires
member states to ensure the "full participation of the citizens in the political
process" (2.1.1) and to ensure the "constitutional and legal guarantees of
freedom and rights of the citizens" (4.1.1). Furthermore, the move to ban radios was accompanied by sadly familiar overt
intimidation and harassment of civic organisations in general: Zimbabwe police say they will crack down on rights groups that operate
illegally and distribute false information to discredit President Robert
Mugabe's party before elections expected later this year. Organisations have been raided in the past two weeks, including the Zimbabwe
Electoral Support Network (ZESN) and the Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP), with the
police reportedly looking for evidence of 'subversion'. That fact that these
actions, underpinned by little more than political paranoia, creates a
threatening and fearful atmosphere nationwide is a clear breach of the SADC
guideline to create a 'conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful
elections' (4.1.2). Zimbabweans reading this news will recall similar actions in
previous elections, including in some cases brutal acts of violence against
civic leaders: for example, the abduction and torture of ZPP director Jestina
Mukoko in December 2008. The SADC guideline to ensure "political tolerance" (2.1.3) has also been
breached with the familiar news of police once gain barring political gatherings
in advance of elections: for example, in Chiredzi, a voter education exercise
held in a church (the aim being to educate citizens on how to register to vote)
ended in the arrest of two of the organisers. They faced charges under the
notoriously politically intolerant Public Order and Security Act (POSA) for
organising a political meeting without first obtaining police clearance. In
Harare, despite obtaining police clearance for a public debate on the draft
constitution, that meeting was also blocked by the police: "The police [...]
said they are 'no longer allowing public meetings to be convened by NGOs outside
the arrangements of government.'" But the most worrying development of all has been the upsurge in violence. On
the day the referendum date was announced, police violently broke up a peaceful
demonstration by Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) who were protesting against the
draft constitution. An SW Radio correspondent witnessed the police using
'sjamboks' on the women as they were bundled into police vehicles. And a Zanu PF
legislator, Sarah Mahoka, was viciously assaulted by thirteen Zanu PF youths,
sustaining multiple injuries requiring admission to hospital. In this case
reports suggest that the violence was related to political intolerance between
different factions of the Zanu PF party. But perhaps the most heartbreaking act of violence to take place
since the referendum date was announced was against twelve year old Christpowers
Maisiri, the son of Shepherd Maisiri, a long-serving MDC-T activist in
Headlands. Christpowers was asleep in a hut with his two elder brothers when the
hut was set on fire. Christpowers died in what his father believes is murder, an
arson attack by Zanu PF supporters. Prior to this incident Shepherd Maisiri's
home had been attacked by Zanu PF loyalists in at least eight previous arson
attacks, and no arrests have ever been made. Tendai Biti has subsequently
claimed that the house was fire-bombed by elements linked to the powerful ZANU
PF Minister Didymus Mutasa. It is only two weeks since the referendum date was announced, but Zimbabweans
are already held hostage to an 'atmosphere' that is far from being conducive to
the 'free, fair and peaceful elections' that SADC guidelines seek to uphold. In
fact, the opposite is true. The fact that the first election related death has
been that of a child has enraged Zanu PF's political opponents, ratcheting up
political tensions to the point that MDC-T leader Morgan Tsvangirai has
threatened to withdraw from elections if political violence continues: "I am not going to be part and parcel to a process that subverts the will of
the people" the MDC-T leader said. He added that the boy's death marked "a
defining time in the struggle for change in the country", insisting that "never
again should violence be tolerated at any level". (NewZimbabwe.com, 28 February
2013). We have two weeks remaining before the referendum date dawns on 16 March
2013. Mudhuku slams Referendum Dates - http://bit.ly/YEDnwy National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) chairperson Lovemore Madhuku has
described as "nonsense" and "meaningless" the move by the inclusive government
to hold a referendum on the draft constitution in four weeks' time, saying it
gave insufficient time for people to study the document.Madhuku said this in an
interview yesterday following Wednesday's announcement by Constitutional and
Parliamentary Affairs minister Eric Matinenga that the referendum would be on
March 16. Matinenga said his ministry would hold two meetings per province while
Copac would hold one meeting in each district to explain the draft to the people
in the run-up to the referendum. But Madhuku described Matinenga's pronouncement
as "ridiculous", and indicated the NCA would wait for the gazetting of the draft
constitution expected today before filing a High Court application to halt the
process and allow people to get two months to go through the draft
constitution. Zanu PF pushes out Zec boss - http://bit.ly/Z4EUPf Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) chairperson Justice Simpson
Mutambanengwe was allegedly pushed out of the electoral body for his
outspokenness and independent views by a Zanu PF clique that viewed him as a
danger to their political survival ahead of watershed elections, according to
senior government sources. Sources said Mutambanengwe was summoned to the
Ministry of Justice and forced to step down immediately, purportedly on health
grounds. His forced resignation was said to have been immediately accepted by
President Robert Mugabe and communicated to the state-controlled daily Herald as
a smokescreen. Ironically, Mutambanengwe has no known medical condition that has
troubled him in the last two years or been admitted to a medical institution
during that time. The prime minister's office has expressed shock and surprise
at the sudden resignation of Mutambanengwe and is urgently seeking a meeting
with him for clarity. A senior civil servant close to the Ministry of Justice
confirmed some government officials were not comfortable with his independent
mindedness. The source said Mugabe is unlikely to appoint a substantive Zec
chairperson before the elections, thus leaving room for deputy chairperson Joyce
Kazembe to take charge of the referendum and elections. Kazembe was Zec deputy
chairperson during the controversial 2008 elections when the electoral body took
five weeks to announce the presidential poll results. Top ZNA officer issues fake docs -
http://bit.ly/YHeHWx A senior army official has admitted issuing fake proof of residence
documents to help soldiers and their families and friends to register as voters.
Highly placed sources within the ZNA alerted The Zimbabwean to the fact that
photocopies of the letter, with the name of the aspiring voting soldier being
left blank, were being collected last week from the Defence House orderly room
in central Harare. They described it as a "blank cheque" open to widespread
abuse, as anyone could use the letter to register in a constituency of his or
her choice. When contacted for comment, Muresherwa confirmed the letters
originated from his office at Defence Forces headquarters but initially said
they were exclusively issued to serving members. He later phoned The Zimbabwean
reporter and admitted his office issued photocopies of the letters last Friday.
"My juniors have confirmed having issued photocopies of the letter last Friday
during my absence. This could be where the letter in yo ur possession came
from," he said. ZDF spokesperson, Colonel Overson Mugwisi confirmed the letters
were fake. "The army does not issue letters to prove residence. Defence House is
at the centre of Harare and army headquarters is at KGIV Barracks where no
soldier has permanent residence? How can one be issued with a letter as proof of
residence in this respect? My office is at Defence House where the letters are
reportedly emanating from. How come I am not aware of that?" said
Mugwisi. Police ban 'radios' in Zimbabwe -
http://bit.ly/WayH1Y Police have announced a ban on 'specially designed radios' that are
'not compatible with state owned stations', claiming the devices would be used
to communicate hate speech ahead of polls scheduled for this year. In a move
seen as an attempt to silence external radio stations, such as SW Radio Africa
and VOA's Studio 7, broadcasting to Zimbabwe, police threatened to deal with
organizations distributing portable radios, saying recipients would also be
arrested. Nelson Chamisa, the MDC Communications minister, said there is no law
to enforce such a ban. The Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA-Zimbabwe)
confirmed that the Broadcasting Services Actdoes not prohibit anyone from
possession of a receiver as long as it is in accordance with the terms and
conditions of a listener's licence as issued by the ZBC. In addition, the right
to receive and impart information and ideas is enshrined in Section 20 of the
current constitution . Zimbabwe police vow crackdown on 'illegal' rights groups
- http://bit.ly/XMArxL Zimbabwe police say they will crack down on rights groups that operate
illegally and distribute false information to discredit President Robert
Mugabe's party before elections expected later this year. Rights groups say they
are under attack from a police force they have long accused of trying to silence
opposition to Mugabe's nearly 30 year rule. Police on Tuesday stormed the
offices of Zimbabwe Election Support Network in Harare, seizing documents, radio
receivers and mobile phones. Last week there were raids on a group that
documents and reports on cases of political violence. Activists say the raids
amount to intimidation ahead of possible presidential and parliamentary
elections later in the year. Police spokeswoman Charity Charamba told reporters
on Wednesday the raids were lawful and would lead to arrests, adding that
certain NGOs were engaging in political activities to the detriment of state
security and the stability of this country. Police arrest two for voter awareness meeting held in church
- http://bit.ly/XXY8qW Two people arrested for holding a voter awareness meeting in Chegutu have
been released on bail after spending the weekend in custody. George Makoni and
Gift Konjana were accosted by plainclothes police officers soon after the
meeting held at the Church of Christ in Chegutu on February 15th. According to
Phillip Pasirayi, national coordinator of The Centre for Community Development
in Zimbabwe, the meeting was an education exercise to encourage Zimbabweans to
register to vote in the forthcoming constitutional referendum and the general
election. Makoni and Konjana were accused of holding an illegal meeting and are
being charged under the notorious Public Order and Security Act, which prohibits
political gatherings without police clearance. Pasirayi said the meeting was
neither political nor subversive, but simply to sensitise people about the
contents of the draft, leaving Zimbabweans to either embrace or reject the new
constitution. Police block public debate on constitution in Harare - http://bit.ly/WrRoyg The police have yet again come under heavy criticism after blocking a
public meeting organized by the Media Centre in Harare on Wednesday. The public
debate on the draft constitution, was to include senior members of ZANU PF, the
MDC formations, ZAPU, Mavambo Dawn/Kusile political parties and the National
Constitutional Assembly.One of the scheduled speakers, the President of the
MDC-99 Job Sikhala, said he was notified by the Media Center on the morning of
the discussion and told that the police had banned the indaba. Sikhala told SW
Radio Africa he was told the police banned the meeting for a number of reasons
including the issue of how panelists were selected. The police also said they
are "no longer allowing public meetings to be convened by NGOs outside the
arrangements of government." Media Centre programs officer Charles Saki
confirmed the meeting had been cancelled even though they had given the police
advance notice. WOZA women beaten & detained after anti-constitution demo
- http://bit.ly/XAI0LG Police on Wednesday violently broke up a peaceful demonstration by the
Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) and briefly detained eight activists outside
Parliament building in Harare. SW Radio correspondent Lionel Saungweme witnessed
the police using 'sjamboks' as the WOZA women were being bundled into a police
car. He said 50 women had taken to the streets, protesting against the draft
constitution that is set to be put before a referendum on March 16th. Some of
the fliers distributed by the pressure group read: "The final draft constitution
is as a result of negotiations behind closed doors and a deal that suits the
principals and the political parties in the inclusive government. Therefore this
draft may not survive the test of time because it was written for a current
political climate and not for the future generation. A constitution is supposed
to be written by the people because they should determine how they want to be
governed. It is their role to give the rule to the rulers!" Zanu PF MP hospitalised after assault - http://bit.ly/YR2CxL Zanu PF MP for Hurungwe East Sarah Mahoka was admitted at Chinhoyi
Provincial Hospital after being attacked by a violent mob of Zanu PF youths who
disrupted her address at Zimonja business centre in Zvipani. According to a
Nehanda Radio correspondent, about 13 youths attacked Mahoka and deflated three
tyres on her vehicle. They then abducted Mahoka's driver before dumping him
eight kilometres away from the scene. Mahoka sustained injuries all over the
body. Police reportedly impounded a vehicle that was used by the youths. Police
are investigating the matter.The youths reportedly arrived in a vehicle
pretending to be Zanu-PF supporters waiting to be addressed by the legislator.
They allegedly questioned Mahoka on why she was addressing a meeting outside her
constituency. The youths also accused the legislator of holding a meeting
without consulting the area's elders. Sources told Nehanda Radio the skirmishes
were related to factional fights in the party. Zimbabwe activist's 12-year-old son killed in fire - http://bit.ly/YRvZyM Zimbabwe Standard, The (ZW): Sunday, 24 February
2013 The murder of the 12-year-old son of a long-serving activist in
Zimbabwe has sparked fears of fresh political violence. Christpowers Maisiri,
the son of Shepherd Maisiri, of the Movement for Democratic Change, was killed
on Saturday night after his house was set on fire. He was asleep in the hut with
two older brothers when it was set alight.I was out campaigning and my family
was at home sleeping when people came and attacked my dogs, and then set my
house on fire and my boy died in that fire," said Mr Maisiri, 45. "I am told I
must trust Robert Mugabe. That we are going to have peaceful elections, well
that is not true. My son is dead." Mr Maisiri, who lives in Headlands
constituency, a stronghold of Robert Mugabe's Zanu PF, controlled by party
heavyweight Didymus Mutasa, said he did not see who attacked his home, but
added: "I know who did this. My house has been burned nine times before this. "I
am a founding member of the MDC... I know these political rivals." span> We have a
fundamental right to freedom of expression!
PROMOTING NON-VIOLENT
PRINCIPLES TO ACHIEVE DEMOCRACY
Sokwanele : 03 March
2013
Zimbabwe
Independent, The (ZW): Friday, 15 February 2013
Zimbabwe
Independent, The (ZW): Friday, 15 February 2013
Zimbabwean,
The (ZW): Wednesday, 13 February 2013
SW
Radio Africa (ZW): Wednesday, 20 February 2013
Times,
The (RSA): Wednesday, 20 February 2013
SW
Radio Africa (ZW): Monday, 18 February 2013
SW
Radio Africa (ZW): Wednesday, 27 February 2013
SW
Radio Africa (ZW): Wednesday, 13 February 2013
Nehanda
Radio: Monday, 25 February 2013
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Sunday, 03 March 2013 13:53
GWERU - Heavy
rains could not deter Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s
launch of a “Yes
Vote” campaign for the constitutional referendum scheduled
for March
16.
Amidst a mid-afternoon downpour at Mkoba Stadium, MDC leader
Tsvangirai said
people should go in their numbers and vote for the draft
constitution.
“We are here to launch the ‘Yes Vote’ campaign to the
people of Gweru. The
constitution draft is a victory for the people. Now you
should go back to
your communities and urge people to vote for the draft,”
he said.
Speaking at the rally, Copac co-chair and the party’s
spokesperson Douglas
Mwonzora said the new constitution is the passage to
free and fair elections
while reserving special praise to the Copac select
team.
“In 1978, during the Muzorewa era, they wrote a constitution for
Southern
Rhodesia-Zimbabwe, that paved way for them to rule, before Mugabe
came. They
went and wrote the Lancaster Constitution and that set the stage
for them to
rule.
“This year, a new Copac constitution is coming in
and by the end of the
year, Save vari kuzotonga.
“When you go to vote
remember, this constitution is the door and key to
freedom. History repeats
itself.
“For us to rule, we start with a new constitution,” he
said.
Addressing thousands of party supporters at the rally, MDC
secretary-general
and Finance minister Tendai Biti said Zimbabweans should
defend the new
constitution because the preamble of the constitution was to
put God first.
“Today (yesterday), is a historic day; we came with our
president to launch
the ‘Yes Vote campaign. The most important thing in this
constitution is the
preamble that we put God first."
“As the MDC we
are now 13 years old, and without the power of the Lord we
wouldn’t be here,
that preamble alone belongs to the MDC,” he said. - Alwyn
Mabehla
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
03.03.13
by Brenna
Matendere
Heavy rains on Saturday stopped the MDC-T provincial launch
of the party’s
“Yes Vote” campaign for the Copac constitutional draft at
Gweru’s Mkoba
stadium.
Just after 2pm, a heavy downpour disrupted
MDC-T Secretary General Tendai
Biti’s speech that was supposed to set the
stage for the party President,
Morgan Tsvangirai, who was billed for the
keynote address.
The rains lasted close to 90 minutes and party officials
decided to postpone
the launch.
Zimbabwe goes to a referendum on 16
March to vote on the draft constitution
that the three main parties—MDC-T,
Zanu (PF) and MDC-N—have already
endorsed.
During his speech, Biti
described the proposed establishment of provincial
councils as the largest
factors why Zimbabweans should support the draft.
“Gone will be the days
when all things will be decided in Harare. The
provincial councils which
will be made up of 10 people (in each
province) led by a chairperson will
ensure devolution of power, itself a
stepping stone towards economic
development in the provinces,” he said.
Biti, who is also the Finance
Minister in the Government of National Unity
set up in 2009, urged
Zimbabweans to rally behind the proposed new
constitution for positive
political change.
Jameson Tsuro, the Midlands South MDC-T spokesperson
said the huge turnout
for the launch was testimony of people’s enthusiasm to
endorse the draft.
“The people braved the rains because they wanted to
show their support for
the new constitution. They also wanted to hear from
PM Tsvangirai how the
future is going to be shaped,” he said.
Last
week the party’s National Chairman and Speaker of Parliament, Lovemore
Moyo,
formally presented the document to the people of Zvishavane district
in the
same province pending the provincial launch.
It was not immediately clear
when the “Yes Vote” launch would be consummated
in the Midlands province.
http://www.iol.co.za
March 3 2013 at 02:22pm
By Peter
Fabricius
The former Chief Justice of the disbanded Southern
African Development
Community (SADC) Tribunal has accused President Jacob
Zuma of “selfishly”
standing back and letting Zimbabwe President Robert
Mugabe kill the tribunal
because it ruled against him on his anarchic land
grabs.
Judge Ariranga Pillay said South Africa could have used its power
as the
SADC’s largest state and its “moral authority” to prevent the
tribunal being
emasculated. He was speaking at a seminar in Pretoria
organised by the
University of Pretoria’s Department of Political Sciences
and the South
African Foreign Policy Initiative.
Pillay described how
Zuma and other SADC leaders had effectively killed off
the tribunal at
Mugabe’s behest at summits in August 2011 and August 2012,
both of which
Zuma attended.
He said they dissolved it because the tribunal had ruled
in 2007 and 2008
that the Zimbabwe government’s seizure of the farm of white
farmer Mike
Campbell without compensation was racist and unlawful and had
violated the
SADC Treaty because he had been denied the right to complain to
the Zimbabwe
courts.
Pillay said it was ironic that Mugabe had been
one of the SADC leaders who
had originally established the tribunal to
ensure the adherence of member
states to the SADC Treaty, including its
Article 4, which obliges them “to
act in accordance with human rights,
democracy and the rule of law”.
It was this article which the tribunal
invoked when it ruled against the
Zimbabwe government, Pillay
said.
Mugabe rejected the tribunal’s rulings and its jurisdiction and
raised his
objections at SADC summits. The 2010 summit suspended the
tribunal pending
an investigation into its mandate, and then in August 2012
effectively
destroyed it by deciding it could no longer try complaints by
SADC citizens
against their own governments.
This was despite the
advice of outside consultants commissioned by SADC.
And, Pillay said, the
SADC summit decision had left SADC citizens with no
recourse to justice when
they are abused by their own governments. The
disbandment of the tribunal
had also left corporations unprotected, he
noted.
Nicole Fritz,
executive director of the Southern Africa Litigation Centre,
suggests if the
tribunal had avoided tackling Zimbabwe’s land reform - one
of the most
politically-sensitive issues in the region - as one of its first
cases, it
might perhaps have survived to consolidate its credibility and
powers enough
to take on such issues later.
Pillay responded that he was not a
politician but a judge and had had no
grounds to throw out the Campbell case
“on some specious technical grounds.
I decided on the facts before
me”.
Fritz noted that even Bot-swana’s President Ian Khama had expressed
his
disapproval of the tribunal. This was ironic since he had expressed full
support for the International Criminal Court (ICC) and its indictment of
Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir.
Fritz suggested that was because
Khama had nothing to fear from the ICC
whereas the SADC Tribunal had
adjudicated a complaint from his country’s San
people about being pushed off
their land.
Laurie Nathan, head of the Centre for Mediation in Africa, at
the University
of Pretoria, said the surprising thing was that the SADC
leaders had ever
established the tribunal in in the first
place.
Their decision reflected the SADC’s hierarchy of values, in which
human
rights and the rule of law were subordinate to the respect for regime
solidarity and state sovereignty.
SADC states had always been
“implacably opposed” to any transfer of national
sovereignty to a regional
body like the tribunal because their own
sovereignty was so fragile. That
was because it had been acquired so
recently from colonial powers and
because some states still did not enjoy de
facto sovereignty as they did not
have a monopoly of legitimate power over
all their territories.
He
said SADC had established the tribunal only because of pressure from
Western
donors. - Sunday Tribune
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
03.03.13
by Edgar
Gweshe
Parliament’s Standing Rules and Orders Committee is set to vet the
newly
appointed Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission Chairperson, Jacob
Mudenda.
This was revealed by MDC-N President, Welshman Ncube, during a
meeting with
civic society leaders held at the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition
offices in
Harare on Wednesday.
Ncube opposed the appointment of
Mudenda last month saying he had not been
consulted by President Mugabe and
MDC-T leader, Morgan Tsvangirai.
Mudenda is believed to have strong ties
with Zanu (PF) and analysts have
expressed reservations over his credibility
as the ZHRC chair.
He replaced Reginald Austin who resigned late last
year citing lack of
resources for the ZHRC as well as political
meddling.
Responding to a question on whether Mudenda was qualified to
lead the ZHRC,
Ncube said: “On the specific considerations, he qualifies,
but on the
general qualification which requires a history of interest in
human rights,
he might not.
“For you to be an effective chair of the
Human Rights Commission you must
have a clear history, you must not have a
partisan history. I don’t see how
Mudenda, having risen to a high position
in Zanu (PF), can satisfy that
requirement.”
Ncube revealed that
Austin had confided in him that he was frustrated into
resignation by
political meddling with ZHRC operations, even though there
are no details
yet how the interference occurred.
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition
Chairperson and ZIMRIGHTS Director, Okay
Machisa, castigated the appointment
of Jacob Mudenda, saying his human
rights record is tainted and he cannot
therefore be entrusted with leading
the ZHRC.
“Mudenda is a former
Matabeleland North Governor where gross human rights
violations took place.
We have searched for his name on the net, went to his
colleagues to consult,
but it is very clear that his CV does not reflect any
(positive) human
rights record”, said Machisa.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
03.03.13
by Edgar
Gweshe
Masvingo Resident Minister and Governor Titus Maluleke on Friday
summoned
over 45 non-govermental organisations to a meeting at his offices
during
which he announced wideranging restrictions on their work, The
Zimbabwean
has learnt.
A statement from Crisis in Zimbabwe
Coalition said that Maluleke was
“flanked by the Assistant Provincial
Policing Officer, Deputy Provincial CIO
boss and Assistant Provincial
Administrator Chitsika when he read the riot
act to the
NGOs”.
Maluleke, according to the CiZC, said that such meetings would be
held every
month.
In February 2012 Maluleke banned 29 NGOs in
Masvingo.
“NGO leaders who attended the meeting were reportedly subjected
to a roll
call where they were called one after another and coerced to
reveal their
work plans and partners. They were also told that from now
onwards they
should work with government departments and the security sector
in all their
projects,” reads the CiCZ report.
Community Tolerance
Reconciliation and Development Coordinator, Gamuchirai
Mukura, said: “We
were told that NGOs should now work with the district
police officers and
line ministries in implementing our programs.
He added: “They told us
they are going to be monitoring our donors and what
programs we are being
funded for and what programs we are doing saying NGOs
should not be involved
in election related programs.”
Mukura said this latest development was an
attempt to cramp NGOs as the
country heads for the constitutional referendum
on 16 March and harmonised
elections expected later this year.
“These
series of meetings will clearly be used as a platform to strangle and
suffocate NGO work in Masvingo ahead of the forthcoming elections. The
dimension the crackdown is taking has become multi-faceted in order for the
ploy to be successful,” said Mukura.
Maluleke’s action comes hard on
the heels of the raiding and arrests of
civic society offices and employees
by the police.
Affected NGOs include the National Association of
Non-Governmental
Organisations, Zimbabwe Election Support Network, COTRAD
and the Zimbabwe
Peace Project.
The CiZC report said the actions by
Maluleke and widespread raids on NGOs
could have been triggered by a
resolution made by Zanu (PF) at its 13th
Annual National People’s Conference
in Gweru in December 2012.
The party resolved to urge government to shut
down all NGOs seeking regime
change by working to remove President Robert
Mugabe from power.
“In a closely related development, a humanitarian
organisation which gives
food relief to the vulnerable communities, CARE
Zimbabwe International has
reportedly suspended its activities in Chivi
District in Masvingo Province.
“The Non-Governmental Organisation
reportedly cited some complications and
hurdles in dealing with the Masvingo
Provincial Administrator’s office in a
development which could see many
families being exposed to hunger,” reads
the CiZC.
http://nehandaradio.com/
March 3
2013
BULAWAYO; The Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (Zesa) pre-paid metre billing system has drawn the ire of Bulawayo residents who are accusing the power utility of cheating them of their hard earned money.
Zesa introduced the pre-paid meter system last year replacing the loader meters and the exercise is still to cover other areas. Yesterday residents said Zesa’s billing system has seen those who exceed 50 kilowatt hours a month having to spend 10 times more when they need more electricity for the remainder of the month.
“How are we expected to make ends meet when they are charging us exorbitantly like this,” said a resident from Coronation Cottages in North End.
She said the power utility’s billing system was deliberately complicated to cheat unsuspecting consumers. “When I first bought electricity I got 292 units for $30, when I bought again with the same amount, they gave me 190 units. This is day light robbery because how can the same amount give me lesser and lesser units,” said the resident, who is a pensioner.
“Zesa needs to be investigated so that their cheating is put to an end,” she said.
Another resident from Luveve suburb said he did not understand the whole billing system by Zesa.
“When I complained that they had actually charged me more than the same units last time I bought electricity last week they told me that the more I consume electricity the more I have to pay,” said the resident who is a teacher.
He said the stance taken by Zesa was unfair.
“They are taking advantage of the already vulnerable citizens. As it stands people are already struggling with other obligations such as school fees and yet they sell us electricity at this absurd rates,” said the resident.
Another resident from Mahatshula said there was a need for Zesa to review its tariffs.
“If there was a way of going back to the old system, it could be better, because this new metre system is proving to be more expensive,” said the resident.
He said the old system had no provisions that disadvantaged consumers such as the new system.
Another consumer complained that apart from the high tariffs, Zesa was also deducting more than 20 percent from amounts they pay to settle outstanding debts. “We are being simply being overcharged and we don’t understand these flimsy excuses they are feeding us,” said a Queens Park East resident.
The first 50-kilowatt hours are billed at two cents per unit while those who consume between 51 and 300 kilowatts are charged at 11 cents per unit. Those who exceed the 300 units are charged at a higher charge of 15 cents per unit. This has seen some consumers who slipped into the 51 kilowatts range complaining that the recently introduced prepaid meter system by Zesa was a way of cheating them as their units got used up quickly.
Contacted for comment Zesa Holdings spokesperson Mr Fullard Gwasira said tariffs for pre-paid meter users had not been increased, but consumers would witness a corresponding rise in electricity payments if they consumed more energy.
“The pre-paid metre system is not like the juice (airtime) card one for phones. This system is consumption sensitive in the sense that the more power you use, the more you should pay,” said Mr Gwasira.
He said this was because they wanted residents to adopt a culture of saving power.
“We want to enforce behaviour change, this system recognises how much electricity one uses and if people do not change their behaviour towards saving energy then they would always complain that we are overcharging them,” said Mr Gwasira.
The Zimbabwe Energy Authority, however, only gave the power utility the green light to increase average tariffs from 9,83c kilowatt per hour to 9,86c.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
By Ndakaziva Majaka, Staff
Writer
Sunday, 03 March 2013 14:21
HARARE - President Robert
Mugabe has expanded relations in the East, as the
West refuses to completely
ease financial and travel sanctions imposed on
the 89 year-old and his inner
circle.
Government last week signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU)
to seal
business ties with Arabic leader Sheikh Saud Bin Sapr Al Qasimi of
Ras Al
Khaimah (Rak), targeted at injecting investment into six local
ministries.
The Arabic leader has already sealed a MoU with mining
minister Obert Mpofu
and a Rak mining parastatal.
Other ministries
set to “benefit” from the MOUs are Agriculture, Industry
and Commerce,
Energy, Health and Tourism.
Saud’s visit to Zimbabwe comes after
Vice-President Joyce Mujuru officiated
at a business forum in Rak last
December.
United Arab Emirates (UAE) overtook China to become the second
largest
purchaser of Zimbabwe’s tobacco after South Africa, according to
figures on
the market outlook released by the Tobacco Industry Marketing
Board.
The tobacco industry is critical to Zimbabwe’s economy and other
African
countries and supports an estimated 1,1 million farmers in southern
Africa.
Analysts have said the move to welcome the Sheikh is a clear
market
expansion of ties in the East as the West is making trade
conditional.
Local economic analyst Issis Mwale said the emergence of the
Middle East as
a trading partner is Mugabe’s way of penetrating new markets
in an attempt
to shun the West.
“The first sector specific MoU was
signed with the mining ministry. This is
strategic in light of European
Union foreign ministers’ continued sanctions
on state-run Zimbabwe Mining
Development Corporation (ZMDC), which operates
diamond mines in the Marange
fields,” Mwale said.
She also said the fact that the UAE is set to host a
major diamond
conference in less than four weeks shows a clear “further look
East Policy
expansion”.
Kumbira Kaitano, a United Kingdom-based
political and economic blogger
concurs with Mwale.
“It is clear there
is a move to shun Western markets in favour of the East.
However, the wisdom
behind the decision is questionable as Belgium, the
biggest diamond trading
city is controlled by the EU,” said Kaitano.
Apart from the MoU with the
Mines ministry, other sector specific agreements
are to be concluded by
March 14.
There has been uproar on the social media with some Zimbabweans
complaining
that the deals are shrouded in mystery. Others fumed at the
non-disclosure
of the terms of the agreements.
Many such secretive
agreements are with China.
Mugabe enjoys a warm relationship with China
and turned to the country for
sanctuary after the West imposed an economic
embargo against Zimbabwe over
alleged gross human rights
violations.
At the moment the country does not have concrete figures on
its trade with
members of the UAE.
While, China has several
investments in various sectors of the country’s
economy there has been a
general feeling in some quarters that the Asian
country has not invested
enough to match the level of cordial political
relations with Zimbabwe.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
Sunday, 03 March 2013 13:51
HARARE - Shepherd
Maisiri and Zanu PF secretary for administration Didymus
Mutasa, seem to
have a thing going — albeit with disastrous consequences.
While Mutasa
resides in Harare’s leafy suburbs, owns a farm and a fleet of
cars and has a
round-the-clock police guard, his nemesis Maisiri is an
impoverished
villager who cannot even afford to roof his house with
asbestos.
Being close to power, the Zanu PF Manicaland godfather is
usually
chauffeured in top-of-the-range vehicles on his visits to his
constituency
in Headlands, while Maisiri, an MDC founder in the area, puts
on threadbare
shoes at his Headlands home and a wheelbarrow is a prized
possession.
Yet, the two never seem too far apart.
The death of
Maisiri’s 12-year-old son, Christpower, in a suspected arson
case linked to
politics has laid bare a decade long acrimonious relationship
between the
two political foes easily summed up as “David-Goliath duel”,
particularly as
Maisiri seeks to wrestle the Headlands seat from Mutasa.
Young
Christpower’s horrific demise in an inferno, according to Maisiri, is
just
one of many “tribulations” he has suffered at the hands of Mutasa and
his
emissaries in the constituency.
While Mutasa is battling to keep the
parliamentary seat from the MDC,
Maisiri, on the other hand, wants the Zanu
PF minister, a close ally of
President Robert Mugabe out of
Headlands.
At the burial of his son, Maisiri claimed he earned Mutasa’s
recognition —
and wrath — when he introduced the MDC in the
area.
“Headlands, I want to thank you! You have honoured me in a special
way. You
have shown faith and trust in me when I started this journey of
introducing
the name MDC to your homes, the name MDC is now here and it will
be here
forever. It has been so painful to Mutasa that the MDC is now here”
said
Maisiri.
“We are enemies to Mutasa; he calls us names such as
goblins (Zvitokwani)”
he said, tears rolling down.
Mutasa has denied
involvement in Christpower’s death, but there was no
denying the two men
know each other quite well.
The minister of State in Mugabe’s office was
quick to admit he knew Maisiri,
although he famously claimed that the MDC
deputy organising secretary for
Headlands is a member of Zanu
PF.
“Yes, I know Maisiri, but there is no way he could contest against me
when
he is a member of my party. Yes, he comes from chief Makoni and resides
in
headmen Dzikiti’s area, but he is not an MDC supporter,” Mutasa said last
Sunday evening when asked to comment on the death of the
child.
Mutasa, however, did not visit or send any condolences to the
grieving
family despite telling this paper that Maisiri is a member of his
Zanu PF
party.
At a funeral procession for his son, Maisiri asked:
“Where are you Mutasa.
You claimed to be my friend but where are you Mutasa
while I am grieving
here?”
Clad in an oversize, striped shirt,
Maisiri said it has been a roller
coaster for the family.
He said
that he named his son as Christpower as an appreciation to God for
protecting him at the hands of his adversaries operating with “rewards on
offer to anyone who kills me”.
“I was on Mutasa’s wanted list. During
elections people were promised
vehicles if they apprehended and delivered me
to Mutasa,” he claimed.
He said since the turn of a decade, he has been
forced to live a pauper’s
life as Zanu PF youths at times destroy his
tobacco crop.
Taking a glimpse of his cottage, the aspiring MP has no
television set in
his house forcing him to depend on a donated shortwave
radio receiver for
news.
“Every time I do something for a living,
Zanu PF supporters destroy it, my
son has tried to do tobacco farming, but
known Zanu PF supporters have
destroyed it,” he said.
But while
fingers might be pointing at Mutasa, the Zanu PF big man
vehemently denies
he had a hand in Maisiri’s troubles.
“I don’t know anything about that. I
am not involved,” he told the Daily
News on Sunday when asked to comment on
Maisiri’s claims.
Some Cabinet ministers and the entire MDC leadership
are pointing at Mutasa
with Finance minister and MDC secretary-general
Tendai Biti telling mourners
that the Zanu PF chief administrator should
come clean or held accountable.
“During the last Cabinet meeting, we told
Mutasa that you are responsible
for this, if he thought that we were hiding
under the cover of the Cabinet
privilege, we are saying it here kusina that
protection, Mutasa you killed
this boy, if you think we are lying take us to
court for defamation,” said
Biti.
“We had to tell him kuti Gudo guru
peta muswe kuti vapwere
vagokuremekedza.” - Xolisani Ncube
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
Sunday, 03 March 2013 14:16
HARARE - The Zimplats
Indigenisation Transaction (“ZIP”), a landmark
transaction in terms of value
and significance now exposes the confusion
that is inherent in a programme
not supported by a coherent knowledge,
capital and execution
strategy.
The objective to empower previously disadvantaged persons is
laudable but
the legal, just and equitable and constitutional instruments to
achieve the
desired goal will always be more difficult to
develop.
After reading the comments by President Robert Mugabe in an
interview aired
on the Zimbabwe Television(Ztv) and published by the Herald
newspaper on
Saturday, March 2, 2013, one gets the distinct impression that
Mugabe’s
indigenisation template is diametrically opposed to the one used so
far by
Saviour Kasukuwere and defended vigorously by Jonathan
Moyo.
Against a background of a scandal that is unfolding in relation to
the
legal, financial and ideological basis on which the indigenisation deals
have been designed, structured, and implemented so far particularly in
respect of mineral resources, Mugabe clearly oblivious of the true nature of
these deals, said that the government would not stop implementing the
indigenisation and empowerment programme.
There is no doubt that both
Zimplats’ shareholders and Kasukuwere and his
team have reason to be worried
by Mugabe’s comments.
It is important, therefore, to unpack the comments
and implications on the
way forward.
Mugabe holds the view that
Zimbabwe should not allow its resources to go
into foreigners’
hands.
What is the meaning of this statement?
It would appear that
president Mugabe was intimately involved in the
negotiations leading to the
conclusion of these transactions given his
active and enthusiastic
participation at the launches of a number of
community share ownership
schemes and must, therefore, have known about the
basis on which the deal
was to be done.
Any other construction would seem to suggest that in
packaging the
transaction in the manner contained in the signed Term Sheet,
Kasukuwere
overstepped his powers.
If this were the case, one would
have expected Mugabe to fire him or for him
to
resign.
Notwithstanding, Mugabe believes that the deals concluded should
be unwound
to reflect the principle that the ownership of mineral resources
must always
vest in the people whatever this means in practical
terms.
Mugabe said this in relation to the theme that resources should
never be
allowed to go into foreign hands: “That is really to commit an act
of
defiance against God’s order and not only that, we will be acting in a
foolish way ourselves.
“This is our land, these are our
resources.What sort of people will we be to
show that reckless
disregard?”
He went further to connect the indigenisation programme to
the war of
liberation.
Obviously oblivious of the construction of the
mining deals concluded so
far, he said that government would not buy shares
in mining companies, but
would use the value of the mineral deposits to
determine shareholding.
Moyo got it right that the same resources that
Mugabe is talking about were
indeed valued in terms of the Zimplats
transaction on the basis that they
were owned by Zimplats and, therefore,
the only legal mechanism for shares
to change hands to indigenous persons or
structures would have to be on a
willing-buyer willing-seller basis unlike
the land issue that was addressed
by way of a constitutional
amendment.
Mugabe would be aware that there is no legal basis to deprive
Zimplats of
the right to exploit the reserves that it spent money to
discover based on a
licence duly granted by his government.
History
will confirm that the prospecting rights in relation to platinum
resources
were granted by the post-colonial administration.
In fact, Mugabe should
know better for the Special Mining Lease granted to
Zimplats was under his
watch.
Ian Smith and his predecessors had no idea that Zimbabwe was rich
in these
resources to permit any rational assertion that colonialism had any
part to
play in the allocation of the rights.
If the premise that
Mugabe would now want indigenisation programmes to be
pursued, he should
direct his criticism to not only the relevant role
players that allowed
foreign companies to be granted prospecting and mining
rights and very well
find himself on the wrong side of the debate as he was
the sole principal at
the material time who failed to protect what he now
holds as an order from
God.
There has been no allegation that prospecting and mining orders were
fraudulently granted to the very companies that are now being accused of
stealing God’s promise to indigenous Zimbabweans.
The appropriate and
just time for the sovereignty argument over minerals to
have been made was
before licences were granted.
Surely, when licences were granted to
mining investors, little or no
knowledge was known regarding the mineral
potential.
Zimbabwe’s promise can only be delivered if risk takers are
allowed to
harvest the outcomes of their efforts.
Moyo sought to
address the concern that the platinum resources were
undervalued in arriving
at the transaction value.
Zimplats, the company, was valued at $2 764
billion in terms of the
transaction.
However, Moyo makes the point
that J.P. Morgan and Citi valued the same
company at $4 billion and $3,23
billion, respectively.
To get this valuation, regard was taken into
account of the platinum
resources that form part of the company’s asset
base.
Using Mugabe’s reasoning, in valuing the company like Zimplats, the
reserves
must not be taken into account as part of the asset base of the
company,
rather the value of the reserves should be exclusively assigned to
indigenous persons who evidently played no part in identifying and
establishing the resource.
Moyo sought to argue that Zimbabwe got the
best deal as negotiated by the
government supported by Brainworks.
He
makes the point that a company that was conservatively valued at $2,7
billion (this value itself already discounted from a possible high of $4
billion) was further discounted to a value of $1,6 billion for the purpose
of the transaction.
It must be noted that the value in question is
the value to shareholders and
not the value of the resources.
The
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (“RBZ”) put the nominal value of the resources
at a
minimum of $90 billion to a maximum of $180 million to make the
argument
that Zimbabwe was robbed.
It would appear that Mugabe has implicitly
accepted the RBZ argument that
would then mean that this unrealistic
valuation should form the basis of the
rearrangement of the shareholding of
Zimplats.
One can then appreciate the implications of this argument now
forcefully
advanced by Mugabe.
Clearly, one would have expected Moyo,
Gideon Gono, Kasukuwere and Mugabe to
know about the way to go before
embarking on a journey without a roadmap.
Moyo presumably guided by the
legal and constitutional realities argues that
the country including Mugabe
must be applauded for: “pegging an asset
allegedly worth $180 billion at a
paltry $1,6 billion thereby enabling the
indigenous entities to purchase the
asset for some $818 million representing
51 percent of the agreed
value”.
He goes further to state that: “51 percent of $180 billion would
be
staggering and unthinkable” and yet Mugabe believes otherwise.
If
indeed, the resources that were endowed by the Creator to Zimbabwe are
worth
$180 billion then why discount this value and for whose benefit.
It would
appear that foreigners would be the beneficiaries of this largesse.
Given
that Mugabe holds the same view expressed by Gono, it would be
self-evident
that the harsh words used against Gono were really meant for
Mugabe.
Moyo had this to say: “But of course by sucking their thumbs
up with the
figure of $180 billion as the value of the resource in-situ, the
RBZ is
pursuing a propaganda smokescreen to argue that the indigenous
entities
should not pay anything to Zimplats because they own the resource
which is
worth $180 billion blah blah.
“This is constructive
confusion designed to muddy the views of the
uninitiated among
us.”
It would appear that Mugabe according to Moyo belongs to the class
of the
uninitiated.
Mugabe said that Kasukuwere and indeed Moyo got
it wrong when he signed a
deal agreeing that Zimbabwe will pay for acquiring
shares in Zimplats.
He said: “So you see problem ndiyoyo, ivo vakatipa 51
percent vachiti
chikwereti chatirikukupai asi tirikukubhadharirai mangwana
mozotibhadhara
that is where the difference is. I think that is where our
minister made a
mistake. He did not quite understand what was happening and
yet theory yedu
ndeyekuti resource iyoyo ndeyedu and that resource is our
share that is
where the 51 percent comes from.”
President Mugabe is
the captain of the ship that is about to go to the polls
with this kind of
confusion on a matter that is critically important to Zanu
PF.
This
confusion does not help the cause of State actors who were yesterday
congratulating themselves on mission accomplished only to discover that they
got it wrong.
Surely, Kasukuwere should have known the views of his
boss rather than
listening to Moyo let alone relying on brains at work in
Brainworks that are
not in the Zanu PF structures.
It would appear
that Gono has won this argument and the confusion will
surely follow as
sunset follows sunrise. - Mutumwa Mawere
The Vigil is to urge
the United Nations not to finance the Zimbabwean elections unless UN monitors
are allowed to attend.
Zimbabwe asked the UN
Development Programme (UNDP) for some $80 million to pay for the referendum on a
new constitution but the request was turned down because the application had
been left too late. Justice Minister Chinamasa says the money has now been found
from ‘local sources’ – but refused to name them.
The government is now
looking to the UNDP to provide about $200 million it says it needs for the
elections, said by Jonathan Moyo likely to be held in late June. The Vigil
believes Zanu PF could easily pay for the elections out of looted diamond money
so we are sending the following letter to the UNDP.
‘The Zimbabwe Vigil
understands that the Zimbabwe government has asked you to pay for the coming
elections as it says it has no money. At the same time, Vice President Joice
Mujuru has insisted that only observers from Southern Africa will be invited to
monitor the elections.
We believe that
President Mugabe’s Zanu PF cronies have syphoned off billions of dollars of
diamond revenue and that the President could easily arrange to finance the
elections.
But if the UNDP is of
a mind to squander donors’ money on the Zimbabwean elections we believe it
should be conditional on UN observers being allowed to monitor them. We suggest
that the observers should be drawn from those countries such as the US and EU
members which provide most of the funds.
You will be aware
that three UN rapporteurs recently expressed alarm at the increasing human
rights abuses as Mugabe seeks to ensure another term of office. You will also
have heard of the police harassment of civil society organizations and the
seizure of short wave radios which allow people access to the outside world.
The Vigil believes
that, unless the UN takes a more robust approach, Mugabe will use the same
violent methods to cow voters and then go on to rig the elections as he did five
years ago.
We wish to draw your
attention to the following petition which we have submitted to the United
Nations. “We call upon the Security Council to ensure that the next elections in
Zimbabwe are free and fair. We look to the United Nations to supervise the
electoral process and handover of power to a new government and believe
peace-keeping troops will need to be in place before, during and after the
polling.”
We are sorry to say
that we have received no response to this petition signed by many thousands of
people passing by the Vigil which has been held outside the Zimbabwe Embassy in
London every Saturday for more than ten years in support of free and fair
elections.’
Other points
·
After the Vigil we
gathered for the twice-monthly Zimbabwe Action Forum down the road from the
Vigil at the Strand Continental Hotel. We discussed the letter to the UNDP and
an event on Thursday 7th March organized by the Mike Campbell
Foundation (see events and notices below). A number of people said they would
attend.
·
The diaspora
organization Yes We Can Zimbabwe (www.yeswecanzimbabwe.org) joined us
at the Forum. David Kadzutu, Organising Secretary, said the organization had
grown steadily since its formation in February 2011 because of growing concern
that the MDC as part of the GNU no longer provided an opposition. Another member
of the organization, Darlington Sibanda, said it was necessary to have a plan to
counteract Zanu PF if they won the elections. One suggestion was that we should
campaign for the MDC to refuse to join a new government of national unity so
that it can distance itself from Zanu PF and regain
credibility.
·
Martin Chinyanga, who
has launched a campaign ‘Diaspora Feels It’, also joined us at the Forum after
laying flowers on the doorstep of the Embassy in memory of 12-year-old
Christpower Maisiri. He said Mugabe’s call for an end to violence was
hypocritical and Zanu PF was attacking innocent children. Another supporter said
he was sorry to see MDC leaders arriving at the murdered boy’s humble funeral in
flashy cars and suits. There was much comment on a report that Tsvangirai had
asked Mugabe to allow him to stay in his government-owned mansion if the MDC
lost the elections (see: Plush government home haunts Tsvangirai, http://mg.co.za/article/2013-03-01-00-government-home-haunts-tsvangirai).
·
The Forum welcomed a
proposal by Action for Southern Africa (ACTSA), the successor to the
Anti-Apartheid Movement, to mark Referendum Day on 16th March. The
Vigil is grateful for their support. Further information on this in next week’s
diary.
·
The Vigil was set up
in record time today with help from ROHR members fresh from a meeting of the
ROHR Central London Branch attended by 30 people. The branch decided to present
ROHR’s petition to the UK Border Agency protesting at deportations to Zimbabwe
as violence worsens ahead of the elections. This petition, which has been
available for signature at the Vigil, will be taken to 10 Downing Street on
Referendum Day.
·
The Vigil was
saddened to hear that our supporter Pelagia was seriously ill in Leicester. We
pray for her return to good health.
·
Thanks to Iline
Manhunzi and Grace Nyaumwe of ROHR Slough and Tafadzwa Mushakwe, Hilda Gwesele
and Tendayi Vheremu of ROHR Coventry for providing food to fundraise for
ROHR.
For latest Vigil
pictures check: http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/.
Please note: Vigil photos can only be downloaded from our Flickr website – they
cannot be downloaded from the slideshow on the front page of the Zimvigil
website.
FOR THE
RECORD: 48 signed the
register but there were many more people there.
EVENTS AND NOTICES:
·
Mike Campbell
Foundation: Hope in a Desert. Thursday
7th March at 7 pm. Venue: Royal Geographical Society, 1 Kensington
Gore, London SW7 2AR. Speakers are Ben Freeth, Dr Craig Richardson and Gillian
Higgins. The event will be chaired by Kate Hoey MP, Chair of the All Party
Parliamentary Group on Zimbabwe. Tickets: £15. Check: http://www.mikecampbellfoundation.com/images/rgs2013flyer.pdf
for more information.
·
Zimbabwe Action Forum
(ZAF). Saturday
16th March from 6.30 – 9.30 pm. Venue: Strand Continental Hotel
(first floor lounge), 143 Strand, London WC2R 1JA. The meeting will take place
straight after the Vigil. Directions: The Strand is the same road as the Vigil.
From the Vigil it’s about a 10 minute walk, in the direction away from Trafalgar
Square. The Strand Continental is situated on the south side of the Strand
between Somerset House and the turn off onto Waterloo Bridge. The entrance is
marked by a big sign high above and a sign for its famous Indian restaurant at
street level. It's next to a newsagent. Nearest underground: Temple (District
and Circle lines) and Holborn. Next ZAF, Saturday 2nd April same time
and venue.
·
Zimbabwe Vigil
Highlights 2012 can be viewed on this
link: http://www.zimvigil.co.uk/the-vigil-diary/467-vigil-highlights-2012.
Links to previous years’ highlights are listed on 2012 Highlights
page.
·
The Restoration of
Human Rights in Zimbabwe (ROHR) is the Vigil’s
partner organization based in Zimbabwe. ROHR grew out of the need for the Vigil
to have an organization on the ground in Zimbabwe which reflected the Vigil’s
mission statement in a practical way. ROHR in the UK actively fundraises through
membership subscriptions, events, sales etc to support the activities of ROHR in
Zimbabwe. Please note that the official website of ROHR Zimbabwe is http://www.rohrzimbabwe.org/. Any other
website claiming to be the official website of ROHR in no way represents the
views and opinions of ROHR.
·
Vigil Facebook
page: http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=8157345519&ref=ts.
·
Vigil Myspace
page: http://www.myspace.com/zimbabwevigil...
·
Useful websites:
www.zanupfcrime.com which reports on Zanu
PF abuses and www.ipaidabribe.org.zw where people can
report corruption in Zimbabwe.
Vigil
co-ordinators
The Vigil, outside
the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place every Saturday from 14.00
to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of human rights in Zimbabwe. The
Vigil which started in October 2002 will continue until
internationally-monitored, free and fair elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk.
CONSTITUTION WATCH
11/2013
[2nd March
2013]
The
Referendum
High
Court Rejects NCA Bid to Postpone Referendum
On
Thursday 28th February Judge-President Chiweshe dismissed “in its entirety” the National
Constitutional Assembly’s application to stop the Referendum on 16th March. The NCA wanted the High Court to set aside
the President’s proclamation of 16th March as Referendum Day and to extend the
period to allow an extension of at least two months for voters to learn about
and consider the draft constitution before voting. Its case was that in fixing so early a
Referendum Day the President acted “arbitrarily, irrationally and grossly
unreasonably”.
Relying
on section 31K of the present Constitution, Justice Chiweshe concluded that the
President’s conduct in setting the Referendum date “is not subject to review by a court”. In so ruling, he upheld the preliminary
point raised by Deputy
Attorney General Machaya in his argument on 25th February, which was that the
President’s decision on the Referendum date fell within the limited range of
purely discretionary decisions which section 31K says cannot be reviewed by a
court. He then dismissed the entire
application without having heard argument on the merits of the NCA
complaint.
University
of Zimbabwe law professor and NCA chairperson Lovemore Madhuku immediately said
there would be an urgent appeal to the Supreme Court against this decision. The appeal was lodged on Friday 1st March by
NCA’s lawyer Alec Muchadehama. The
grounds of appeal are that Justice Chiweshe was mistaken in deciding that the
President’s decision was protected from judicial review by section 31K, and
therefore also erred in dismissing the application in its entirety without
hearing argument on the merits of the case, i.e., whether or not the President’s
decision was arbitrary, irrational and grossly unreasonable. The Supreme Court is not usually able to hear
and decide an appeal within two weeks, which is all that remains before 16th
March, but the NCA are asking for an urgent hearing.
Who Will Conduct the
Referendum?
The Referendum will be conducted by ZEC
using its permanent and temporary staff.
The Registrar-General is no longer responsible for any aspect
of the conduct of a Referendum. This is
stated in the present Constitution, section 100C(1)(a), the Referendums Act and
the new Referendums Regulations. Section
100C(1)(a) of the Constitution also spells out that ZEC must “ensure that referendums are conducted efficiently, freely, fairly,
transparently and in accordance with the law”.
New Referendums Regulations Gazetted
New
regulations under the Referendums Act have been produced by the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission
[ZEC] and approved by the Minister of Constitutional
and Parliamentary Affairs. The
regulations
were gazetted on Friday 1st March [Statutory Instrument 26/2013] and came
into force immediately. They replace the
previous regulations which were gazetted in SI 22A/2000 and used for the
previous Constitutional Referendum in March 2000.
The
regulations spell out in detail the procedure that ZEC will follow in conducting
the Referendum, and answer such important questions as:
·
how
voters can prove their eligibility to vote in the Referendum [i.e., what
documents they should take with them to the polling station on Referendum
Day]
·
where
voters can vote.
Who Can Vote in the
Referendum
The basic qualification for voting in
the Referendum is stated in section 6 of the Referendums Act: “Any
person who satisfies the presiding officer of a polling station that he or she
is eighteen years or above and is eligible to be registered as a voter on the
voter’s roll” is
eligible to vote.
It
is not necessary to be a registered voter. Eligibility to be registered
as a voter is all that is required.
Voters’ rolls will not be used in the Referendum.
Documents Needed to Vote in the
Referendum
At the polling station a voter must be able to provide proof of
eligibility to vote. The new regulations
stipulate what documents are needed [Regulations, section 3]. All the voter needs to do is to produce one of the following documents, on
which “it is legibly shown that that the
person is a citizen of Zimbabwe of or over the age of eighteen [18]
years”:
·
a Zimbabwe national identity document
[except IDs of non-citizens – see more
below] issued in terms of the National Registration Act [metal or plastic]
OR
·
a “waiting pass” which includes a photograph of the holder. A waiting pass is the
document that one gets when applying for a national ID and that serves as
proof of registration until the ID itself is received.
OR
·
a valid Zimbabwean passport.
What about an ID that indicates holder is not a
citizen? As IDs are compulsory for
all residents, including non-citizens, IDs held by non-citizens indicate this
status by an “A” or “ALIEN” at the end of the ID number. This type of ID is not sufficient for
the purpose of voting. If the holder of
an alien’s ID has become or been recognised as a Zimbabwe citizen since it was
issued, he or she will have to produce proof of that fact to the polling station
officials, e.g. a certificate of registration as a citizen or a certificate of
citizenship issued by the Minister of Home Affairs.
Driver’s licences not sufficient A driver’s licence cannot be
used [Regulations, section 3(2)]. This is because a driver’s licence does not officially state the holder’s
citizenship.
Where can People
Vote?
A voter in the Referendum may vote at any polling station anywhere in the
country.[Regulations, section
4]. ZEC will notify the location of
all polling stations on its website, in mass circulations newspapers and in the
Government Gazette not later than
Wednesday 13th March. The new
regulations state that polling stations must be located in places that are
readily accessible to the public, including pesons living with
disabilities. [Regulations, section
6].
Veritas makes every effort to ensure
reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for information
supplied