On Friday 27 February 2009 at around 15:00 PM Kisimusi Dhlamini is taken to Avenues Clinic for examination by a doctor of his own choice, he has been suffering from a ruptured eardrum since the time he was tortured during the enforced disappearance. The recommendation prescribed by the doctor for his admission at Avenues Clinic and to receive specialist treatment is respected by the prison officers.
At 14: 15 PM, defence lawyers receive telephone calls from Rodrick Tokwe, the Chief Law Officer in the Attorney General (AG)’s Office indicating the State’s willingness to grant bail to eight of the accused persons in the matter between Concillia Chinazvavana&Others vs. the State. Lawyers Beatrice Mtetwa, Roselyn Hanzi, Alec Muchadehama, Andrew Makoni and Otto Saki attend the meeting at 1600hrs.
At around 17:15 PM on Friday 27 February 2009 bail application proceedings in the matter between Concillia Chinazvavana &Others vs. the State commence before Harare Magistrate Mishrod Guvamombe in chambers.
Magistrate Guvamombe grants bail to the eight accused persons namely Concillia Chinanzvavana, Emmanuel Chinanzvavana, Broderick Takawira, Violet Mupfuranhewe, Fidelis Chiramba, Collen Mutemagau, Pieta Kaseke and Audrey Zimbudzana and sets out stringent bail conditions including depositing US$600 with the Clerk of the Magistrate Court, surrendering all travel documents and depositing US$20 000 or title deeds as security for surety and to report Monday and Friday, between 6AM and 6PM at the nearest police stations mainly Banket, Chinhoyi and Marimba depending on their addresses of residence.
On Saturday 28 February 2009 only two accused persons namely Broderick Takawira and Fidelis Chiramba out of the eight accused persons manage to satisfy the tough bail conditions and get released from detention.
On Monday 02 March 2009 defence lawyer Harrison Nkomo makes a bail application for Jestina Mukoko before Magistrate Guvamombe. Magistrate Guvamombe grants bail to Mukoko and sets out the same bail conditions as those set out for the eight accused persons who were granted bail on Friday 27 February 2009. By late Monday Mukoko satisfies all her bail conditions and just remains in hospital pending advice on her discharge by her doctor.
On Tuesday 03 March 2009 six of the accused persons namely Concillia Chinanzvavana, Emmanuel Chinanzvavana, Violet Mupfuranhewe, Collen Mutemagau, Pieta Kaseke and Audrey Zimbudzana who were granted bail on Friday 27 February 2009 by Magistrate Guvamombe were still in custody as the state is still to establish whether they held passports or not. Defence lawyers are told that verification of whether they hold passports or not will be carried on Tuesday 03 March 2009 at the Registrar General (RG)’s Office.
The six detainees still need to raise US$20 000 or to surrender title deeds to surrender to the courts as surety. On Monday lawyers failed to meet the Director of Public Prosecutions in the Attorney General’s Office Florence Ziyambi to seek a review of the amount of surety which the State is demanding before the release of the detainees.
Detainees will have to deposit US$20 000 or put up the deeds to property worth US$20 000, part of the terms of their release. Defence lawyers are still to meet officials at the AG’s Office to ask for the scrapping of a bail condition requiring the accused persons to pay US$20 000 or surrender title deeds to property worth US$20 000 as surety, which the State is demanding before the release of the detainees.
On Monday 02 March 2009 four other detainees namely Mapfumo Garutsa, Regis Mujeyi, Chinoto Zulu and Zacharia Nkomo are released following a bail order by High Court Justice Yunus Omerjee. Their release came after defence lawyers wrote a letter on Friday 27 February 2009 to Justice Omerjee who granted them bail on 19 February 2009 but suspended bail after the State invoked section 121 of the Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act (CPEA). The lawyers in their letter alerted the Judge that the State had not sought leave to appeal against the granting of bail to the four accused persons in the Supreme Court. On Friday 27 February 2009 Justice Omerjee then informed the defence lawyers that his order of 19 February 2009 granting bail to the four stands.
In his bail order of 19 February 2009 Justice Omerjee ordered the four accused persons to deposit Z$1 000 (revalued) with the Clerk of the Harare Magistrates’ Court and to report twice daily between 6:00 AM to 13:00 PM and between 14:30 PM to 18:00 PM at police stations located near their given residential addresses. He also ordered some of the detainees to surrender their travel documents, not to apply for a passport or a travel document until their case is finalized and not interfere with State witnesses. Justice Omerjee also ordered the detainees not to leave their given residential addresses except for purposes of court appearances or with the leave of the Court.
Three other accused persons namely Kisimusi Dhlamini, Gandhi Mudzingwa and Andrison Manyere who were denied bail by Justice Omerjee are still in custody. Three other accused persons namely Pascal Gonzo, Tawanda Bvumo and Nigel Mutemagau, the two year old minor had already been released some time ago.
Three other persons, who are being detained under Police Protective Custody as state witness and who were abducted in October 2008 namely Fannie Tembo, Lloyd Tarumbwa and Terry Musona are still held in detention.
On Tuesday 03 March 2009 police summon lawyer Chris Mhike representing Fannie Tembo, Lloyd Tarumbwa and Terry Musona to the Police General Headquarters (PGHQ). He is in the company of Fanny Tembo’s oldest son, Innocent Tembo. Fanny Tembo manages to speak with his son for the first time since he was abducted in October 2008.
Defence lawyers negotiate with Florence Ziyambi to have the bail conditions for Concillia Chinanzvavana, Emmanuel Chinanzvavana, Violet Mupfuranhewe, Collen Mutemagau, Pieta Kaseke and Audrey Zimbudzana relaxed, and exclude the requirement of security in the form of title deeds to the value of US$20 000. The state agrees to increase the bail amount from US$600 to US$1500. Magistrate Guvamombe, refuses to increase the bail amount but scraps the security requirement.
At around 14: 30 PM the application for leave to appeal against bail granted to Roy Bennett on 24 February 2009 by Justice Karwi is heard in chambers before Justice Karwi. The application for leave to appeal is dismissed as it has no merit.
On Wednesday 04 March 2009 High Court Judge Justice Ben Hlatshwayo will hear an urgent chamber application filed last Thursday by Chris Mhike seeking the release of Musona, Tembo and Tarumbwa.
On 04 March 2009 all the detainees who have so far been granted bail will appear in the Magistrates Court for remand hearing.
ZLHR Press Release
By Nasreen
Seria
March 3 (Bloomberg) -- International Monetary Fund Managing
Director
Dominique Strauss-Kahn spoke by telephone with South African
Finance
Minister Trevor Manuel today to discuss "how to resume relations"
with
Zimbabwe and help revive the economy after a decade of
recession.
The IMF will continue talks with Manuel next week at an IMF
conference in
Tanzania, Strauss-Kahn told reporters in Johannesburg via a
video link from
Washington. The fund is also preparing to send a team to
Zimbabwe,
Antoinette Sayeh, head of the lender's Africa department, said at
the press
conference.
Zimbabwean Finance Minister Tendai Biti met
with his regional counterparts
in Cape Town last month, where he requested
$2 billion in aid over the next
10 months to address a humanitarian crisis
and revive the economy. Zimbabwe
has the world's highest inflation rate,
estimated at 231 million percent,
while more than half the population is in
need of food aid, according to the
United Nations.
The southern
African nation still has outstanding debt to some donor
countries and
financial institutions that will have to be repaid before new
aid can be
released, Sayeh said.
"We have a mission going out to Zimbabwe to take
stock of the situation, to
discuss with the new authorities their policy
ambitions and reform agenda,
to be able to assess whether the international
community can then come in
and support," she said.
The African
Development Bank said on Feb. 26 that Zimbabwe owes it $460
million, which
must be repaid before it can resume lending. The IMF
estimates Zimbabwe's
arrears to the fund are $130 million.
To contact the reporter on this
story: Nasreen Seria in Johannesburg at
nseria@bloomberg.net
Last Updated:
March 3, 2009 13:51 EST
http://www.voanews.com
By Blessing Zulu
Washington
03
March 2009
Having been sworn in as Zimbabwean prime minister last
month, Movement for
Democratic Change founder Morgan Tsvangirai on Tuesday
took another oath as
an appointive member of the House of Assembly in a
non-constituent,
nonvoting seat, a step that allows him to formally lead the
government in
parliament though not elected to a
constituency.
Tsvangirai was to deliver his maiden speech in parliament
on Wednesday.
Also sworn in as parliamentarians were Deputy Prime
Minister Arthur
Mutambara, head of the smaller of the two MDC formations,
and Attorney
General Johannes Tomana.
Clerk of Parliament Austin
Zvoma called the event the "culmination" of the
formation of a government
uniting the MDC and the ZANU-PF party of President
Robert
Mugabe.
Tomana's swearing-in raised eyebrows, however, as it suggested
that Mr.
Mugabe may not be willing to replace Tomana as Mr. Tsvangirai has
demanded.
The MDC wants Tomana, seen as too much of a ZANU-PF partisan and
compromised
on the rule of law, and Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono, to be
removed and
replaced with consensus appointees.
Mr. Tsvangirai said
Mr. Mugabe's unilateral appointments of Tomana and Gono
as well as 31
ministerial permanent secretaries would be revisited in the
next two
weeks.
But ZANU-PF hardliners told VOA that there is no going back on the
appointments, saying the consider Tomana and Gono to be "buffers against
regime change."
Tsvangirai spokesman James Maridadi told reporter
Blessing Zulu of VOA's
Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that Mr. Tsvangirai's
swearing-in was more than a mere
formality.
But National
Constitutional Assembly chairman Lovemore Madhuku dismissed the
ceremony as
a pro-forma exercise with little larger political significance.
The Herald
Wednesday, March 04, 2009
Court Reporter
THE High Court has nullified the
Sadc Tribunal ruling which said white
farmers, whose farms were acquired by
Government for resettlement purposes,
could remain on the farms because they
had legal title to the farms.
Last year Justice Luis Mondlane, the
president of the Sadc Tribunal, ruled
that the white farmers had a clear
legal title to their farms and should
receive fair compensation from the
Government for the properties lost during
the land reform
programme.
However, in a judgment handed down by High Court judge Justice
Anne-Mary
Gowora and made available yesterday, the court said the Sadc
Tribunal's
decisions do not apply and cannot be enforced in Zimbabwe unless
Parliament
ratifies the protocol that sets up the tribunal.
The
ruling comes after Chegutu white farmer Richard Thomas Etheredge took
President of the Senate Edna Madzongwe to court seeking to evict her from
Stockdale Farm allocated to her by the Government under the land reform
programme.
Justice Gowora dismissed the order sought by Etheredge
with costs. Her
ruling, among other issues, dealt with the applicability of
the decisions of
the Sadc Tribunal to Zimbabwe.
She noted in her
judgment that the Sadc Treaty makes provisions for the
establishment of a
tribunal. The protocol, she said, is a document that sets
up the tribunal
and provides for the powers of the tribunal.
Justice Gowora said after
examining the protocol very carefully she did not
find in it any reference
to the courts of any countries within Sadc.
She further noted that if
indeed the intention was to create a tribunal that
would be superior to the
courts in the subscribing countries that intent is
not manifest in the
document presented to her.
"The supreme law in this jurisdiction is our
Constitution and it has not
made provisions for these courts to be subject
to the tribunal," she said.
"This court is a court of superior
jurisdiction and has an inherent
jurisdiction over all people and all
matters in the country, and its
jurisdiction can only be ousted by a
statutory provision to that effect.
"I do not have placed before me any
statute to that effect and the protocol
certainly does not do
that."
In terms of the Sadc Tribunal's own rules as well as Zimbabwe's
common law,
the tribunal's decisions need to be registered in Zimbabwe, in
the High
Court for recognition and enforcement.
As it is, the
tribunal judgment does not form part of the law of Zimbabwe
until it has
been registered and/or recognised in the country's High Court.
However,
another Chegutu white farmer, Collin Cloete, has filed a court
application
citing Government and the Attorney-General's Office as
respondents seeking
to have the tribunal judgment registered and enforced in
Zimbabwe.
But a resettled farmer who was allocated the farm that
previously belonged
to Cloete has also applied to the High Court to be
joined in the action as
an interested party.
The matter is going on
with full arguments still to be heard by the High
Court.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=12741
March 3, 2009
By Raymond
Maingire
HARARE - Former Guruve North legislator, David Butau is said to
have been
arrested Monday evening as he arrived from Britain where he had
sought
refuge for over a year.
Sources revealed Tuesday the fugitive
businessman was seized by police from
the Criminal Investigations Department
(CID) as he arrived from London and
is being detained at Harare Central
police station.
Butau, who was chief executive officer of Dande Holdings,
which has
significant interests in agriculture, faces charges connected to
alleged
violations of the Exchange Control Regulations.
Police
sources revealed the former legislator had bargained for his freedom
while
he was still in the United Kingdom and was arrested by police who
already
had the full knowledge he was on the Monday flight.
"He had written to
the Attorney General's office seeking to know the nature
of his offence,"
said a source on condition of anonymity.
"He was then informed of his
charges whilst he was still in the United
Kingdom. So he had to weigh the
pros and cons of coming back to face the
charges against his business
interests in Zimbabwe."
Butau fled to the United Kingdom on December 27,
2007 after police had
issued a public statement he was wanted for
questioning on the matter.
Although the police had, during the time, not
specified the nature of his
crime, it later emerged after the former Zanu-PF
official had fled the
country that he was being sought over a payment of
about 537 000 pounds for
tractors, made from an offshore account in the
Channel Islands.
The payments were allegedly made by two cheques on
November 11, 2007 to
Michigan Tractors.
The money was allegedly
withdrawn from Butau's personal account with HSBC
Bank Channel Islands
Branch.
While in the UK, Butau, who pleaded innocent, wrote to a
government
controlled weekly saying he had fled as he believed he would not
get a fair
treatment from what he saw as government's vindictive
stance.
He had however promised to return to Zimbabwe as soon as
documents and
details absolving him of any wrongdoing were forwarded to the
relevant
authorities.
At the time, the first signs of Butau's
imminent arrest emerged when central
bank governor, Gideon Gono had publicly
accused some Zanu-PF and government
officials of creating artificial
shortages of the local currency through
hoarding cash for speculative
purposes.
Gono, who was announcing the introduction of a new set of
higher
denomination bearer cheques, said he was ready to appear before the
parliamentary committee on budget and finance to name and shame corrupt
officials.
It later emerged Gono had been trying to pique Butau, who
was in fact
chairing the parliamentary committee.
Pressured to
respond, the Zanu-PF official, who is said to be linked to a
Zanu-PF faction
led by former army commander, General Solomon Mujuru, ran
into Gono's hands
by saying his committee was not going to be hurried into
summoning the
central bank chief.
Police later issued a press statement that Butau's
name was on the "Wanted
list" in connection with exchange control
violations.
A Harare man linked to companies involving Butau later
pleaded guilty to
charges of illegally dealing in foreign currency involving
more than Z$2, 1
trillion.
According to court documents, Joseph
Manjoro, a finance and administration
executive with Clarion Insurance, was
contracted by Flatwater Investments to
source foreign currency from
individuals in the Diaspora to procure tractors
for the Reserve Bank for the
government's Agricultural Mechanisation
Programme.
Manjoro allegedly
transferred some of the money to companies linked to
Butau. Squareaxe
received Z$575 billion through its ZB Bank account while
Nyamasoka Farm
received Z$262, 5 billion through CBZ Bank.
http://www.nehandaradio.com/blog/?p=458
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR)
is extremely disturbed by the
actions of the Herald newspaper after its
Editor refused to publish a
communiqué drafted by civil society
organizations announcing the
establishment of a Civil Society Monitoring
Mechanism (CSMM) on the
implementation of the Interparty Political Agreement
(IPA) between ZANU PF
and the two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
formations in its Friday 27
February 2009 edition.
ZLHR including the
following 23 civic bodies had crafted the communiqué,
Bulawayo Agenda (BA),
Christian Alliance (CA), Counseling Services Unit
(CSU), Crisis in Zimbabwe
Coalition (CZC), General Agriculture and
Plantation Workers Union( GAPWUZ),
Legal Resources Foundation (LRF), Media
Institute of Southern Africa -
Zimbabwe Chapter (MISA-Zimbabwe), Media
Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ),
National Association of Non-Governmental
Organizations (NANGO), Oxfam,
Progressive Teachers Association of Zimbabwe
(PTUZ), Research and Advocacy
Unit (RAU), Save Zimbabwe Campaign (SZC),
Veritas, Voluntary Media Council
of Zimbabwe (VMCZ), Zimbabwe Association of
Doctors for Human Rights
(ZADHR), Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development
(Zimcodd), Zimbabwe
Election Support Network (ZESN), Zimbabwe Human Rights
Association
(ZimRights), Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (ZHRF), Zimbabwe
National
Students Union (Zinasu), Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP), Zimbabwe
Young
Women's Network for Peace Building (ZYWNP).
ZLHR on Thursday 26 February
2009 visited the Herald House to book space for
the communiqué and was told
by one of the advertising representatives that
the communiqué would be taken
to the newspaper's Editor for vetting before
placement in the newspaper. The
advertising representative informed ZLHR
that the Editor was not in office
and would inform ZLHR once the Editor
endorses the advertisement. At around
15:30 PM, the advertising
representative informed ZLHR that the Editor had
vetted the communiqué and
had recommended the dropping of two paragraphs
from the communiqué for it to
be carried in the newspaper.
The
censored paragraphs contained in the communiqué read as follows;
"Deeply
concerned at the continued assault on the fundamental rights and
freedoms of
the people of Zimbabwe, in particular human rights defenders and
legitimate
political activists, In solidarity with our colleagues and others
who remain
unjustly incarcerated at various prisons, remand facilities and
hospitals
around Zimbabwe."
After being informed of the censored paragraphs ZLHR
then refused to
advertise the amended communiqué as it omitted some vital
information. ZLHR
condemns the amendment of the CSMM communiqué by the
Herald, which is
supposed to be a public newspaper. The amendment of the
communiqué by the
Herald Editor amounts to bowdlerization and has the effect
of subjecting the
media to the dictates of the "powerful". Such
pre-publication censorship may
force the media to expunge large amounts of
their news coverage from their
pages. The expurgation of the CSMM communiqué
highlights and emphasizes the
urgent need for the coalition government
particularly the new Minister of
Media and Information Publicity Mr Webster
Shamu and his deputy Mr Jameson
Timba to restore the credibility and
independence of the state-run print
media and broadcaster so that they truly
function in the public interest.
ZLHR calls upon the Editors and staff at
The Herald to change tack and
operate freely and without interference or
pre-publication censorship. As a
public media the Herald must provide
balanced and fair coverage to all
Zimbabweans, parties and organizations for
their legitimate activities.
March 3rd, 2009
http://www.zimeye.org/?p=2591
By Naledi Mpofu
Published: March 4,
2009
Gweru - An official of the Movement for Democratic Change formation
led by
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai says the Media and Information
Commission
is now a legal nullity and journalists should not continue to
legitimize it
by seeking to be registered through
it.
Addressing journalists at a workshop on media self-regulation
in Gweru
recently, the MDC's director of information, Luke Tamborenyoka,
said
journalists must not see their quest for press freedom as isolated but
should unite with other progressive forces to bring about full-fledged
democracy in the country.
Tamborenyoka told participants that
the MDC -along with the generality of
Zimbabweans- has been a victim of
government's stranglehold on the media, as
it has been denied access to
state-controlled media.
He said the MDC believes that
journalists, like other professionals such as
lawyers and doctors, should be
allowed to regulate their own profession,
adding that the party also
believes statutory regulation inhibits freedom of
expression and is open to
abuse by politicians.
"We are very clear that as MDC we believe
in self-regulation; we believe in
a voluntary media council. We believe that
government is a demon which must
be exorcised out of the media; that
journalists must be left to protect and
regulate themselves. But we are not
saying that they must do that
recklessly; they must do it within the
confines of the law. But we believe
that government has nothing; must have
nothing to do with media regulation,"
he stated
Tamborenyoka
said the coming into force of Constitutional Amendment number
19, which
provides for the formation of the Zimbabwe Media Commission, means
that the
MIC is now a legal nullity.
He said he is surprised that
journalists continue to legitimize the
existence of the MIC by paying
registration fees, adding that although the
proposed Zimbabwe Media
Commission is another statutory body, journalists
have a chance to be well
represented if they lobby members of the house of
assembly to ensure that
people who best serve their interests are chosen on
the
Commission.
"The correct legal position is that the Media and
Information Commission is
now a legal nullity. It has since been overtaken
by a board which was set up
under Constitutional Amendment number 19, and
that was the Zimbabwe Media
Commission. The Zimbabwe Media Commission is a
body that is supposed to be
set up through Parliament. In other words, the
Committee on Standing Orders
and Regulations, which is chaired by the
Speaker of the house of assembly,
brings up names and seconds them to the
President whose job is only to
choose a chairperson.
"That is the
correct legal position and the Zimbabwe media Commission has
since not been
constituted, so, unless that happens and before that happens
it means that
the Media and Information Commission has since been outlawed,
and it has no
reason and no legal status or legal moral high ground to
continue to demand
registration fees from journalists because it is a legal
nullity. So what it
means is that as of now there is no legal body.the only
legal body is the
Zimbabwe Media Commission which has not yet been
constituted, but right now
the Media and Information Commission has no locus
standi to continue to
extort money from journalists under the guise of
registration," Tamborenyoka
said.
Since its inception in 2002, the MIC has largely been seen
as heavy-handed,
shrinking the media industry and curtailing the operations
of journalists
through victimization and closure of private-owned media
houses seen as
hostile to the Zanu PF government.
This has
made Zimbabwean journalists fight for self-regulation, culminating
in the
launch of the Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe in
2008.
However, journalists and other stakeholders have decried
the Council's lack
of visibility and initiative. Some of the workshop
participants blamed this
on the fact that people who constitute the Council
do not have the interests
of journalists at heart.
The workshop was
organized by the Zimbabwe Union of Journalists.
March 3, 2009
By Ntandoyenkosi Ncube
JOHANNESBURG – Heather Bennett, the wife of Movement for Democratic Change treasurer, Roy Leslie Bennett, says the party has let her husband down.
“I still appeal to them to re-look at their conscience,” she said in an interview in Johannesburg Monday.
Roy Bennett was arrested last month days before he was due to be sworn in as Deputy Minister of Agriculture in the new government of national unity. MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai had been sworn in as Prime Minister before Bennett’s dramatic arrest.
Bennett, a commercial farmer before he was forced to flee from Zimbabwe in 2006 would have presided over a ministry in charge of a racially and politically charged farming sector.
He was arrested on Friday, February 13, moments before the private plane he was flying on was before to take off for Johannesburg, South Africa. As newly appointed cabinet ministers were sworn in at State House in Harare Bennett was driven away, reports say in a vehicle belonging to the commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, General Constantine Chiwenga.
Driving at high speed the 4×4 vehicle headed east, away from the capital city. By sundown Bennett was in police cells in the city of Mutare, 270 km away from Harare. He has remained in remand prison there. Original charges of treason were dropped and he now faces charges of attempting to commit terrorism, banditry and sabotage.
The High Court granted him bail 11 days later. The Attorney General’s office opposed the bail and Bennett remains in jail after the State appealed against the High Court order.
Back in 2004 he pushed the Minister of Justice, Patrick Chinamasa, to the floor during an altercation in Parliament. A parliamentary committee found him guilty and sentenced him to 15 months in prison. He served eight months in Chikurubi Maximum Prison.
In 2006 the State implicated Bennett in a treason case. Bennett fled to Johannesburg with his family. They remained there after the South African government granted them political asylum.
I caught up with Heather Bennett in Johannesburg on Monday and the following are excerpts from the interview conducted with the wife of Zimbabwe’s most high-profile prisoner:
QUESTION: What do you think is the reason behind Roy’s arrest?
ANSWER: Roy’s arrest is completely political. Firstly, I think they see Roy as a threat. I think they (being Zanu-PF) are afraid when Roy takes office as Deputy Minister of Agriculture he will be able to prove to the world how this whole land grab was just a political move by Zanu-PF to stay in power. Most of the farms were given to army or military heads, to Zanu-PF MP’s and to judges loyal to Zanu-PF as patronage tools to keep them loyal to Robert Mugabe.
If an audit of farms is done, which the MDC policy states, which speaks of rationalisation of farm ownership through an independent committee constituted and legalised by an Act of Parliament, it is going to show how many farms that were productive a few years ago are now lying in ruins, because the people that were given the farms sold all the assets and then moved on to another farm. It is alleged Patrick Chinamasa has gone through nine farms like this, selling all the assets then having access to Government subsidized fuel, fertilizer, seed etc and selling them. The whole land issue has had nothing to do with addressing historical injustices as Mugabe would have the world believe through his propaganda. It was a political tool of survival on the eve of an election he was sure he would lose.
Secondly, I think the Zanu-PF old guard cannot stand the fact that Roy is loved and respected openly by the people of Zimbabwe. He is one white person whose image they have dismally failed to tarnish in the eyes of the people of Zimbabwe, despite and in spite of their propaganda. Zanu-PF knows but they are refusing to accept that the tide of change has gripped Zimbabwe and is irreversible.
QUESTION: Do you think he will be released soon?
ANSWER: This is completely dependent on the inclusive government. They have to respect the Rule of Law. Bail has been granted and Roy should be released immediately. The judgment of the High Court must be respected and the inclusive government and the Prime Minister must insure that the judgment calling for the release of my husband is adhered to. There must be evidence of some change in how the government of Zimbabwe treats people. All political prisoners must be released.
QUESTION: Do you feel that Roy was let down by the MDC party?
ANSWER: Yes, I feel he is being let down by all parties in Zimbabwe because I have heard very few statements from individuals condemning his detention and that of the other political detainees too. I think everybody that has taken posts within this inclusive government should be ashamed of themselves that they have done this while Roy Bennett and others who were fighting to bring democracy to Zimbabwe are still locked up in prison under the most horrendous conditions. I wonder if they can sleep well at night. I know that if any of them were in prison, Roy would be doing everything possible to get them out. He would spend sleepless nights to get them out. I know what he did when Morgan Tsvangirai and some of the leaders of civic society were brutalised on March 11, (2007). I feel they have let my husband down. I still appeal to them to re-look at their conscience.
QUESTION: Do you advise Roy to pursue his ministerial appointment if released?
ANSWER: Roy has always been committed to the democratic process in Zimbabwe and I know that whatever decision he takes I will stand by him and that his decision will be for the betterment of the Zimbabwe people and not for himself.
QUESTION: Was Roy nervous about going back to Zimbabwe?
ANSWER: Yes, obviously like anybody else, he was nervous. He is brave but not stupid. Anybody that knows the evil of Zanu-PF knows that they can not be trusted. So, yes, he was nervous
QUESTION: Who do you think is behind Roy’s arrest?
ANSWER: Robert Mugabe, Patrick Chinamasa, and Constantine Chiwenga.
QUESTION: Do you communicate with Roy while in police custody, if so what is he saying?
ANSWER: I don’t communicate with Roy. He is only allowed a visitor once a week. I am still in South Africa so I have not spoken to him at all since his arrest. I spoke to his lawyer who conveyed to me the living conditions in the prisons and it is disgusting, one can just imagine. Four prisoners have died in the period Roy has been there. Basically they have starved to death. In one incident a dead body was in Roy’s cell for the greater part of the day. Its torture!
QUESTION: How is Roy’s health at the moment?
ANSWER: Roy was abducted from Charles Prince Airport, driven at speeds over 150km/h to Mutare endangering his life. He was then put into police cells then into Prison. The prisons are in a disgusting state in fact I think Amnesty International got into the prisons in Zimbabwe and the report from them said they were not fit for human life, cholera is rife so I am very worried about his health.
One just has to look at the other political detainees, Jestina Mukoko, Chris Dhlamini and Gandhi Mudzingwa, their health has been badly affected since being incarcerated.
QUESTION: What made him return to Zimbabwe, was he convinced by Tsvangirai or anyone else?
ANSWER: Roy returned in good faith after the signing of the Global Political Agreement, and after South Africa, SADC and the AU leadership guaranteed this agreement and the inclusive government. He returned as he is committed to Zimbabwe and was eager to start the rebuilding process. He was assured by the South African government that nothing would happen to him.
QUESTION: Did Roy mention to you that President Motlanthe had assured him he would be safe on return to Harare?
ANSWER: Roy certainly mentioned that he had been given guarantees by South Africa. I do not know who?
QUESTION: Can you say something about Bennett’s three years in exile? What did it mean to you, him, and the family?
ANSWER: Roy spent his three years in exile fighting to bring change to Zimbabwe so he could return home. He was desperate to go home and rebuild his life and help rebuild Zimbabwe.
QUESTION: What is your family doing for a living? Do you have farms somewhere within the continent?
ANSWER: Roy was working fulltime for the MDC here in South Africa when he was arrested. We have no farms, not in Zimbabwe or anywhere else on the continent, we only owned one farm, Charleswood, in Chimanimani that was taken by the government in 2003.
QUESTION: What are your plans? Are you going back to Zimbabwe if Roy is released and starts pursuing his national duties?
ANSWER: Yes we will all go back home, we are in South Africa as refugees and would want to go back to Zimbabwe as soon as possible. I think I speak for Millions of Zimbabweans here, who would all go home as soon as they thought it safe and could see that the Rule of Law and Human Rights were being respected and that we could all start rebuilding our lives again. But arresting Roy I am sure causes a lot of hesitation for us and am sure a number of other activists that have been all over the world as refugees. But no doubt we want to go back home.
QUESTION: Does Roy still have his refugee status or did he renounce it?
ANSWER: I am not sure how that works but he certainly has not renounced it.
QUESTION: Are you happy that Roy was appointment Deputy Minister of Agriculture?
ANSWER: I think that portfolio will obviously be a difficult one but whatever position Roy is given he will do it with utmost honesty and make it work, so I would be comfortable with whatever position he was given and for that matter if he does not have a position, as long as he can do what he loves best, working with the people of Zimbabwe.
QUESTION: How many children do you have and where are they?
ANSWER: Two and they are with me here in South Africa.
QUESTION: Are you optimistic about the unity government?
ANSWER: The inclusive government can only work if they respect the rule of law and human rights and at this stage they are clearly not doing that.
QUESTION: What’s your message to SADC and the AU leadership who are guarantors of the inclusive government that is currently detaining Roy?
ANSWER: I would ask them to stand by the agreement they guaranteed and not let Robert Mugabe and Zanu-PF to continue to be bullish and insincere. Zanu-PF must take the agreement seriously. I am sure that if the leadership of SADC and the AU commit themselves; we can make this continent a wonderful place for everyone.
I would plead with SADC and the AU leadership to ensure the safe and immediate release of my husband, Jestina Mukoko and all political prisoners. I think they need to pressurize the Zimbabwe government to release Roy and the other political detainees as their continued incarceration is completely illegal and is obviously political. The Zimbabwe government should be forced to respect the rule of law and human rights. I do not think that the Zimbabwe Government should be supported in any way until such times as they respect the rule of law. I understand that Jestina is chained to her hospital bed. That is clearly inhuman and degrading. The inclusive government must really respect human rights and show that things have changed.
QUESTION: There are allegations that some of your properties, assets and cattle were taken by senior ZANU-PF officials, how far true is that?
ANSWER: That is 100 percent true. When the government took Charleswood we were not allowed to take anything with us. We had to leave with nothing I do not think a lot of people understand this. Imagine walking out of your house now and never going back, never being allowed one single thing. Imagine leaving our vehicles, our furniture, our clothes, and things you have collected over a life time, things that were passed down from generation to generation. Also with taking the farm from us the way they did it meant Roy no longer had a job. We no longer have a roof over our heads. We have to start from scratch.
Apart from us the Government also evicted all the workers from Charleswood, they too lost their homes, their Jobs, their friends, the school their children were going to, the farm clinic where they could get free medication, a lot of our workers were on long term medication that they now had no access to.
They lost everything too.
Ntando: Thank you, Mrs Bennett, for your time and answers. I wish Roy luck.
Heather: Thanks Ntando
http://www.newzimbabwe.com/blog/?p=459
Posted By Rumbidzai Bvunzawabaya on
3 Mar,
2009 at 11:47 pm
I HAVE been in Zimbabwe for the past few weeks. After an
absence of four
years, I was shocked by the state of general decay - from
the
infrastructure, the roads to the complete collapse of the education
system.
Our education system in Zimbabwe was our pride, one of
the best in Africa.
It now faces immense challenges. Public financing of the
sector continues to
dwindle in real terms, school fees is soaring beyond the
reach of many,
depletion of educators and low morale owing to poor salaries
for the
remaining teachers have unravelled past successes in the
sector.
The crisis has not spared tertiary education which saw
all major State
Universities failing to open for the first semester of the
2008/2009
academic year which was supposed to resume last August. The
medical school
remains closed. University students that I had the
opportunity to speak to
were demoralised and uncertain about their
future.
Many parents have resorted to sending their children
abroad to study. Some
students are even resorting to study in countries like
Malawi to complete
their degrees - such is the state of our
education.
The United Kingdom has always been a favourite
destination for many
Zimbabwean students. The immigration rules have
historically been very
difficult to meet. The rules required that students
should show an intention
to return to their home country.
How
does one show that they intend to return? This was subjective and often
abused by entry clearance officers. Applications for Student Visas will now
be dealt with under Tier 4 of the new points-based
system.
All universities and colleges that wish to recruit
foreign students will
require a sponsor licence and all students will
require a licensed sponsor.
These new stricter rules are designed to protect
the UK's labour market and
ensure that students and their educational
establishments are legitimate and
adhere to these new legal
requirements.
For example, under these new rules, before students
can apply to study in
the UK, they will need to:
* provide
their fingerprints;
* prove a track record in their studies;
* meet a
minimum level of qualification;
* demonstrate that they can support
themselves (and any dependants)
financially.
The Home Office
also expects to tighten the rules even further later this
year by
introducing a "sponsor management system" which will enable the
licensed
educational establishments to inform the UK Border Agency if
students do not
enrol in their course or skip more than ten sessions. More
information can
be found HERE.
The requirement to have the educational
institutions licensed will protect
many foreign students who have been
victims to bogus colleges. As an
immigration lawyer, I have witnessed many
Zimbabweans whose lives have been
ruined by these "bogus colleges". Many
people arrived in the UK with the
intention to pursue a course of study but
fell into the hands of these bogus
colleges and in addition to losing
thousands of pounds, their hope of
staying lawfully in this country was
destroyed.
Under the current system, entry clearance refusals can
be challenged on
appeal and the case heard before an independent Immigration
Judge at the
Asylum and Immigration Tribunal (AIT).
Under
Tier 4, students will no longer have a right of appeal against an
entry
clearance refusal. The right of appeal is being replaced by an
'administrative review' by an Entry Clearance Manager.
The
UKBA argue that because decisions under Tier 4 will be more transparent,
clear-cut and based only on factual information, there is no need for an
appeal system. Entry Clearance Officers (ECO's) will not, for instance, be
able to refuse on 'intention' to study or return home after completion of
the course.
Should this prove to be the case, students
applying for a visa under Tier 4
could be more assured of a visa than under
the current 'hit and miss'
system. It is, however, very important to ensure
that the initial
application is submitted correctly and meets the required
points under the
Points Based System.
It will, hopefully, be
easier for foreign students to undertake a course of
study in this country.
With many Zimbabweans having settled in this country,
this remains a top
destination for students. Hopefully, there will be a time
when individuals
who have gained an education in this country and have been
exposed to the
first world may be able to return and rebuild our
nation.
Disclaimer: This article only provides general
information and guidance on
immigration law.. The specific facts that apply
to your matter may make the
outcome different than would be anticipated by
you. The writer will not
accept any liability for any claims or
inconvenience as a result of the use
of this information.
Rumbidzai
Bvunzawabaya is a Solicitor at RBM Solicitors based in Coventry.
She can be
contacted at info@rbmsolicitors.co.uk or
telephone: 02476243685
Source: International Federation
of Health and Human Rights Organisations (IFHHRO) Date: 03 Mar 2009 Although Zimbabwe has experienced cholera outbreaks since 1992, the outbreak
which began in August 2008 is the worst ever in this country and is set to
become the worst outbreak on the African continent. Violations of the rights to
safe and potable water, adequate sanitation and a collapsed health system were
the cause of the outbreak. The course of the outbreak has been difficult to
predict and to control. To date, the Government of Zimbabwe has fallen far short of its
responsibility to ensure the availability of appropriate health services.
Despite the epidemic continuing for more than six months, sanitation remains
poor and lack of access to safe drinking water persists against the backdrop of
a collapsed health system with degraded infrastructure and very few health
workers. Health is a fundamental human right indispensable for the exercise of other
human rights. Despite this, the right to health is becoming an increasingly
remote privilege, out of the reach of most Zimbabweans. Health in Zimbabwe is
presently largely unavailable, unacceptable, inaccessible and of poor quality.
This report concludes that Zimbabwe will require long term commitment of the
humanitarian and donor agencies working in the country with large scale,
multi-faceted assistance to address the situation. The Government of Zimbabwe
must also take responsibility for the restoration of the basic social services
that fulfil basic human rights. ZADHR makes the following recommendations: On the public health system: An emergency health response plan to restore function to the public health
system must be produced and implemented. This plan should begin by focusing on
making primary and secondary care services (clinics and district hospitals)
affordable and accessible to all. The Government must also ensure that health
workers concerns are addressed to ensure that conditions in which these workers
return to work and their skills can be retained are put in place (including
adequate remuneration and safe working conditions). On access to safe water If the outbreak is to be brought under control, and ultimately to an end,
there is an urgent need to restore safe potable water to communities. Where
infrastructure for piping water exists this needs to be rehabilitated. On adequate sanitation Ensuring that communities make use of sanitary facilities for defecation is
vital. Everyone should have access to a toilet connected to a septic tank or
working public sewer system or a ventilated improved pit latrine.
Executive Summary
Mbire in Zimbabwe's fertile Zambezi valley is a classic example of how looks
can be deceiving. To visitors it might appear idyllic in its lush emerald setting. Surely the
kind of place where anything grows as soon as you put it in the ground? Not so. Mbire - home to more than 100,000 - is currently contending with not
only the twin tragedies of hunger and cholera stalking rural Zimbabwe, but also
herds of hungry marauding elephants. This film sent by Oxfam's
Caroline Gluck explains how Africa's magnificent wildlife sometimes adds to
the misery of those suffering the most. Resident Evelyn Chikwamba, 35 (already past average life expectancy for a
woman in Zimbabwe), told her. "One of my fields has already been destroyed -
eaten by elephants. "We'd put wire around the village; but one elephant came into the field and
we couldn't scare it away from the sorghum. It loved the sweet taste. The
greatest part of my field has been destroyed." Evelyn's not alone. Around 40% of the community, which lies close to Chiwore
National Park, have had crops wiped out by the hungry animals. "The destruction of crops by wild animals like elephants and buffalo is a big
problem," said Koni Dhoro, chairman of Mbire district council. "On average, this ward loses two people a year who are killed by these wild
animals, while they're trying to protect their fields." Villagers have resorted to a number of tactics to try to scare the beasts
away - from lighting fires around their fields to beating drums. Across Zimbabwe - once the bread basket of Africa - around seven million
people are now relying on food hand outs.
It's a
huge worry for them as they survey their fields, which are almost ready for
harvest.
Mar 3, 4:12 PM EST
MUSINA, South Africa (AP) -- An emotional
Matt Damon listened to a
Zimbabwean woman describe how she was raped while
pregnant on a perilous
journey across the border into South
Africa.
The Hollywood actor visited refugee centers in Musina on the
South African
border with Zimbabwe as part of his work with the human rights
organization
he started with a number of other celebrities.
An
estimated 3 million Zimbabweans have fled the economic collapse and dire
humanitarian conditions in their country for South Africa.
Damon said
in an exclusive interview with the AP Tuesday that he was
"shocked and
saddened" by the plight of the people he had spoken to. He said
conditions
were "untenable" and called on international and regional leaders
to take
action.
http://www.herald.co.zw/
EDITOR - Yesterday I went to the Criminal
Investigation Department's
headquarters in Harare to get police clearance
through finger-print forms.
I was asked to pay US$5 for the process to be
initiated, which I thought was
okay since the entire economy is demanding
the use of foreign currency for
goods and services.
Admittedly, I
felt that it was a bit too steep for such a procedure that,
since the whole
system should be computerised, should cost a little less
because there is
hardly any work involved in carrying it out.
Regardless, the police have
the right to ask for a fee that they feel is
commensurate with their service
and so I will not chew any bones about it.
However, my real shock came
when I wanted to pay the US$5 that was asked
for.
I handed the
officer five US$1 notes but he refused to take them.
Instead I was told
that I had to pay using a single US$5 note because they
could not accept
single bills.
No reasonable explanation was given for the demand and I
certainly do not
see the logic in this requirement.
It makes sense to
accept or demand small denomination notes rather than
bills of higher
value.
If the police feel that there are too many fake US$1 notes around
then it is
their job to bust the rings that are printing
them.
Getting police clearance should not be an onerous task that can
become
bogged down by such petty demands.
Some of us need to get
these clearances urgently for business purposes and
to be told that I cannot
be served because I have small notes is simply
ridiculous and kills
productivity.
Can the senior administrators in the police force please
explain to me why I
cannot pay for police clearance using US$1
notes?
I am starting to suspect that this has nothing to do with any
policy
directives, but could be related to some obscure non-official and
illegal
activities by the people manning the desk.
Let's Be
Serious.
Harare.
03 March
2009
The Combined Harare Residents Association (CHRA) expresses solidarity with Jestina Mukoko and the other 8 activists who were granted bail albeit upon paying exorbitant bail charges over trumped-up charges. Jestina Mukoko, the Zimbabwe Peace Project head who was abducted in December 2008 and the other activists who were also abducted and frivolously charged with crimes ranging from miscellaneous offences, terrorism and treason were granted bail after a long legal battle with state agents. Furthermore, the accused were kept in custody and subjected to torture meant to force out of them, under duress of course, false information to evidence the former ZANU-PF ‘defacto’ government’s claims.
ZPP Director, Jestina
Mukoko
The granting of bail to the activists has
arguably been viewed as a step in the right direction with advent of the
Inclusive Government and the way forward for
Meanwhile, the Deputy Minister of
Agriculture designate, Roy Bennet who is also the National Treasurer of the
MDC-T and other remaining activists are being denied bail on frivolous grounds.
CHRA reckons that for the sake of confidence building, economic recovery,
observance of human rights and laws of
CHRA remains committed to advocating for transparent, effective, affordable and professional municipal service delivery. The Association will continue to advocate for observance of human rights, democratic and non-partisan governance at local and central government level as this creates a conducive environment civic participation in governance.
Combined
Exploration House, Third Floor
Landline: 00263- 4-
705114
Contacts:
03 March
2009
The Combined Harare Residents Association
(CHRA) registers its utter disappointment and disapproval of the recently
introduced burial fees structure by the
The new burial charges come at a time when the 2009 city budget has not been approved yet the rates have been reviewed to astronomical levels of about US$130 (for low density areas) and US$25 to US$35 (for high density areas).While CHRA appreciates that the review of the service charges is meant to resuscitate service delivery, we are also worried about reports we are receiving to the effect that the council employees have awarded each other hefty salaries following the review of the service charges. CHRA is yet to confirm but has received reports that the least remunerated employee at town house is getting an average of US$300 per month.
The Association urges the city councilors to review downwards all tariffs and levies against the residents. CHRA has since written to the City Council protesting over the new fees, levies and service charges structure. We have not gotten a response from the council, thus CHRA is currently consulting its membership over the next course of action. CHRA will continue to advocate and lobby for an accountable and transparent local governance system that provides quality and affordable service delivery on a non partisan basis.
____________________________________________________________________________________
Combined
Exploration House, Third Floor
Landline: 00263- 4-
705114
Contacts:
info@chra.co.zw,
admin@chra.co.zw
http://www.ngrguardiannews.com
Nigeria
Wednesday, March 04, 2009
EDITORIAL
AMIDST the utter devastation that has overwhelmed the Zimbabwe
economy and
pauperised the mass of its people, the international community
could only
watch in disbelief as images of President Mugabe popping
champagne and
gloating happily over an expensively decorated birthday cake
were beamed
around the world. The occasion was the celebration of the
President's 85th
birthday. Contrasting the images of President Mugabe's
euphoric and
exuberant visage with the images of Zimbabweans eating from
garbage dumps or
dying helplessly from cholera provides a metaphor for all
that is wrong with
Zimbabwe. It is the poverty of a President whose
perception of reality has
been destroyed by his lust for power and the
poverty of a people who have
been traumatised by bad economic and social
policies.
The fact that Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai refused to
participate in the
birthday celebrations demonstrates the extent to which
President Mugabe is
disconnected from the reality in his country. Yet,
contrary to expectation
and standard procedure, Mr. Tsvangirai could allow
President Mugabe rather
than the Chief Justice to swear him into office as
prime minister, when his
party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC),
finally decided to join the
ruling ZANU-PF party in a power-sharing
government. These multiple
contradictions demonstrate the complexity of the
situation confronting the
people of Zimbabwe, hence the question: whither
Zimbabwe?
The situation in Zimbabwe is bad, and short of a state involved
in total
war, no condition could be worse than what the mass of Zimbabweans
face
currently. Even while President Mugabe and his cohorts are spending
$250,000
on his birthday party, his government is asking African countries
for $2
billion to resuscitate the country's collapsed economy. The collapse
is
deep, wide and all encompassing. The cause, as is often the case in
Africa,
is bad government.
At independence in 1980, Zimbabwe was
undoubtedly one of the leading
economies on the African continent, with a
potential to become the regional,
if not a continental industrial engine and
breadbasket. Unfortunately,
President Mugabe has been consumed by a singular
ambition to hold on to
power at all cost. One unfortunate effect of this
tenacious hold on power
has been the total collapse of the country's
economy, infrastructure, social
and municipal institutions. Zimbabwe has
become a basket case, perhaps the
worst in Africa. Inflation is at an
incomprehensible rate of 231 million per
cent. Serious food shortages have
turned many citizens into scavengers;
images of both young and old literally
eating directly from garbage dumps or
drinking from heavily contaminated
water sources have been beamed across the
world.
Most schools and
hospitals are closed. Roads and sewers are in tatters. The
country's health
services can no longer offer any succour to the sick or
dying, not even at
the most rudimentary level. So far, 3, 894 people have
died from a
devastating and preventable cholera epidemic that has ravaged
the country
since August 2008. The World Health Organisation has already
recorded more
than 84,000 cases across the country. Unemployment is
currently at over 80
per cent, with just about 10 per cent of adults having
regular jobs.
Millions of Zimbabweans have escaped to South Africa and other
neighbouring
countries as economic refugees. Of those who are left behind
more than half,
at least seven million according to Morgan Tsvangirai,
survive on food
aid.
Understandably, Prime Minister Tsvangirai has made fixing Zimbabwe's
"basket-case economy" his first priority. He has also stated that it would
cost at least $5 billion to end the economic meltdown and bring some life
back to the country. The obvious question and one that will challenge the
Prime Minister's administrative and financial acumen is: where will the
money come from? Zimbabwe is already in debt peonage, owing as much as $5
billion to foreign creditors. The donor and foreign aid community,
especially Western governments and international monetary institutions, have
adopted a wait-and-see attitude.
Most Western countries have
maintained very cold relations with President
Mugabe in the last decade or
so and most have in fact imposed some sanctions
on his government. They are
waiting to see if President Mugabe would
actually allow the power-sharing
government to function effectively and
inclusively before they offer any
aid. For instance, the European Union
wants to see "tangible signs of
respect for human rights, the rule of law,
and macro-economic stabilisation"
before offering any aid. Similarly, the
United States has called for
evidence of "good governance and particularly
real, true power-sharing on
the part of Robert Mugabe" as a pre-condition
for offering
aid.
However, as we have said in previous editorials, the greatest
obstacle to
resolving the multifarious economic, social and political
problems
confronting Zimbabwe is President Mugabe himself, or rather, his
continued
presence in government.
Zimbabwe's condition is urgent and
immediate and the least the world expects
of President Mugabe is that after
29 years in power he will give a little
back to his country by doing the
right thing and start winding down his long
tour in office. This will give
his people the platform they need to
rejuvenate themselves and their
country.
http://www.pretorianews.co.za
March 04, 2009 Edition 1
Jeremy
Laurance
Almost the first thing Bryson said on greeting my 20-year-old
daughter
Olivia and me at the border post next to Victoria Falls bridge was:
"You are
the first British tourists I have seen in so very long. You are
most welcome
to Zimbabwe."
We had travelled that morning from Lusaka,
Zambia's capital, and in an
instant Bryson had established one fact about
the holiday we had planned in
its benighted neighbour: it was going to be
exclusive.
Most of the Zimbabweans we met over the next week agreed with
Bryson: 1999
was the year when tourism from the UK dwindled to a
trickle.
The Independent Traveller, unwilling to lend support to an
odious regime,
has not carried a report on Zimbabwe since September
1998.
But with political change inching closer, despite a series of
setbacks
orchestrated by President Mugabe, it seemed the right moment to
investigate
what the country has to offer the traveller, whose tourist
dollars it so
desperately needs.
Within hours of crossing the
century-old British-built bridge that spans the
gorge in which the great
Zambezi flows, we had seen the tragedy and the
glory of
Zimbabwe.
Bryson, with gentle good humour, led me on a tour of Chinotimba
township,
behind the town of Victoria Falls, where oranges were selling in
the market
for tens of thousands of Zim dollars each.
There was no
beer in the supermarket and there were no shoes in the shoe
shop (except one
pair of desert boots, size eight).
Even if you had the savings to buy the
footwear, there is a daily limit on
bank withdrawals so it would take a
month of such visits to amass the
necessary billions of Zim dollars, and a
wheelbarrow to carry them. By then
the price of the boots would have
doubled.
At the Wimpy Bar on the corner of the main street I asked for
the printed
price list. It had been produced the previous week but each
entry was
already scratched out and a new, inflated, amount inserted by
hand.
Yards from this economic mayhem, white, mostly well-heeled tourists
still
enjoy the spectacle of the "smoke that thunders", though in reduced
numbers.
It was the end of the dry season, and the Zambezi was less than
half full.
Locals say it is the time when "see the falls" becomes "see
the rocks"
because so little water is flowing through. Yet the spectacle was
far more
dramatic than on my last visit to the falls, in May three years
ago, when
the river was in full spate.
Then the smoke thundered, all
right, but all I could see was spray.
On that occasion I was on the
Zambian side. To see the falls properly, you
have to be on the Zimbabwean
side, where a finger of land juts out into the
gorge, affording
extraordinary views, each one more dramatic than the last.
Along the
kilometre-long path, we encountered knots of Japanese, Portuguese
and
Americans, but no British tourists.
This is one of the world's great
sights. When the path closed at 6pm, we
were beside the statue of David
Livingstone: stiff-backed and moustached,
still commemorated as the
"discoverer" of the falls in 1855. And we were
alone.
We stayed in
the Ilala Lodge, where bills must be settled in US dollars
(cash only; no
credit cards). It is a classy establishment with a thatched
roof, polished
wood, engravings of Victorian explorers, white linen,
deferential staff and
an intimate feel.
Here, I ate the freshest bream I have tasted. The chef
himself had caught it
that morning, and oven-baked the fish in coconut milk
and "eastern spices".
We sat on the terrace, drinks in hand, looking over
a forest of acacia and
baobab.
And we wondered how, in a country
where power cuts and water shortages are
frequent and cholera is now
rampant, it was all possible.
Halfway through dinner, Olivia leaned
across the table and whispered
conspiratorially: "Everyone looks so old. Not
old like you, really old."
It was true. Most of our fellow guests were
American - and not one of them
could have been under 70.
They were on
tour, we later learnt, with an enterprising American travel
company that
flies groups of pensioners on "adventure" trips all over the
world.
Their presence was reassuring. Before leaving the UK most of
our friends had
wondered why on earth we had chosen to take a holiday in a
country in a
state of civil unrest.
The Foreign Office advice had not
been encouraging. "You are strongly
advised to have your own contingency
plan in place for how you would leave
at short notice," it
warned.
But if it was OK for so many American octogenarians, it would
surely be OK
for us.
A decade ago, Victoria Falls town was thriving,
its hotels full, with
tourists queuing for white-water rafting, bungee
jumping, helicopter rides
and safaris.
Today, most of the
business has moved to Livingstone, on the Zambian side.
The town, though
insulated from the worst effects of the economic meltdown
in the rest of the
country, is a shadow of its former self.
The Victoria Falls Hotel, once
the grandest in the country, still serves
high tea on the terrace but
struggles to fill its $450-a-night rooms; staff
have been laid off. The
Elephant Hills Hotel has closed, like many others.
The vast casino at the
Kingdom Hotel, though still open, is eerily silent.
Only two people were
playing any of the 400 slot machines on the day we
called.
Only the
Victoria Falls Safari Lodge seems to be bucking the downward trend;
it is a
colourful, themed establishment spectacularly situated on a hill
outside the
town above a waterhole at which game comes to drink. We had the
pool to
ourselves.
Next morning, we took a one-hour flight in a six-seater Cessna
to Hwange
National Park.
Zebras eyed us from the end of the runway as
we taxied to the terminal,
where we were the only passengers. Noel, our
guide, collected our bags, and
we set off on Olivia's first-ever game
drive.
Her squeals of delight at the first antelope, the first giraffe,
the first
baboon, restored to me for an instant the child I knew a decade
ago. Yet it
quickly became clear I had not seen it all before.
In
five days in Hwange we saw more animals, in greater numbers and in a
wider
variety of situations than I have seen anywhere - and there were
almost no
other tourists.
It is difficult to experience the "wilderness" when
lenses are zooming and
shutters are clicking all around you.
Not
here. In Zimbabwe - this is, I am afraid, becoming a refrain - we were
on
our own.
The extraordinary sighting of elephants - two dozen of them
emerging
silently, urgently, unexpectedly from the bush - was the first of
scores.
The park is home to an estimated 45 000 elephants (last counted
three years
ago) and in the dry season all of them have to drink from one of
the few
waterholes.
We ate huge meals of chicken casserole and beef
hotpot each evening around
an enormous polished teak dining table in the
two-storey thatched dining
room. Then we would carry our drinks to the
veranda to peer out in the
darkness at the ghostly herds of elephant,
giraffe and buffalo moving around
the waterhole.
In the country
beyond the park's perimeter fence there are desperate
shortages of almost
everything. But there are no shortages within it - other
than of
tourists.
Our few fellow guests comprised a middle-aged white Zimbabwean
farmer who
lost his land to Mugabe's henchmen five years ago, his wife and a
young
Scandanavian couple taking a break from backpacking to splurge on a
safari.
Conversation around the table focused on simple survival in
Zimbabwe.
Hot topics included how to blag your way across the South
African border,
where to go in Botswana with your US dollars for the best
shopping, and how
to get it back.
When operating at peak capacity,
the Hide provided employment for around 40
staff.
That is a distant
dream today. It caters to a "meat and potatoes" crowd:
solid,
salt-of-the-earth types who like traditional cooking in the heart of
the
bush. Its spectacular location and homely, family-run feel have helped
it
survive; half the rival lodges in Hwange park are closed. We took an
evening
game drive to a vlei where the waterhole was dominated by
quarrelsome
baboons surrounded by palm trees.
Under the huge sky, the pale dry
grasses tinged pink by the setting sun, we
watched the animals lounge across
the horizon, as if a million years of
history had never happened.
Our
second camp was Little Makalolo, run by Wilderness Safaris. It comprises
a
group of luxury tents built on stilts and linked by raised wooden walkways
winding among the trees.
They offered an extraordinary standard of
comfort: flushing toilets, inside
and outside showers, polished wood floors
and linen sheets.
Two American couples, geologists on the trip of a
lifetime, were the only
other guests.
On the afternoon we arrived, in
the enervating heat, Olivia and I lay by the
plunge pool on the veranda by
the central thatched bar. We watched a family
of elephants lazily approach
the waterhole in the distance.
Turning up their trunks at the muddy
puddle in the pan, they paused, sniffed
and then headed in our
direction.
A minute later, half a dozen African elephants, including a
huge male and a
couple of babies, had flopped their trunks over the pool's
edge at our feet,
and were sucking up great draughts of water and squirting
them down their
throats, like so many cisterns emptying. Their raging thirst
temporarily
slaked, they gently withdrew, eyeing us warily all the
while.
Among many vivid moments, that was the one, for both Olivia and
me, that
will remain burned in our memories. Without the plunge pool, the
elephants
would have had nothing to drink (it was regularly emptied by
passing herds,
the staff told us).
Without the pumps to fill the
water holes, maintained by the few lodges and
camps that remain open, many
more would die. Without the animals, Zimbabwe's
tourist industry, vital to
its future, will wither.