Zim Online
Monday 05 March 2007
By Thabani
Mlilo and Brian Ncube
HARARE - Zimbabwe Police Commissioner Augustine
Chihuri has cancelled leave
for officers and beefed up manpower in Harare
and Bulawayo in preparation
for possible opposition protests in the two
cities, as political tension
mounts in the southern African
country.
In a memo addressed to all police stations last Tuesday but made
available
to ZimOnline at the weekend, titled, "Cancellation of Leave and
Placement of
Members on Standby," reference number MJ57/2007, Chihuri
cancelled all leave
and placed all officers on alert.
"All police
officers who had been granted leave should return to their
respective
stations with immediate effect and be deployed as commanded by
their
provincial commanders.
"The dress order of the day will be full riot gear
until further notice and
those members who remain at stations should be
alert for urgent calls of
action," read part of the memo.
In a
separate memo, also written last week, highlighting rising tensions in
Zimbabwe, Deputy Commissioner for Human Resources Barbara Mandizha, ordered
police stations around the country to compile lists of "able-bodied"
officers for immediate transfer to Harare and Bulawayo.
Sources at
the police headquarters in Harare told ZimOnline at the weekend
that the
transfer was a "pro-active" strategy to prepare for possible
protests in the
two cities, both strongholds of the main opposition Movement
for Democratic
Change (MDC) party.
"All provincial commanders are directed to submit a
list of able-bodied
members for immediate transfer to Harare and
Bulawayo.
"Commanders should treat this matter with urgency as this is a
directive
from the Minister (of Home Affairs). No excuses should be
entertained as
this is a national call," says the memo.
Political
tensions have risen sharply in Zimbabwe over the past few months
as a steep
economic crisis takes its toll on a population grappling with the
world's
highest inflation rate of nearly 1 600 percent, surging unemployment
and
poverty.
The tensions worsened after the ruling ZANU PF party proposed
last December
to extend President Robert Mugabe's term which was due to end
next year by
two more years to 2010.
Both factions of the MDC and
civic groups have vowed to take to the streets
to force Mugabe not to extend
his term arguing that the country could not
bear to have the veteran
president in power for two more years.
Two weeks ago, the police fought
running battles with MDC supporters in the
working class suburb of Highfield
as they sought to block the opposition
party led by Morgan Tsvangirai from
holding a rally to launch the party's
campaign for next year's presidential
election.
The Zimbabwe government has banned protests and rallies
following the
violent protests in Highfield. The MDC says the ban amounted
to a
declaration of a state of emergency by the Harare
authorities.
Police spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena refused to comment on
the matter saying
he is not at liberty to discuss matters of strategy with
the Press.
"I am sorry this is an issue of strategy that cannot be
discussed with the
Press. In any case, transfers are a normal phenomenon in
any organisation.
So why should it raise eyebrows?" he said.
Home
Affairs Minister Kembo Mohadi could not be reached for comment on the
matter. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Monday 05 March 2007
By Batsirai Muranje
HARARE -
Tafadzwa Gomo rummages through a heap of clothes by the street side
and
chooses a second-hand pair of brown corduroy trousers and a worn-out
T-shirt.
She immediately stuffs them into her tattered bag where her
"new" clothes
find their place between a bottle of cooking oil and bar of
soap she bought
earlier on from another vendor along Harare Street on the
outskirts of the
capital's central business district.
Gomo trudges on
to the next "shop", hoping to find an old acquaintance still
at her usual
vending spot at Mbare Musika, a sprawling market place and bus
terminus -
very filthy - but also the source of low priced goods especially
green
vegetables and other food stuffs.
At Mbare Musika, Gomo will be able to
buy matemba, a cheap dried fish of the
type of that relief agencies usually
distribute to refugees or other
distressed communities. She will also be
able to catch a bus at the terminus
back to her base in Domboshava, a
farming area, to the north just outside
Harare.
A university trained
teacher, Gomo says she has resigned herself to a life
on the margin,
scrounging for every morsel of food because her salary - even
if after an
almost 600 percent hike two weeks ago - is just not enough to
ensure a
decent living in a country where inflation is nearly 1 600 percent.
The
government increased teachers salaries from Z$84 000 to $548 000, bowing
to
pressure after teachers abandoned classes to press for more pay. Teachers
however remain earning below the $686 000 that the Consumer Council of
Zimbabwe says a standard family of five requires for basic goods and
services per month.
"I have to buy these second-hand clothes because
I cannot afford buying from
the expensive boutiques in town," said Gomo, 36,
and a mother of four
children. "Sometimes I wonder the fate of fellow
Zimbabwean workers when a
university graduate like me struggles to make ends
meet."
Fianos Kawara, a guard with Harare private security firm, who
ZimOnline
spoke to a little earlier before meeting Gomo, appeared to have
the answer
as to how those at the bottom of the food chain were surviving as
Zimbabwe
grapples its worst ever economic crisis.
Security firms are
traditionally the lowest paying in the country and Kawara
says his $90 000
per month salary is only enough to pay for his bus fare to
and from work for
15 days.
"God knows where I get the rest of the money for food, rent,
school fees,
clothes and other basics," Kawara said.
"To raise
additional cash, I sometimes hawk old clothes by the roadside or
till
people's gardens and fields on days when I am off duty at work. It is a
tough life for us ordinary folks," he added.
Indeed it is a tough
existence for Zimbabwe's crisis-sapped workers, who
have to endure the
sharpest edge of an economic meltdown described by the
World Bank as the
worst in the world outside a war zone.
For example, the average worker
earns $100 000 per month but following last
week's pay hike for teachers and
the bulk of the civil servants, prices of
basic commodities rose
significantly, effectively putting a strain on the
newly introduced salaries
while those in other sectors were virtually
plunged into a hopeless abyss of
poverty and deprivation.
Last week, the price of fuel went up by 50
percent from $4 000 per litre to
$6 000, igniting a fare increase which
means that a worker from Chitungwiza
will need $120 000 for transport fare
every month, far above the country's
average salary of $100
000.
Considering that fuel price increases have a domino effect on prices
across
the board, the future looks bleak for the country's hard-pressed
workers.
"The ordinary worker continues to carry this crisis on his/her
shoulders,"
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions secretary general Wellington
Chibebe said.
The union has promised to roll out worker protests next
month to demand
better salaries and living conditions for workers but the
government which
has banned political rallies and public demonstrations in
major cities has
vowed to crush the worker protests.
President Robert
Mugabe'ss government admits workers are facing difficulties
but claims the
ZCTU is pushing a political agenda, using genuine worker
grievance to incite
Zimbabweans to revolt and remove it from power. The
union denies the
charge.
Chibebe said: "As a trade union, we have decided to roll out
protests in
April to force the government to arrest the declining political
and economic
crisis and to restore the dignity of the few workers who are
still in formal
employment."
The union leader said only about two
percent of workers still in formal
employment earned above the breadline
salary of $600 000, while multitudes
of workers made redundant following
company closures over the past years
were having to eke out a living as
petty traders in the informal sector.
Zimbabwe is in its eighth
straight-year of economic recession, marked by
record inflation, burgeoning
unemployment and poverty.
Western governments, the ZCTU and the local
opposition Movement for
Democratic Change party blame repression and wrong
policies by Mugabe for
ruining what was once one of Africa's most vibrant
economies.
The 83-year old Mugabe, in power since Zimbabwe's 1980
independence from
Britain, denies mismanaging the economy and instead claims
the country's
problems are because of sabotage by Western governments
opposed to his
controversial seizure of land from white farmers for
redistribution to
landless blacks. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Monday 05 March 2007
By Pfudzai
Chibgowa
HARARE - The Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (ZIMRA) is holding onto
three
truckloads of sugar belonging to a Harare-based company, which the
authority
impounded at Nyamapanda border post en route to Mozambique almost
a
fortnight ago.
The three trucks marked Maidei Transport were
carrying 30 tonnes of refined
sugar each for export to Mozambique although
the export permit showed the
Harare-based haulage and earth moving equipment
company was authorised only
to transport goods to South
Africa.
Sources say the consignment belonged to two Tanzanian nationals.
They added
that the owners of the consignment, listed as Chisipite
Investments, owe the
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe US$27 000 arrears for other
earlier exports.
Maidei Transport trucks in September 2005, caught media
attention when they
broke down in no man's land carrying wheat that was
being smuggled into
Mozambique, leading to the arrest of President Robert
Mugabe's nephew Leo
Mugabe and his wife allegedly for smuggling. The
President's relatives were
however freed by a magistrates' court for lack of
evidence.
"We can confirm that three trucks carrying 90 tonnes of sugar
destined for
Tanzania are being held at Nyamapanda Border Post pending the
verification
of export documents that were presented to ZIMRA" said a ZIMRA
official.
"Unfortunately the Revenue Authority Act precludes us from
divulging
specific information pertaining to our clients."
Sugar is
scarce in Zimbabwe, which also faces shortages of nearly every
basic
commodity as it grapples a severe economic crisis now in its eighth
year
running.
The government has banned the exporting of sugar unless one
obtains special
clearance from the Trade Ministry. - ZimOnline
Mail and Guardian
Angus Shaw | Harare, Zimbabwe
04 March
2007 03:29
The ruling party in Zimbabwe expelled one of its
co-founders,
veteran politician Edgar Tekere, for insulting President Robert
Mugabe in a
recently published autobiography, the state Sunday Mail
reported.
A meeting of party leaders in Tekere's home
district of
Manicaland, eastern Zimbabwe, "unreservedly condemned" Tekere's
book, A
Lifetime of Struggle, launched in Harare in January and selling
briskly,
according to the newspaper, a government
mouthpiece.
It quoted provincial Zimbabwe African Nation
Union Patriotic
chairperson Tinaye Chigudu saying the autobiography "clearly
and explicitly
denigrates and vilifies" Mugabe.
He said
provincial leaders would not consider an appeal by
Tekere.
Tekere (69) a former ruling party secretary
general and long
seen as a political maverick, left the party a decade ago
to form a
short-lived opposition group he called the Zimbabwe Unity
Movement.
He said he founded that party to oppose corruption
in Mugabe's
government. Last year he was granted readmission on condition he
took no
ruling party office for five years.
In his book,
Tekere claimed Mugabe lacked charisma when they and
a group of other
political prisoners in the country, which was known as
Rhodesia before 1980
independence, broke away from an existing liberation
group, most of whose
leaders were in jail, and founded what was to become
the ruling party. He
said Mugabe did not favour the split, contrary to
official ruling party
history that Mugabe led the schism.
But Tekere's more
personal accounts have angered the autocratic
Mugabe, the country's only
leader since independence, and his close
colleagues. Mugabe himself
dismissed the autobiography as the work of an
unbalanced
mind.
Tekere, who like Mugabe was one of the architects of
the
seven-year guerrilla war that ended white colonial rule, insisted Mugabe
was
indecisive, "weak" and had no military experience. The book strongly
questioned Mugabe's role in guerrilla operations and alleged he had been
reluctant to flee to neighbouring Mozambique to join guerrilla commanders
there after his 1974 release from prison.
He claimed
that, at the time, neither Mozambique's
then-president, Samora Machel, nor
Zimbabwean guerrilla chieftain General
Josiah Tongogara trusted Mugabe and
held the ascetic former school teacher
in disdain. Machel later died in a
plane crash and Tongogara was killed in a
car wreck.
Mugabe was not liked by the presidents of independent countries
in the
region, known as the Frontline States, who supported the guerrilla
war,
helped train fighters and allowed them to set up rear bases on their
territory to launch cross-border infiltration into the Zimbabwean bush, said
Tekere's book, a local best seller as Mugabe's popularity plummets amid the
nation's worst political and economic crisis since
independence.
Tekere said Mugabe was aloof and haughty and
made no friends. He
quoted his sister Sabina once remarking that if he had
died "we would have
been unable to call out anybody as friends" for the
funeral.
He said Mugabe had at least one illicit love affair
during his
marriage to his first wife, Sally, a Ghanaian, who died in
1992.
Mugabe later admitted two of his three children with
his second
wife, Grace, a former secretary in his office half his age, were
conceived
shortly before Sally's death in accordance with African paternity
and
polygamous customs. Sally Mugabe had been made sterile by a kidney
illness. - Sapa-AP
IOL
March 04
2007 at 01:24PM
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has attacked the
International
Monetary Fund (IMF), as "nonsense" and has taken a veiled
swipe at South
Africa for dominating the Southern African Customs
Union.
Mugabe, on a four-day official visit to Namibia this week,
told the
Namibian business community at a dinner organised by the Namibia
Chamber of
Commerce and Industry, that "if you follow the IMF you will not
go anywhere.
They will always prescribe for you".
He said
countries in the region did not need to run to the IMF and to
other Western
donors every time they needed financial assistance. "We can
help each other
among ourselves," he said.
"When we don't have that
capacity, then we are like economic slaves.
We go begging. There are still
countries in Africa which go begging for
money to pay their civil servants,
and they got independence in the 1960s,"
he said.
Last week,
the IMF expressed deep concern over the deteriorating
conditions in Zimbabwe
and called for payment of outstanding arrears.
The IMF board urged
Zimbabwe "to address the ongoing economic crisis
by immediately implementing
a comprehensive stabilisation package comprising
mutually reinforcing
actions centred on fiscal tightening (including
transferring the
quasi-fiscal activities carried out by the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe to the
budget) and price and exchange regime liberalisation".
It also
called for fundamental structural reforms, including public
enterprise and
civil service reforms, strengthened property rights and
improvements in
governance.
In a veiled attack on South Africa's continued
dominance of the
customs union, Mugabe said "all countries need to grow
(economically). We
don't want to remain small. Countries in the region
should be allowed to
enter into trade agreements without
restrictions".
He said the smaller members of the union, Botswana,
Lesotho, Namibia
and Swaziland, had all expressed their desire to grow their
economies but
were being hampered by restrictions within the regional
organisation which
were imposed by South Africa.
He said
President Mogae of Botswana had likened South Africa's
partnership with the
smaller members of Sacu to "a donkey being made to pull
together with a
cow".
"Where there is bigness, there is usually a claim -
inherited,
historical claim - for the large partner to want to continue to
be large and
to want the small ones to continue to be small. I'm not saying
this is what
is happening," he said. - Tribune Foreign
Service
This article was originally published on page 6 of
Tribune on March
04, 2007
|
LONDON – Tired of the political situation afflicting their country, Zimbabweans in the United Kingdom came out in their hundreds Saturday to their biggest demonstration ever here to protest against President Robert Mugabe’s continued rule and to show their support for the opposition MDC back home.
The protesters met in the historic Trafalgar Square and then marched to the Zimbabwe Embassy where speaker after speaker denounced, among other things, the Zanu PF government, it’s inept policies, human rights abuses, corruption and the recent three-month ban on political rallies and meetings.
Various branches from all over the UK were all represented at the protest, which was characterised by loud singing, drum-beating and MDC anti-Mugabe slogans. Passers-by came to join the protest in the dancing and singing while others inquired about the situation on the ground in Zimbabwe and how they could help.
Ephraim Tapa, the chair of the MDC-UK and Ireland said 2007 should be the last year that Zimbabweans should be forced to live under Zanu PF rule. He said the UK province would do all it can to support their colleagues fighting for regime change in the country.
Tapa said the party in the UK should continue to play an instrumental role in making sure the Zimbabwean story does not fall off the international radar as well as mobilising those living in the Diaspora to contribute not only towards the survival of their extended families but also those fighting to remove the Zanu PF government from office.
“What we are saying is that we are tired of the corrupt Zanu PF government. We are tired of living in the bush, suffering as we are,” said Tapa to wild ululations and applause from the protesters. “It is time for Mugabe to go. His time is up and we should be seen to be doing all we can to bring people together so we can remove him from office.”
Adella Chiminya, the women’s chairperson in the MDC-UK and Ireland urged women here to play a more active role in the party so they can help those on the ground back home fighting to liberate Zimbabwe from Zanu PF rule.
Labour Member of Parliament Sally Keeble (Northampton North) told the demonstrators she would support the Zimbabwean cause in the House of Commons whenever such a need arose, especially anything that would support the opposition and pro-democracy groups in their quest to fight for democracy in Zimbabwe.
Jameson Mashakada, the MDC-UK chairman, said Zimbabwean youths here were ready and raring to go in their programme to support their colleagues back home who are struggling without jobs to keep the party going.
Tendai Mutyambizi, a long-time MDC and human rights activist, said there was need for unity within the Diaspora and at home if meaningful change was to come.
Zimjournalists.com spoke with a group of activists from Derby that was at the protest. Deborah Moyo, Maggie Musemwa, Jessica Chimuka, Lawrence Sibanda, Jethro Nyakunu, Chipo Nhandara and Mathew Maiwasha all sang from the sang hymn sheet on the need for a new dispensation in Zimbabwe.
“We are tired of suffering here and also at home. We struggle to keep things going so what we are all saying is that Mugabe should just go because he is the reason the country is so upside down today. We have suffered for a long time and this should be last year that he should be in office. To hell with his 2010 project,” said Moyo.
Musemwa said: “Mugabe has to go next year or even sooner, if possible. We want elections next year and then we can harmonise after he goes. His government has been stealing from the people for a long time now, the oppression of opposition supporters and all. We are just tired and I’m happy I have been able to be part of this very big demonstration to show that we are united in our desire to have Mugabe out of Zimbabwe House.”
Meanwhile Action for Southern Africa (ACTSA) will on Saturday lead a huge protest again in Trafalgar Square on behalf of the women of Zimbabwe who for the past seven years have been forced to endanger their lives through the use of unhygienic materials during their monthly periods.
Coming two days after International Women's Day, ACTSA says the day will be a celebration of the role of women in the global struggle for justice - with particular focus on the struggle for freedom in Zimbabwe and the role of women in this struggle.
Speakers will include Lovemore Matombo, President, Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Union, his deputy Lucia Matibenga, Baroness Amos, Leader House of Lords, Frances O'Grady, deputy General Secretary, TUC, Ken Livingstone, Mayor of London, Joan Armatrading, Singer, Gillian Anderson, Actress, Glenys Kinnock, MEP, Kat Stark, NUS Women's Officer, Ruqayyah Collector, NUS Black Students Officer, Kate Hoey, MP, Chair APPG Zimbabwe, Anna Chancellor, Actress and Henry Olonga, cricketer and musician.
Mail and Guardian
Godwin Gandu | Zimbabwe
03 March 2007 11:59
The
Zimbabwean Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) this week
seized all
unedited tapes of President Robert Mugabe's exclusive birthday
interview
with state broadcaster ZBC after sensitive comments about the
controversial
succession issue were leaked.
In a rare outburst, Mugabe had
lashed out at his Vice-President,
Joyce Mujuru, for demeaning him and using
unorthodox party procedures to
take over power.
The
president's office had directed that parts of the interview
be edited out
and the edited version was aired last week. But copies of the
unedited
interview found their way to the private media, which reported on
it,
prompting state operatives to storm Pockets Hill, the ZBC
headquarters.
"All the raw footage is gone," said a staffer
at the ZBC. "They
[CIO operatives] accused the editorial team of releasing
unauthorised
versions of the interview."
Coxwell
Chigwana, a CIO official, headed a four-man CIO team
that interrogated the
editorial board at the broadcaster about the leak last
Sunday.
"The thinking within the president's office was
that Mugabe's
succession outburst was going to create disharmony within the
party and
government," another staffer at the state broadcaster told the
Mail &
Guardian.
"Mugabe had never named and shamed
his colleagues in government
over the succession issue before, but had grown
exasperated over what he
thinks are attempts to remove him before his term
expires," the source said.
Mail and Guardian
Mail &
Guardian reporter
03 March 2007 11:59
Zimbabwe is going to be rocked by more "illegal" protests
following
Wednesday's demonstrations in which 50 people were arrested for
defying the
recently imposed three-month ban on public protests, says
Lovemore Madhuku,
chair of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA).
Madhuku
said his group is going to "rubbish the ban" by getting
involved in
fortnightly protests demanding a new constitution under which
next year's
presidential elections could be held. He said that this Friday,
branches of
his organisation outside Harare would embark on further
protests. "This year
we are likely to deliver change," he said.
The NCA will be
assisted by the Zimbabwe National Students Union
(Zinasu), whose president
said they would embark on a stay-away from next
Monday.
A
media confererence held in Johannesburg this week brought
together
representatives of the opposing Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC)
factions led by Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, as well as
Jenni
Williams of Women of Zimbabwe Arise, and Promise Mkhwananzi of
Zinasu.
A source at the meeting said the meeting of the two
MDC factions
is part of a broader attempt to bring the two factions together
to "confront
the regime".
zimbabwejournalists.com
By Chenjerai Chitsaru
LOVEMORE Madhuku and Raymond
Majongwe look like fairly average, tax-paying
citizens of
Zimbabwe.
They may share a few distinctions: they both teach and also
share a common
denominator of a peculiar sort: one of them appears to have
too much weight,
while the other, some might say, needs it.
If you
were being theatrical, you could say they resemble that most famous
celluloid comedy duo of yesteryear, Stan Laurel and Oliver
Hardy.
Otherwise, if you met either of them on the streets of Harare,
where they
both live, you would not find any characteristics in them to
justify their
being the targets of constant Presidential wrath or ire or
invective.
To the gullible - and Zimbabwe, like every other country in
the world - has
its own fair share of such citizens, or else who would be
voting for Zanu PF
in so many elections since independence? - their names
might soon be
associated with "enemies of the state", or at the very least,
people not to
be associated with loyal, patriotic
citizens.
Otherwise, why would President Robert Mugabe, the leader of a
country of 13
million people, single them out as targets of public
rebuke.
Mugabe is a politician of the old school, although he shares his
style with
modern politicians like Hugo Chavez of Venezuela and the Iranian
president.
Among the politicians of old, Mugabe shares certain political
idiosyncrasies
with the likes of Fidel Castro of Cuba and the late Soviet
Union leader,
Nikita Sergeyevich Khruschev, who banged his shoe on a United
Nations table.
Mugabe is a former guerrilla leader and his manner of both
speech and
gesticulation at a public rally reflects all this to an extent
that reminds
older Zimbabweans of the old Mugabe, described by some of his
detractors as
a Highfield (expletive deleted).
In his 83rd birthday
interview on television, Mugabe spent an inordinately
long time in an
exasperated monologue on Madhuku, the leader of the National
Constitutional
Assembly.
If Mugabe was not president, Madhuku could sue him for
defamation. In fact,
he might have first sued Absolom Sikhosana, the
secretary of Mugabe's Zane
PF youth league.
Sikhosana must surely be
remembered by many Zimbabweans for calling publicly
for Madhuku's removal
from his job as a law lecturer at the University of
Zimbabwe, to be replaced
by someone more representative of the fascist
mould of legal mumbo-jumbo
espoused by the lunatic wing of Zanu PF, whose
pressure has resulted in some
of the defiance of High and Supreme Court
rulings by such legally dubious
entities as the commission ruining Harare.
Most people can understand Mugabe
using rather colourful and sometimes
unpresidential language to attack his
prime political rival, Morgan
Tsvangirai of the anti-Senate Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC); within
the limits of his own status, Tsvangirai has
attacked Mugabe as a political
opponent will attack his rival.
But
neither Madhuku nor Majongwe are politicians; Majongwe is the leader of
the
Progressive Teachers Union, the radical rival of the Zimbabwe Teachers
Association, believed by many to be so pro-Zanu PF they can quite often not
distinguish which decision was forged by the Zimta teachers on their own or
Zane PF's.
Still, Mugabe must have his reasons for so constantly
assassinating the
characters of the two men. One reason could be that, in
spite of what damage
Zanu PF intrigue, Nature or the Fates - or all three -
have wreaked on the
MDC, the bastion of opposition to Zanu PF remains fairly
solid, particularly
in the urban areas.
Mugabe seems to be quite
convinced that, without him at the helm, his party
would not survive a free
and fair election against even the divided MDC.
He must know that Zanu PF has
performed so pathetically, particularly on the
bread-and-butter economic
front that even previously incurably diehard party
zealots would not vote
for him or Zanu PF in any election while the economy
remains in its present
state of near-death.
Soon, however, Mugabe might start reacting to any
criticism with a knee jerk
rejoinder, accusing the critics of being in the
pay of the West.
He must be so desperate that he is incautiously ignoring how
harmful this
kind of reaction may be to people who had previously taken a
neutral
position on his fight for survival against the MDC,
As long
as he accorded the people of Zimbabwe the respect and recognition
that they,
collectively, still had their marbles intact and were not so
inebriated with
desperation they had become easy meat for any alien
blandishments, such as
that from the West, he retained their respect.
If they were to conclude
that he had decided they had all stopped thinking
on their own and were
ceding all decisions to the British and the Americans,
the price for him
could be an outraged renunciation of his legitimacy.
To many analysts,
this notion has always lingered on the surface,
particularly among
intellectuals. Most have suspected that Mugabe has for a
long time been
convinced that they didn't have the time or the inclination,
on their own,
to make decisions which could influence political events in
their
country.
He had almost always kept them out of his government, primarily
because most
of them did not belong to his party. Zanu PF, after the end of
the war, was
hell-bent on rewarding those who had participated in the
struggle,
regardless of their calibre as leaders of a civilian government in
a
peace-time dispensation.
Most of them had honed their leadership
qualities during the war. In that
atmosphere, they had learnt that a
forceful approach could result in
positive action rather than one which
sought, always, to achieve consensus.
Mugabe himself is a well-read man and,
although he has only one degree
acquired from physically attending a
university, South Africa's Fort Hare.
There was no way he could have
acquired his other degrees by correspondence
without putting in some hard
work in the night, swatting.
A man who can quote from Aesop's Fables can
be no slouch in grasping the
need for research and analysis. Yet Mugabe has
the impatience of all
so-called Men of
Action. His impatience with
Madhuku and Majongwe stems from his inherent
lack of respect for people
whose rationale is based on some form of
intellectual deduction of facts,
particularly on what does and what does not
constitute the ideal democratic
scenario.
The NCA was his nemesis in the 1999 constitutional referendum.
Tsvangirai
cut his political teeth as leader of the NCA, as did Madhuku.
Zanu PF's
defeat in the referendum has been largely ascribed to the NCA.
Zanu PF
itself blames its own lack of appreciation of how much work was
needed to
convince the people that a YES vote was in their
interests.
"We could not conceive of the people voting against us," said
one leader
after the results came in. "They had always voted for us since
independence.
Why would they not do so this time?"
Well, they didn't
and their decision then is what Mugabe has to grapple with
today as he
fights, virtually, for his political survival. Before the
referendum
results had shaken the party out of its stupor of complacency,
Mugabe had
probably never heard of Lovemore Madhuku or Raymond Majongwe,
whose
teachers' union had yet to be formed.
Today, Mugabe lashes out at the two
men because he realizes their strength
and their staying power. Both men
have had serious brushes with his security
people and have emerged
unscathed, mentally and physically. In spite of his
small physical stature,
Madhuku has been thrown into the police cells a
number of times and has come
out of there unbowed.
His detractors have hurled accusations of
self-aggrandizement at him,
alleging he is clinging to power for entirely
selfish reasons of material
advancement. But Madhuku remains unfazed.
Whenever he can, he organizes
demonstrations against the government and his
activists have clashed with
the police, and have not always come out the
vanquished.
Majongwe's union is largely credited with the government's
decision to award
teachers massive pay hikes after their strike, ignored by
the moderate Zimta
members.
Mugabe can only be publicly vocal against the
two men because he is,
grudgingly accepting their courage and determination
as leaders.
In spite of himself, he must see in them replicas of himself
in the early
days of the struggle, a Highfield (expletive deleted)
agitator.
The Herald
THE
Zimbabwe Government has shelved plans to resume beef exports to the
European
Union due to the stringent demands that the economic bloc is making
before
trade can kick off, an official said last week.
Veterinary Services
Department principal director Dr Stuart Hargreaves said
that the Government
had shelved plans to resume beef exports to the EU as it
was pursuing other
markets in the East with less stringent conditions.
Dr Hargreaves said
the conditions the EU was insisting should be met before
resumption of trade
were too cumbersome and required huge financial
investments which the
country could not afford.
"We have shelved the plans for several
reasons," he said. "The major reason
being that the EU is insisting that all
cattle in the country should be
identified to the farm and dipping tank of
origin through either ear-tagging
or branding."
He said although the
country wanted to resume the exports, it could not
afford purchasing ear
tags as well as putting up fences in some areas that
the Government had
resettled landless Zimbabweans.
Other EU demands include zoning the
country to prevent movement of cattle,
erecting fences around national parks
to prevent cattle from getting into
contact with buffalo, which are believed
to carry the foot-and-mouth virus
as well as vaccinating cattle against the
disease.
The EU banned beef imports from Zimbabwe in 2001 following an
outbreak of
foot-and-mouth in some parts of the country.
Zimbabwe
enjoyed an annual beef quota of 9 100 tonnes to the EU and the ban
on
exports to this lucrative market has impacted negatively on the country's
foreign currency earnings.
Last year inspectors from the economic
bloc visited the country to assess
compliance with the standards ahead of
resumption of trade.
In an effort to comply with the EU demands, the
Government erected fences
around the Gonarezhou and Hwange national parks
and vaccinated cattle in
those areas.
It also divided the country
into zones and introduced laws prohibiting free
movement of cattle without
authority from the Veterinary Department and the
police mounting roadblocks
on all sensitive roads throughout the year.
In addition, the Government
imported large quantities of vaccines from
Botswana to vaccinate cattle
against foot-and-mouth.
Suspecting that the EU demands were politically
motivated, the Government
shifted focus to alternative markets in the Far
East.
Markets have since been established in Hong Kong and Malaysia where
the Cold
Storage Company is currently sending samples for quality checks. -
New
Ziana.
The Herald
Herald
Reporter
THE National Oil Company of Zimbabwe expects to buy between 10
000 and 15
000 tonnes of jatropha seed from farmers.
In an interview,
Noczim acting director of technical support services
Engineer Innocent
Masunungure said the State enterprise had already started
collecting the
seed from various parts of the country where the tree is
grown in
abundance.
"We have conducted a survey and within the next three months
we are
expecting to collect between 10 000 and 15 000 tonnes of seed," Mr
Masunungure said.
He said jatropha seed was being bought from farmers
at $60 000 per tonne and
urged them to continue collecting the
seed.
Areas that Noczim, the sole buyer of the seed, has started visiting
include
Mutoko, Guruve, Chivi, and Uzumba Maramba Pfungwe. Government,
through the
Ministry of Science and Technology, is in the process of setting
up plants
in UMP, Mudzi and Mutoko, where the seed would be processed into
bio-diesel
oil.
Jatropha is a drought-tolerant plant producing seed
with an oil content of
between 30 and 40 percent. The oil has great
potential for making bio-diesel
while the by-product could be used as
organic fertilizer.
Jatropha is also a high value crop and Government has
since specified the
tree, banned its export, and adopted the tree along with
cassava as major
development crops for the next five years.
Cassava
is a high-energy plant rich in starch and ethanol. There are also
measures
to raise production of sugar cane, castor bean and soya bean, among
others,
as crops which could be used to develop bio-diesel.
The Government has
stepped up efforts to increase jatropha farming and has
identified over 122
000 hectares to be put under the plant.
By 2010, the Government is
targeting to have substituted 10 percent of the
country's annual diesel
consumption with bio-diesel.
Many countries in the world, including
France, Germany, South Africa and
Egypt, are already powering motor vehicles
with bio-diesel, a cheaper and
more environmental friendly alternative to
fossil fuel.